Education for rural development: Myth or reality?

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EDUCATION

FOR RURAL

DEVELOPMENT:

KINGSLEY

MYTH OR REALITY?

BANYA

Department of Educational Studies, University of Utah, Salt Lake City, Utah 84112, U.S.A. Abstract-In recent years the concept of integrated rural development has come under severe criticism from scholars working for the World Bank and other agencies. Evaluations of such projects indicate that they are too costly to justify, too complex to be admini~ered, politically powedess and difficuit to implement. The difficulty in implementing them ties in their content and the context in which they are pursued. They require sophