Early symbolism in the Ach and the Lone valleys of southwestern Germany

Quaternary International xxx (2017) 1e16

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Early symbolism in the Ach and the Lone valleys of southwestern Germany Ewa Dutkiewicz a, *, Sibylle Wolf a, b, Nicholas J. Conard a, b a € €ologie des Mittelalters, Abteilung Altere € ro €kologie, Schloss Hohentübingen, Eberhard Institut für Ur- und Frühgeschichte und Archa Urgeschichte und Quarta €t Tübingen, 72070 Tübingen, Germany Karls Universita b Senckenberg Centre for Human Evolution and Palaeoenvironment, Sigwartstrasse 10, 72076 Tübingen, Germany

a r t i c l e i n f o

a b s t r a c t

Article history: Received 19 May 2016 Received in revised form 24 March 2017 Accepted 8 April 2017 Available online xxx

The two cave sites of Hohle Fels in the Ach Valley and Vogelherd in the Lone Valley in southwestern Germany have yielded hundreds of personal ornaments and graphic symbolic expressions from the Aurignacian. They are mainly made of mammoth ivory and are among the earliest symbolic expressions worldwide. In this study, we examine the differences and similarities in the symbolic expressions among personal ornaments and symbolic markings from both sites. These finds allow a detailed view of the Aurignacian society in the Swabian Jura and the beginning of modern symbolic behavior. © 2017 Elsevier Ltd and INQUA. All rights reserved.

1. Introduction The Aurignacian is a well-defined archaeological culture at the beginning of the Upper Paleolithic. Scholars established different regional groups within the pan-European Aurignacian complex. This techno-complex has a blade-based lithic industry and a rich osseous assemblage that shows differences from region to region (eg. Albrecht et al., 1972; Bolus and Conard, 2006; Conard and Bolus, 2003; Hahn, 1977; Otte, 1979, 2010; Tartar, 2015; Tartar et al., 2006). However, these categories of artifacts do not provide comprehensive information about the cultural identity of Aurignacian groups, as they are primarily functional. The Aurignacian is one of the first Paleolithic techno-complexes that uses symbolism on a broad scale. Artifacts with symbolic content are suitable for studying subunits within broader archaeological cultures because they likely reflect ethnic units (Vanhaeren, 2005, 2010; Vanhaeren and d'Errico, 2006) and even personal styles. One important region for the Aurignacian is the Swabian Jura, specifically the valleys of the rivers Ach and Lone. This area is wellsuited for studying the regional variety of the Aurignacian, as it has a long research history, modern standards of excavations, as well as

* Corresponding author. E-mail addresses: [email protected] (E. Dutkiewicz), sibylle. [email protected] (S. Wolf), [email protected] (N.J. Conard).

many well-studied sites with long stratigraphic sequences. It is appropriate to speak of the Swabian Aurignacian as a cohesive cultural unit because its coherence within the Aurignacian technocomplex is evident. The lithic industry, bone technology (Bolus and Conard, 2006; Conard, 2006; Conard and Bolus, 2003), and especially the personal ornaments (Vanhaeren and d'Errico, 2006; Wolf, 2015a, b) document the shared cultural identity of the ancient inhabitants of the two valleys. The artistic expressions, for which the Swabian Jura is famous, count among the earliest examples of art worldwide. Excavations in both valleys have yielded a large number of small ivory figurines that depict animals, therianthropes, and human representations. This kind of figurative art is so far limited to the Aurignacian in the Swabian Jura, and therefore demonstrates and underlines the cultural unity of these sites (Conard, 2007, 2009; Floss, 2007; Hahn, 1970, 1986, 1988; MüllerBeck and Albrecht, 1987; Riek, 1934; Schmid et al., 1989; Wehrberger, 2013). Here we use the term “Swabian Aurignacian” to refer to this archaeological culture. As the study of the material is still in progress, we will concentrate on two cave sites, Hohle Fels in the Ach Valley and Vogelherd in the Lone Valley. Our research aim is to determine if it is possible to identify smaller social-cultural units within the relatively large unit of the “Swabian Aurignacian”. Our main priority is to explore whether or not there were distinct groups of people who lived in the two valleys simultaneously or the same group that moved from one valley to another. We also examine the question of whether or not we can identify

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distinct chronological phases of the Swabian Aurignacian. 1.1. The region und history of research The region of the Swabian Jura hosts low mountains and plateaus in the eastern part of the State of Baden-Württemberg, Germany. It is characterized by karstic limestone formed during the Jurassic period. The Paleolithic sites in question lie in two small side valleys of the Danube: The Ach Valley and the Lone Valley. The Ach Valley is located about 15 km west of Ulm between Schelklingen and Blaubeuren, the Lone Valley lies about 25 km north of Ulm (Fig. 1). In 1931, one of the most important Paleolithic sites in this region of Germany was excavated by Gustav Riek. Vogelherd Cave is located on a limestone hill in the middle of the Lone Valley, about 20 m above the valley floor. Riek distinguished a total of eight Paleolithic layers, four Middle Paleolithic and four Upper Paleolithic deposits. Of these, layers V and IV belong to the Aurignacian, which are by far the richest contexts at the site. The most famous finds are ten small figurines, nine made of ivory and one of antler (Fig. 2) (Hahn, 1986; Riek, 1932a, b, 1934). The figurines derive from the two Aurignacian layers V and IV (for a detailed reconstruction of the localization of the figurines, see Dutkiewicz, 2015; Dutkiewicz et al., in press; Hahn, 1986). Gustav Riek excavated the entire cave in only three months and left the backdirt on the slope in front of the cave. From 2005 to 2012, Nicholas Conard from the University of Tübingen re-excavated the backdirt from Riek's original excavation. The aim was to find objects that Riek might have overlooked during his short campaign. The new excavation added thousands of lithic artifacts and animal bones, hundreds of osseous artifacts, personal ornaments, flutes and dozens of ivory figurines and fragments to the assemblage from Vogelherd (Conard et al., 2015b; Conard et al., 2007, 2016; Conard and Malina, 2006). Hohle Fels Cave in the Ach Valley is another very important site of the Swabian Jura. The cave has a very long research history as it was historically known and explored by the local people (Blumentritt and Hahn, 1991; Blumentritt and Mall, 1984; Saier, 1994). The first regular excavations at Hohle Fels by Oscar Fraas and Theodor Hartmann took place in the years 1870e71. Several smaller campaigns followed, including Gustav Riek and Gertraud

Matschak's work from 1958 to 1960. More large-scale excavations were carried out by Joachim Hahn in 1977e1979 and 1987 to 1996 (Hahn, 1989). After Joachim Hahn's death, Nicholas Conard continued excavating Hohle Fels in 1997, and the excavations continue in annually to the present day (Conard et al., 2014; Conard and Malina, 2009, 2015; Conard and Uerpmann, 1999). In 1999, a horse's head carved from mammoth ivory was found in layers IId and IIIa (Conard and Floss, 2000; Hiller, 2003). In 2001 excavators found a bird-like figurine in AH IV, and in the following year, its head was recovered, which allowed the identification of this figurine as a waterfowl. In 2002, a figurine measuring only 2.5 cm high was found in the same layer that contained strong similarities to the depiction of the Lion Man from Hohlenstein-Stadel (Kind et al., 2014; Wehrberger, 2013), and is thus referred to as the «Little Lion Man» (Conard, 2003). In 2008, excavators found a female figurine, the so-called “Venus” from Hohle Fels, at the base of the Aurignacian (AH Vb) (Conard, 2009). In 2014 a probable fragment of another female figurine was found in layer Va (Conard and Malina, 2015). The long and intensive research history of the Swabian Jura and its sites cannot be discussed here in detail (for further information see Bolus, 2015; Conard, 2002a; Conard et al., 2015a; Müller-Beck, 1983; Wehrberger, 2013). Several series of dates show that the Swabian Aurignacian provides the oldest evidence for this technocomplex. Recent 14Cdates are available for Vogelherd Cave (Conard and Bolus, 2003, 2008), for Hohlenstein-Stadel Cave (Kind et al., 2014) and for Hohle Fels Cave (Conard, 2009; Conard and Bolus, 2003, 2008). The € sterle range between 43,000 and latest AMS-dates for Geißenklo 37,000 years cal. BP, making it one of the earliest Aurignacian sites (Higham et al., 2012) (for an overview of the uncalibrated dates for the different archaeological layers of the Swabian caves see Table 1). 1.2. Symbolism in the Swabian Aurignacian The Swabian Aurignacian technocomplex was likely made by modern humans. This culture is characterized by the distinctive production of blades and bladelets, a rich osseous industry, as well as symbolic artifacts such as personal ornaments, figurative

€ sterle and 4) Hohle Fels (map M. Zeidi, modified). Fig. 1. Map of the Ach and the Lone Valleys. 1) Vogelherd, 2) Hohlenstein-Stadel, 3) Geißenklo

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Fig. 2. Vogelherd. Five figurines from Gustav Rieks's excavation in 1931. 1) Horse, ivory, 2) mammoth, ivory, 3) undetermined figurine, ivory, 4) felid, ivory, 5) relief of a mammoth, antler and 6) undetermined figurine, ivory (H. Jensen @ University of Tübingen).

artworks and musical instruments (Bolus and Conard, 2001; Conard, 2002b; Conard and Bolus, 2003, 2015; Hahn, 1977; Higham et al., 2012; Mellars et al., 2007). The most probable scenario is that anatomically modern humans migrated quickly through the so-called Danube-Corridor around 45,000 years ago into Central Europe (Conard and Bolus, 2003; Conard et al., 1999). In

the Swabian Jura, anatomically modern humans found a favorable region that had been abandoned by Neanderthals before their arrival. This is shown by archaeologically sterile layers between the last Middle Paleolithic and the Upper Paleolithic deposits in the €sterle in the Ach cave sites of Sirgenstein, Hohle Fels and Geißenklo Valley, as well as in Vogelherd Cave and Bockstein Cave in the Lone

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Table 1 Radiocarbon dates for the Swabian Aurignacian. Provided are the youngest and the oldest radiocarbon dates available; number of dates per site: HF: 38, GK: 16, VH: 16, HS: 4, BST: 1. Site/Layer

Uncalibrated date

References

Hohle Fels IId/IIe Hohle Fels III Hohle Fels IV Hohle Fels Va Hohle Fels Vb €sterle II Geißenklo €sterle III Geißenklo

29,600e30,600 29,700e31,100 30,000e33,000 31,800e34,600 31,300e35,700 33,000e35,700 34,000e39,000

Vogelherd IV Vogelherd V Hohlenstein-Stadel € rle VI Bockstein-To

30,700e34,100 30,200e35,800 31,750e35,200 31,530

Conard and Bolus, 2003, Conard and Bolus, 2003, Conard and Bolus, 2003, Conard and Bolus, 2003, Conard, 2009 Higham et al., 2012 Richter et al., 2000; Higham et al., 2012 Conard and Bolus, 2003, Conard and Bolus, 2003, Beutelspacher and Kind, Conard and Bolus, 2008

obvious shift in the material culture indicates almost certainly the immigration of new people in this area. 1.3. What is a symbol?

2008 2008 2008 2008

2008 2008 2012

Valley (Bosinski, 1969; Conard et al., 2004, 2015a; Hahn, 1988; Riek, 1934; Schmidt, 1912). The strong shift in the material culture in all artifact categories is striking. Even if there are no remains of modern humans preserved from the Aurignacian deposits, the

When discussing the symbolism of the Swabian Aurignacian, one must first explain the meaning of the term “symbol” itself. A variety of contradictory approaches to the definition of symbols and symbolism can be found in the literature. Ferdinand de Saussure, for example, defines a sign as a unit composed of significant and signified that has a conventional relation, which is arbitrary. In contrast, a symbol is conventional with a natural relation to the signified (de Saussure, 1916). Charles S. Peirce defines three different stages of signs. The simplest is the “index”. This is the mode in which the signifier is not arbitrary but is directly connected in some way (physically or causally) to the signified. The “icon” is a mode in which the signifier is perceived as resembling or imitating the signified, and the “symbol” is a mode, in which the signifier does not resemble the signified, but which is fundamentally arbitrary or purely conventional (Peirce, 1903). Here we follow the definition of Peirce and emphasize that symbols have to be learned

Fig. 3. Selection of non-figurative decorated ivory and antler artifacts from Hohle Fels (1e10) and Vogelherd (11e13). 1) point, 2) point, 3) rod fragment, 4) extensively decorated ivory fragment, 5) basis of a point (antler), 6) rod fragment, 7) rod fragment, 8) band, 9) band, 10) band (pendant), 11) basis of a point, 12) smoother, 13) unidentified object (after Wolf, 2015a, b, modified).

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and therefore have an impact in a society that manifests itself in symbolic systems. Icons and symbols are vehicles of communication with different relations to the objects/referents. With increasing abstraction, more learning is necessary and complex systems of communication appear. Signs are used systematically in different socio-cultural units and are arbitrarily or naturally motivated. Their meaning is known within these groups and must be transmitted and learned by the members (see also Dutkiewicz and Conard, 2016). 1.4. Symbolic markings before the Swabian Aurignacian Markings, usually in form of patterns that are incised in osseous or lithic material, appear quite early in human history. Several examples are known from the Lower and Middle Paleolithic, such as , Bacho Kiro and Bilzingsleben or incised bones from Pech de l’Aze patterns cut in stones like in Champlost, Tata and Temnata (summarized in Soressi and d'Errico, 2007). Scholars often consider these as examples of symbolic behavior in human societies before the Upper Paleolithic. Following the definition of symbolism presented here, these abstract expressions are not symbolic, as they are singular and therefore neither a social convention nor an impact on the society in which these were produced. Of course, this cannot be entirely excluded, but the archaeological data presented thus far does not provide sufficient information to prove this type of behavior. Perhaps the first appearances of symbolic systems before the European Upper Paleolithic, in accordance with the definition presented here, are the Middle Paleolithic feathers and bird claws that were likely used as personal ornaments (Peresani et al., 2011; Romandini et al., 2014), or the personal ornaments from the ^telperronian of Arcy-sur-Cure (d'Errico et al., 1998; LeroiCha Gourhan and Leroi-Gourhan, 1965; White, 2001). In the South African MSA we find shell beads and incised ochre pieces, for example from Blombos Cave (Henshilwood, 2006, 2007; Henshilwood and d'Errico, 2011; Henshilwood et al., 2009) and patterns on ostrich eggshells such as in Diepkloof (Parkington et al., 2005) associated with early modern humans. The abundance and regularity of these objects are clearly symbolic, as they transmit certain coded information within the societies that they operated in.

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a mammoth relief from Vogelherd (Fig. 2.2 and 2.5), or the female figurine from Hohle Fels are also pendants (Fig. 4). Therefore, a joint analysis of the personal ornaments and the symbolic expressions on the other artifacts would prove highly useful to understand the symbolic system of the Swabian Aurignacian. 1.6. Defining symbolic markings To identify the objects with markings of symbolic character, we examined the whole corpus of osseous artifacts from Hohle Fels and Vogelherd. This included the determination of whether a cut has a symbolic meaning, utilitarian character (for example, the segmentation of rods for bead fabrication), or is done unintentionally (e.g. as a result of butchery) (Dutkiewicz and Conard, 2016). To identify the markings with symbolic character, we established four criteria: 1. Intentionality: The mark has to have a structure that indicates a deliberate fabrication, e.g. clear placement, patterns like crosses, etc. 2. Production: The mark should be done in a clear manner, e.g. repeated cutting, drilling, etc. 3. Regularity: The marks have to show some sort of patterning that follows metric or aesthetic patterning, e.g. rows, doubling, an application on exposed parts. 4. Carrier: The piece carrying the marks should have a clear form, e.g. figurine, tool, personal ornament. This criterion does not work in all cases since the carrier cannot always be identified due to the state of preservation of an artifact (Dutkiewicz and Conard, 2016). Unintentional markings are usually irregular lines, never

1.5. The markings in the Swabian Aurignacian As early as the first discovery of the Swabian artwork, the numerous markings on these pieces posed questions about their meaning. Gustav Riek discussed them after the original excavations at Vogelherd and suggested an interpretation as hunting magic (Riek, 1934). Joachim Hahn conducted an extensive study on the markings from the Swabian Aurignacian. He emphasized that the markings bear additional information on top of on the figurative depictions (Hahn, 1972, 1977, 1986). During the 1970's, Alexander Marshack examined the markings on some of the Swabian Aurignacian artworks. He divided and grouped the marks into sequences, which he interpreted as notational systems and calendrical records (Marshack, 1976, 1991). Hansjürgen MüllerBeck presented a similar approach, especially for the so-called €sterle Cave (Müller-Beck, 2001). Ewa „Adorant“ from Geißenklo Dutkiewicz is currently preparing a comprehensive study on all the known markings from the Swabian Aurignacian (see Dutkiewicz, 2015; Dutkiewicz and Conard, 2016). The markings on the figurative artworks are well-known and are often discussed in the larger conversation on symbolism and symbolic denotation. However, these types of markings also frequently appear on other organic artifacts like tools, weapons and personal ornaments (Figs. 2 and 3) (Dutkiewicz, 2015). Interestingly, some of the figurative artworks, like a mammoth figurine and

k @ University Fig. 4. Hohle Fels. Female figurine found in 2008, height 5.8 cm (J. Lipta of Tübingen).

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repeatedly cut, and often with varying thicknesses and random positions. Utilitarian markings are clearly associated with a special function and show a clear relation to the desired product. They are usually deeply cut as they mostly serve for segmentation or are placed on a particular part of the object that is clearly identifiable as utilitarian (e. g. at the base of an osseous point). Despite the use of these guidelines, the distinction is difficult and many pieces remain undetermined (Dutkiewicz and Conard, 2016). Once markings are identified as symbolic, an assessment of the patterns is conducted. To achieve a categorization that is as objective as possible, the patterns are split into their smallest components. Georges Sauvet (1990) presented methodological approaches that are applied in this work in a slightly modified form. He refers to Wassily Kandinsky (1926), that point, line, and area are the basic elementary forms of any drawing. Sauvet modified the terms for the mobile art of the Paleolithic, as we are not dealing with drawings, but incisions. He, therefore, calls “point” cupule, and

^tonnet (Sauvet, 1990). We omitted this correct the “line” ba distinction between the purely graphical elements and their threedimensional counterparts in this work. We use the designation “point” and “line”, even if we are aware that this is a simplification. In addition to line and point, we add the notch. It is, in principle, a short line, but it should be distinguished here since for this mark it is not the linearity that is important, but rather the depth. Notches are typically located on the edges of objects. These three elements, point, line, and notch, form the basic framework for the study of the marks on the osseous material of the Swabian Aurignacian (Dutkiewicz and Conard, 2016). The next step is to identify the patterns composed of the three basic graphic elements: point, line, and notch. To identify all the patterns and classes of patterns the knowledge of the complete assemblage is required (see Sauvet et al., 1993). Starting with the basic graphical elements we identify their combinations. The simplest patterns are parallel lines and notches in different

Fig. 5. Selection of different pattern types from Vogelherd Cave: parallel notches, diamond pattern, area of dots, line of crosses, area of notches, V-pattern (E. Dutkiewicz @ University of Tübingen).

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distances and inclinations to each other. Other important patterns are crosses and lines of crosses. They are usually designed with short lines overlapping in different angles. Often crosses are set in rows one next to the other and build a line of crosses. Longer tightly overlapping lines build what we call diamond pattern. Subsequently, we combine patterns to pattern groups, that are reflecting variations of the same basic idea, as such narrow cross lines and diamond patterns, which are closely superimposed crosses (Dutkiewicz and Conard, 2016) (Fig. 5). 1.7. Personal ornaments Until now the production of jewelry with arbitrary forms (e.g. Taborin, 2007; Vanhaeren and d'Errico, 2006), is limited to Homo ^telperronian jewelry from the sapiens. The manufacture of Cha Grotte-du-Renne by the Neanderthals is discussed controversially ~o and (Hublin et al., 2012; Schmider, 2002; White, 2001; Zilha d'Errico, 1999, 2003). There is evidence that jewelry was made regularly before about 36,000 years BP in Europe (White, 1995b, 2007). The oldest pieces of jewelry carved from mammoth ivory € sterle Cave (Floss, 2003; Hahn, 1988; derive from the Geißenklo €lbl and Conard, 2003). Ko Personal ornaments are very helpful to identify symbolic behavior, even if we cannot easily reconstruct the structure of these societies. People carried them as decorative objects on the body and by this, they represented themselves to the outside world. Thus, decoration would be the easiest and most one-dimensional meaning of jewelry, but the meaning of it is complex and plurivalent. Foremost, personal ornaments are an expression of the

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individuality of a person. For the individual and within a group with the same shared knowledge and rules, one or several pieces of jewelry can be arranged in a certain order and can reflect a particular significance. This is usually perceived, interpreted and understood by the observer who was also raised within this group. That means that the people of a society with common rules and conventions grasp the significance of personal jewelry and interpret it correctly. The meaning of the jewelry is read rapidly, often with just a glance. The complexity of the importance of jewelry can be fully understood only by members of the relevant community €ublin, 1988; Kuntzsch, 1978; Lock and Symes, (e.g. Hauser-Scha 1999; Preston-Whyte et al., 1994; Vanhaeren, 2010). With the help of jewelry, one shares a message within a society (Taborin, 1995). Jewelry is primarily a means of communication. In some cases, it also symbolizes the position of an individual within a community like the wedding ring in most European countries. The use of personal ornaments shows diverse conventions; one could be excluded by being not allowed to wear a specific form or one could be integrated into a group by using special jewelry or arrange it in a specific way. Consequently, as a matter, of course, people could be forced to belong to a special community with the help of personal ornamentation like, for example, rings for slaves. It will never be possible to fully grasp the meaning of jewelry in the Paleolithic period since Upper Paleolithic hunter-gatherers cannot explain their motivations and the fashion of jewelry. Some pieces or the carrying methods were certainly reserved to individuals which make it even more difficult to understand the significance of these objects. Jewelry can also have had a practical function, for example as a button or buckle for garments. It could have been used as an

Fig. 6. Different bead types of the Swabian Aurignacian (Hohle Fels: 4, 5, 7, 8, 11e14; Vogelherd: 1e3, 6, 9, 10). 1) double perforated bead, 2) double perforated bead with wedgeshaped appendix, 3) single perforated bead, 4) discoid bead, 5) ring-shaped bead, 6) basket-shaped bead, 7) eight-shaped bead, 8) not perforated, constricted bead, 9) cone-shaped bead, 10) bulgy bead, 11) single perforated bead with appendix, 12) triple perforated bead, 13) raw form of a bead, 14) band. Fotos: S. Wolf (1e10, 13), H. Jensen (11, 12, 14), University of Tübingen. Montage: G. H€ aussler. Vogelherd delivered no bead types that differ from those of Hohle Fels cave.

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amulet to bring good luck or to act apotropaic. Above all, jewelry is known as a status symbol (Camps-Fabrer, 1990; Deimel, 2005; Kasten, 2009). It can also be found in religious and ritual contexts (a synthesis of the various functions of jewelry in traditional societies can be found in Vanhaeren, 2010). At the beginning of the Upper Paleolithic in Europe, people  ndez developed many different forms of jewelry (e.g. Alvarez-Fern a €ris, 2007; Otte, 1979; White, 1995a; Wolf, 2015b). The and Jo numerous personal ornaments of this period document this development. The perception of one's own “ego” and the self-image of the individual was then probably just as important as today (Haidle, 2003). Jewelry is identity-establishing. The stability of jewelry types for long periods of time indicates an identification of groups with particular forms. This testifies to a stylistic continuity and traditional craftsmanship (see also Wiessner, 1983). Based on this, researchers have attempted to define ethnocultural groups (Sanders, 2002; Vanhaeren and d'Errico, 2006).

2. Material 2.1. The evidence from personal ornaments of the Swabian Aurignacian Here we present the state of research in early 2013 for Hohle Fels and Vogelherd (Wolf, 2015a, 2015b; Wolf and Conard, 2015). The

excavations in Hohle Fels are ongoing and the work continually progresses step by step. The washing and sorting of the sediments from the backdirt excavations at Vogelherd are in progress. In the near future, all personal ornaments will be available for an evaluation (see Hohle Fels and Vogelherd bead types in Fig. 6).

2.1.1. Hohle Fels More than 10,000 ivory pieces have been excavated in the Aurignacian layers IIIa to Vb and the mixed layers IId and IIe so far (Wolf, 2015b). The ivory finds range from smashed pieces to hundreds of small splinters and shavings. The numerous rods are the raw forms for many artifacts, like points, and they also document ivory-working at the site. Hahn and others described the carving of beads in series (Fig. 7) (e.g. Bolus, 2003; Hahn, 1988). Altogether, the team has recovered 217 beads so far (Table 2). The pieces vary in size and shape, but double perforated beads dominate the assemblage with 127 pieces (Wolf, 2015a, 2015b; Wolf and Conard, 2015). We distinguish between the different steps of the production sequence to establish whether Aurignacian people carved the pieces on site or if they brought them from another location. This is why we focus on distinguishing between unfinished, finished and used products. The number of damaged pieces is given to provide an impression of the total numbers of personal ornaments within the area of excavation. We distinguish five different stages of bead- and pendant production: - raw form: a discernible base form for a special object is recognizable; - preform: the special form is nearly complete; - finished artifact: the special object is complete, but shows no traces of use; - used artifact: the special form is complete and shows clear traces of use; - damaged artifact: The preform, finished or used artifact is damaged and broken. We count 18 raw forms, 13 preforms, 22 finished artifacts, 49 used artifacts and 25 damaged pieces of jewelry. The overwhelming majority of double perforated beads, 102 pieces in total, derive from layers IV and Va/Vab. Other types are single perforated beads, double perforated beads with a wedge-shaped appendix, nonperforated, constricted beads, Swabian basket-shaped beads, ring-shaped beads, eight-shaped beads and discoid beads. In addition, some unique forms exist, without parallels in other

Table 2 Hohle Fels, different bead types, and their numbers in the Aurignacian layers IId/IIe, III, IV, Va/ab and Vb.

Fig. 7. Production scheme of double perforated beads in series. After Hahn 1995.

Bead type/layer

IId/IIe

III

IV

Va/ab

Vb

Collapse

Double perforated Single perforated Double perf. with wedge-shaped appendix Pendant Ring-shaped Non-perforated constricted Basket-shaped Cone-shaped Eight-shaped Bead (no type detectable) Eight-shaped Discoid Triple-perforated

3

8

52 4 1

50 1

9

5 1

5

2

1

23

19 3

7

75

18

All together

3 2 1 1 1

4 3 1 1 3

2 1 11

20

87

6

217

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Aurignacian regions so far (Wolf, 2015b, Tafel 23, 12: single perforated beads with “head”; Tafel 31, 7: triple perforated beads). Bands are another type of adornment made of ivory. These objects could have been sewn on clothes or worn in different ways (Castets, 2008; Didon, 1911; Peyrony, 1927, 1935). Such pieces come from the layers IIIb and Va. We also see trends in the manufacture and use of the beads. During the younger Aurignacian phase (layers IIdIIIb) the inhabitants of Hohle Fels preferred the basket-shaped beads and non-perforated, constricted beads, which are not known from older horizons (Wolf, 2015a, 2015b; Wolf and Conard, 2015). 2.1.2. Vogelherd During the 1931 excavations at Vogelherd, excavators found large ivory pieces. In the southern entrance, the team discovered a minimum of five segmented tusks. These pieces had a length of 50 cm each (Riek, 1934). In addition, the excavators found ten ivory plaques placed on top of each other there. Niven (2006) interprets these accumulations as caches of ivory. Riek describes a working area for ivory in the southwestern entrance; he recognized ivory dust on one stone and interpreted this as evidence for grinding this material. The most famous finds are ten small figurines, nine of which are made of ivory. Each piece is designed individually (Floss, 2007; Riek, 1934). Interestingly, some of the figurines also served as pendants. The nearly complete carved mammoth displays perforations between its forelegs and its hind legs (Fig. 2.2). In addition, the oval antler piece, which shows a mammoth relief, displays a broken perforation at one end (Fig. 2.5). This demonstrates that this object additionally served as a pendant. These artifacts were “mobile objects in a mobile society” (Floss, 2007). Riek did no water screening and sorting during his excavation. This is why he did not discover any beads made from ivory. For adornments, he mentions only one perforated cervid canine and one brown bear canine with a circumferential groove. One ivory object, which is drawn-in at the top, could be interpreted as jewelry (Riek, 1934). During the excavation of Riek's backdirt and the sorting between 2005 and 2012, 346 beads in all stages of production were found (Wolf, 2015a, 2015b; Wolf and Conard, 2015). The majority of the beads show forms that are only known from the Aurignacian of the caves of the Ach Valley. It is for this reason that we are confident to assign them to the Aurignacian. There are 219 double perforated beads and four double perforated beads with wedge-shaped appendix, 43 beads, 35 pendants, 34 single perforated beads, four Swabian basket-shaped beads, two complete cone-shaped beads, a broken eight-shaped bead, a fragment of a non-perforated, constricted bead, and three pieces which clearly belong to jewelry, but their exact identification cannot be established (Fig. 8). The double-perforated beads are divided into 23 raw forms, three pre-products, 16 finished artifacts, 73 used artifacts and 104 broken pieces. All of these beads represent double perforated beads, but each piece has individual characteristics like rounded or pointed ends, a rounded outline or straight edges. This, of course, indicates that these pieces were handmade and probably manufactured by different people, as differences in the manufacture are recognizable. The whole production sequence from carving a rod as the basic form for creating personal ornaments up until damaged and discarded pieces is well documented at Vogelherd Cave (Wolf, 2015b). Some of the recovered rods show traces for segmentation in order to get a preform with a suitable length to finish the beads. The narrowest width of the double perforated bead is 3.5 mm. The width of this bead type can be up to 11 mm. The width of about 80% of the 364 rod fragments (n ¼ 293) lies in this range. The conclusion is that the rod fragments were the preforms for the serial production of beads. Some small points made of mammoth ivory exists

Fig. 8. Vogelherd, different bead types of the backdirt excavations (2005e2012).

that measure between 5.1 and 11.1 mm. The rods were also used as a basic form for these artifacts but we see the abundance of double perforated beads as an argument for the predominant use of rods as a preform for the bead production (Wolf, 2015a, 2015b; Wolf and Conard, 2015). 2.2. The evidence from markings of the Swabian Aurignacian The review of the material from Hohle Fels and Vogelherd Caves is in progress. The definite numbers will change in future, but at this point, we present some first trends. So far, 373 objects from both sites were examined, 275 from Vogelherd and 98 from Hohle Fels. All of them bear cut marks, which were classified as utilitarian, unintentional, symbolic or undetermined. 171 (46%) pieces from both caves bear symbolic markings (127 from Vogelherd and 44 from Hohle Fels). The mostly used material for symbolic markings is ivory (65%), followed by bone (28%), antler (6%) and other materials like sandstone and fossil (1%). 2.2.1. Hohle Fels From the Aurignacian (Vb to IIIa) and the mixed layers (IId and IIe) at Hohle Fels Cave, so far, 31 objects with symbolic markings are recorded. The predominant material is ivory with 26 pieces (84%), five pieces were made of bone (16%) (Table 3). Antler does not appear in the Aurignacian layers as a material for symbolic expressions. Most of the artifact types with symbolic markings are personal ornaments (19%), rods (10%) and figurative (10%) as well as Table 3 Hohle Fels, raw materials used for symbolic decoration in their numbers in the Aurignacian layers IId/IIe, III, IV, Va/ab and Vb. Material/AH (layer)

IId/IIe

III

IV

Va/ab

Vb

Total

Ivory Bone Antler

5 1 0

4 0

8 2 0

5 1 0

4 1 0

26 5 0

Total

6

4

10

6

5

31

84% 16% 0%

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Fig. 9. Vogelherd and Hohle Fels, portions of the types of decorated artifacts (Vogelherd N ¼ 127, Hohle Fels N ¼ 31, preliminary results).

possible figurative representations (7%), 39% remain undetermined (Fig. 9). Altogether 771 basic graphic elements are present. The line dominates clearly with 82% (N ¼ 629), 16% are notches (N ¼ 128) and dots are present only in 2% (N ¼ 14) of the assemblage (Fig. 10). We counted in total 93 single patterns in so far. The predominant patterns are different line-patterns, like single lines (N ¼ 11, 13%)

and parallel lines in equal intervals (N ¼ 19, 21%). Irregular lines are also frequently used (N ¼ 17, 19%), as well as parallel notches (N ¼ 10, 11%). Crosses, dots, and diamond-patterns are rare (Fig. 14). Concerning the differences and similarities between the layers, the predominant material for symbolic expressions is ivory throughout the entire sequence (Table 3). Even though we counted only 31 objects with symbolic markings so far, the high number of

Fig. 10. Hohle Fels, the three basic graphical elements (line, dot, and notch) in total numbers as they appear in the different archaeological layers, preliminary results.

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Fig. 11. Hohle Fels, the pattern types as they appear in the different layers, preliminary results.

single graphic elements is striking. Especially layers IV and Va/ab and Vb show very high numbers in lines and notches. There are 255 lines and 31 notches in layer IV on 10 objects, 188 lines and 85 notches on seven objects in layer Va/ab and 127 lines, seven dots and two notches on four objects in layer Vb. Concerning the patterns, these specific layers show the extensive use of different linespatterns. Notches are the other important pattern type. Other pattern types do not play an important role. The use of irregular lines and parallel notches in layer IV is striking (Fig. 11).

2.2.2. Vogelherd Vogelherd Cave has so far delivered a total of 127 objects with symbolic markings. Ivory is also the mostly used material (N ¼ 83, 66%), 36 pieces were made of bone (28%), six of antler (5%) and two of stone (2%). The highest amount of marked artifacts are figurative representations (24%) and possible figurative representations (12%), followed by possible flute fragments (15%), rods (9%), smoothers (8%) and secure flute fragments (5%) (Fig. 9). The line is the predominant basic graphical element, but with 55% less dominance than at Hohle Fels Cave. Dots and notches present more balanced proportions of 20% and 25% (Dutkiewicz and Conard, 2016). From Vogelherd Cave, 229 patterns are recorded so far. By far the most common patterns are parallel lines and their close relatives (oblique parallel lines, parallel notches, oblique parallel notches e in equal or irregular intervals). The line of crosses also appears frequently and seems to be typical for Vogelherd. Dotpatterns are frequent and are used more often than at Hohle Fels (Fig. 14) (for more details of the Vogelherd assemblage see Dutkiewicz and Conard, 2016). Gustav Riek distinguished two Aurignacian layers at Vogelherd Cave, layer V and IV. The recent excavations took place in the backdirt and therefore no stratigraphic information is available for a big part of the archaeological material. Although some irregularities of the stratigraphic integrity of layers V and IV are documented, which may be due to some mixing of the layers through taphonomic processes or during Riek's excavation (Conard et al., 2003; Niven, 2006), we want to emphasize that Riek made clear distinctions between the layers based on detailed observation of the sediments. Even if for the faunal material the stratigraphic distinction is not always secure, Riek gave very clear information about the stratigraphic provenance for the figurines and other

osseous artifacts (Riek, 1934). The radiocarbon dates for Vogelherd layers V and IV prove some kind of mixing (Conard and Bolus, 2003; Hahn, 1977), but the oldest dates range in layer V and in some cases the layer assignment is not clarified, whereas the younger dates are found in layer IV. The overlaps in the dates related to the layers may be, beside some mixing, due to a quick succession of the occupations during layers V and IV and/or to fluctuations in atmospheric and oceanic radiocarbon concentrations prior to 30.000 BP (Conard and Bolus, 2003, 2008). Therefore, we will use Riek's layer assignments for this study. From the lower layer V, 14 pieces with symbolic markings were found, 11 from the upper layer IV. The used material differs slightly. While ivory is the predominant material in layer V, in the upper layer IV bone and ivory show a more or less equal occurrence (Table 4). We counted 866 markings (lines, dots, notches). The line is the predominant graphic element in layer IV, while the dot dominates the assemblage of layer V (Fig. 12). The pattern types change throughout time. In layer V parallel lines are more frequent, as well as different cross-patterns that appear almost exclusively in this layer. Special forms are also used more frequently. In contrast, layer IV shows more parallel notches. The diamond-pattern appears also more often (Fig. 13).

3. Discussion Both cave sites, Hohle Fels and Vogelherd, yielded rich assemblages of personal ornaments as well as artifacts bearing symbolic markings. Mammoth ivory is in both cases the predominant raw material for symbolic expression. Bead production occurred at both sites, and at both sites, double-perforated beads are the most

Table 4 Vogelherd, raw materials used for symbolic decoration in their numbers in the Aurignacian layersV and IV. Material/AH (layer)

V

IV

Total

Ivory Bone Antler Misc

9 4 0 1

5 6 0 0

14 10 0 1

Total

14

11

25

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Fig. 12. Vogelherd, the three basic graphical elements (line, dot, and notch) in total numbers as they appear in the different archaeological layers, preliminary results.

common form. For the personal ornaments, no stratigraphic information is available for Vogelherd as they derive from the recent excavations in Rieks backdirt, but at Hohle Fels, this bead type dominates the whole sequence which lasted at least 6000 years. Special forms are more frequent here than at Vogelherd. At Hohle Fels we also see trends in the manufacture and use of the beads: during the younger Aurignacian phase (layers IId-III,) the people made basket-shaped beads and the non-perforated, constricted beads, which are both unknown in the older horizons. To examine differences between the Ach and Lone valleys, we must have a closer look at the production of the double perforated beads. At Hohle Fels excavators found ivory rods and small ivory pieces in every Aurignacian layer, which could have served as preforms for jewelry. The same is true for Vogelherd. Here we know of 47 ivory rod and rod fragments from the Aurignacian layers IV and V from the 1931 excavation (Riek, 1934), while 306 ivory rod and rod fragments have been described so far from the excavations of the backdirt. They demonstrate the serial production of personal ornaments on-site (Wolf, 2015b). The method used to produce beads is similar at Hohle Fels and Vogelherd (see Fig. 7). Slight differences exist in the last step of the production sequence, the perforation of

the beads. In Hohle Fels, the carvers scraped the surfaces of the majority of the double perforated beads until two holes appeared on both ends. In contrast, some of the double perforated beads from Vogelherd show that the people drilled the holes. Here, the edges of the beads are thicker. A detailed comparison of all beads of the two Swabian sites is in progress. Interestingly, the evidence from the personal ornaments of Hohle Fels shows more diversity in the form of the beads. Here, for example, we found unique pieces like triple perforated beads from layer Vb (Wolf, 2015b, Tafel 31, 7) which have no counterparts in other Aurignacian assemblages. The beads from Vogelherd are standardized and no unique forms occur so far. The richness and variety of jewelry from Hohle Fels and Vogelherd attest to the high manual skills and great creativity of the Aurignacian people. The jewelry is made partly in series, but each piece was worked individually. The occurrence of identical forms, like the double perforated bead, proves that the people in the Ach and the Lone valleys made the same kind of jewelry over thousands of years. This is true at least for the many stratified pieces from layers IIIa-Vb of the Hohle Fels. This form occurs within the oldest Aurignacian layer Vb, which is not yet fully excavated. The majority of these pieces derive from layers Va and IV. In the younger

Fig. 13. Vogelherd, the pattern types as they appear in the different layers, preliminary results.

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35% 29%

30% 25%

20% 20% 15%

19%

18%

12% 7%

1%

5%

5%

4%

5%

11%

11% 9%

10%

2% 0%

0%

1% 1%

1%

4% 2%

0%

2%

1%

0%

5%

3% 0%

1%

1%

0%

0%

1%

0%

1%

1%

2%

4%

2% 0%

1%

1%

0%

1% 0%

1%

5% 2%

0%

0%

0%

Hohle Fels

Vogelherd

Fig. 14. Vogelherd and Hohle Fels, the relation of the different patterns used at both sites, preliminary results.

Aurignacian phase, the number declines. The assemblage of personal ornaments consists only of 31 pieces from layers III to the mixed layers II e and IId in general, therefrom 11 double perforated beads. Hypothetically, the pieces from the backdirt at Vogelherd could originate from one visit or several visits. However, the great abundance of material found in the backdirt contradicts this view, and we instead argue for an accumulation over a long period of time. This is also supported by the uncalibrated dates for the layers IV and V which fall between 30.700 and 35.800 years BP (see Table 1). Since this form of jewelry can only be found in the Swabian Jura (Wolf, 2015b) and hundreds of beads were recovered from this region, we assume that they reflect a specific cultural tradition and document a high degree of shared group identity. Perhaps the territory of the two valleys was frequented by people who used the caves as alternate stations in both valleys. It is also conceivable that small groups simultaneously inhabited the caves in the Ach and Lone Valley and shared the same material culture. In this case, these people knew each other and exchanged information, objects, and ideas. They had the same lifeways and beliefs and thereby maintained a common material culture in the valleys of the Swabian Jura. However, the temporal resolution of the sites does not allow us to fully test different scenarios; it remains possible that specific groups visited only one valley. At present, we know little details about the settlement history. There could have been several occupations and occupation hiatuses over centuries. Concerning the symbolic markings, both sites have preserved rich assemblages. The markings appear on different objects, such as figurative depictions, tools like smoothers, awls, and rods, musical instruments, and personal ornaments. The assemblages from the two sites document a number of distinct signatures. Figurative depictions and smoothers bear the most markings at Vogelherd, while at Hohle Fels they appear mostly on figurines (ongoing work) and personal ornaments. This pattern, showing that particular attention on production and decoration is expressed on symbolic objects made from ivory and smoothers made from bones, has also been observed in the Aurignacian of regions (Liolios, 1999; Tartar, 2015). We see also some differences in the use of basic graphic elements such as lines, dots, and notches at both sites. Lines dominate both assemblages, though at Hohle Fels they are much more prevalent (82%). Notches are less frequent (16%) and dots play only

a minor role (2%). At Vogelherd, we see much more variety in the use of the basic graphic elements: 55% are lines, while dots and notches are equal with 20% and 25%, respectively. Another key difference is the number of markings. Despite the fact that we counted only 31 objects with symbolic markings from Hohle Fels, they bear an enormous number of single graphic elements (Fig. 10). We also see differences in the application of patterns. At both sites straight parallel lines and parallel notches dominate, but Hohle Fels shows a significantly higher use of irregular lines. In contrast, crosses, lines of crosses, V-patterns and dots play a larger role at Vogelherd Cave (Fig. 14). At Vogelherd some differences in the use of markings in layer V and IV are obvious. Lines dominate in the upper layer IV while dots are used more often in the lower layer V. Nevertheless, dots still occur in layer IV more often than at Hohle Fels. The types of patterns differ between the two layers. The parallel lines dominate in layer V, while in layer IV, parallel notches are more frequent. The cross-patterns in the form of single crosses and lines of crosses are almost exclusively found in layer V. Here we also find a larger number of special patterns. At Hohle Fels we see a striking abundance of lines in the layers Vb, Va/ab and IV. The younger levels III and IIe/IId show far fewer lines. Notches occur only in layers Va/ab and IV in a considerable number. The types of patterns show some differences throughout the stratigraphic sequence. Parallel lines dominate, like at Vogelherd, in all layers. Only in layer IV of Hohle Fels we see a large number of irregular lines and parallel notches. Like at Vogelherd, the special patterns are found mostly in the lowest layer Vb. Comparing the two studied categories, personal ornaments and symbolic markings, it is clear that the assemblages share many specific cultural features. We see the same artifacts like small figurative depictions, musical instruments and the same kinds of beads at both sites. But upon closer inspection, differences between the sites and the stratigraphic units emerge. Double perforated beads with their standardized manufacture are found at both sites throughout several millennia, but there are slight differences in the methods of production between Hohle Fels and Vogelherd. The stratigraphic sequence from Hohle Fels also documents a change in the abundance of special bead forms through time. Because of differences in the last step of the serial production, it is possible to detect sub-groups within the Swabian Aurignacian. Examining the symbolic markings is also suitable to explore the nature of the subgroups. Even though we see a degree of standardization and the

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repeated use of certain patterns, the production process itself is less standardized and therefore differences are easy to detect. We see clear stylistic variances between Hohle Fels and Vogelherd, as well as throughout the stratigraphic sequence. 4. Summary The Swabian Aurignacian represents a well-defined archaeological culture. In addition to other arguments, the standardization of symbolic expressions, like personal ornaments and the geometrical markings, demonstrates this. The double perforated bead reflects a strong cultural marker that appears at Hohle Fels and at Vogelherd over about 6,000 years. The assemblages also reveal individual expression, like single bead types and preferences in the use of geometric designs. Among the personal ornaments, some sub-divisions are apparent. This class of artifact, however, provides some but ultimately limited information about personal style and preferences due to the limited contextual information about how the finds were used and worn. In the future, we plan to examine the assemblages for differences in the production and use wear of personal ornaments in more detail in order to gain new insights regarding questions related to group identity. The symbolic markings provide further information about similarities and differences between the sites and between stratigraphic units. In addition to parallel lines and notches that appear at both sites, we see clear differences between the both sites in some distinctive motifs. Based on these observations, we can hypothesize that there were likely different groups of people at Hohle Fels and Vogelherd. The styles of markings at both sites show enough differences to suggest that the exact same groups did not occupy both sites simultaneously. At the present time, we are unable to ascertain whether or not these signatures reflect different groups or people from different temporal phases of the Swabian Aurignacian. Further study of the material from these key sites, as € sterle and Hohlenstein-Stadel, well as the artifacts from Geißenklo will certainly provide an improved understanding of the social organization of the Swabian Aurignacian and will allow us to further test the hypotheses discussed in this research project. References Albrecht, G., Hahn, J., Torke, W.G., 1972. Merkmalsanalyse von Geschossspitzen des €ns in Mittel- und Osteuropa. W. Kohlhammer Verlag, Mittleren Jungpleistoza Stuttgart.  ndez, E., Jo € ris, O., 2007. Personal ornaments in the early upper Alvarez-Fern a palaeolithic of Western Eurasia: an evaluation of the record. Eurasian Prehist. 5, 31e44. Beutelspacher, T., Kind, C.-J., 2012. Auf der Suche nach Fragmenten des €wenmenschen in der Stadelho €hle im Hohlenstein bei Asselfingen. Archa €olo. Lo Ausgrab. Baden-Württ. 2011, 66e71. Blumentritt, R., Hahn, J., 1991. Der Hohle Fels. Schelklingen. € hlenführer Blumentritt, R., Mall, S., 1984. Hohler Fels. In: e.V., M.E. (Eds.), Kleiner Ho für den Raum Ehingen. Museumsgesellschaft Ehingen e.V., Ehingen. €lbl, S., Conard, N.J. (Eds.), Bolus, M., 2003. Zur Herstellung von Eiszeitschmuck. In: Ko €nheit. Urgeschichtliches Museum Blaubeuren, Eiszeitschmuck. Status und Scho Blaubeuren. Bolus, M., 2015. History of research and the aurignacian of the sites in the Swabian Jura. World Herit. Pap. 41, 32e37. Bolus, M., Conard, N.J., 2001. The late middle paleolithic and earliest upper paleolithic in central Europe and their relevance for the out of Africa hypothesis. Quat. Int. 29e40. Bolus, M., Conard, N.J., 2006. Zur Zeitstellung von Geschossspitzen aus organischen €ten Mittelpala €olithikum und Aurignacien. Archa €ol. Korresp. Materialien im spa 36, 1e15. Bosinski, G., 1969. Die Fundstellen am Bockstein. In: Wetzel, R., Bosinski, G. (Eds.), Die Bocksteinschmiede im Lonetal (Markung Rammingen, Kreis Ulm), pp. 15e20. Stuttgart. res d'Alge rie: Grande Kabylie e Aure s. Edisud, Camps-Fabrer, H., 1990. Bijoux Berbe Aix-en-Provence.  trique et stylistique des bandaux Castets, A., 2008. Etude technologique, morphome  de Bordeaux 1, Talence unpublished. aurignaciens. Universite Conard, N.J., 2002a. Der Stand der altsteinzeitlichen Forschung im Achtal der

Schw€ abischen Alb. Mittl. Ges. für Urgesch. 11, 67e77. Conard, N.J., 2002b. The timing of cultural innovations and the dispersal of modern humans in Europe. Terra Nostra 2002, 82e94. Conard, N.J., 2003. Paleolithic ivory sculptures from southwestern Germany and the origins of figurative art. Nature 426, 830e832. €t. In: Conard, N.J. (Ed.), Conard, N.J., 2006. Die Entstehung der kulturellen Modernita Woher kommt der Mensch? Attempo Verlag, Tübingen, pp. 197e228. Conard, N.J., 2007. De nouvelles sculptures en ivoire aurignaciennen du Jura Souabe et la naissance de l'art figuratif. Neue Elfenbeinskulpturen aus dem Aurignacien der Schw€ abischen Alb und die Entstehung der figürlichen Kunst. In: Floss, H., Rouquerol, N. (Eds.), Les chemins de l'Art aurignacien en Europe. Das Aurige-forum Aurignac, nacien und die Anf€ ange der Kunst in Europa. Editions Muse Colloque international. Internationale Fachtagung, Aurignac, pp. 317e330, 2005. Conard, N.J., 2009. 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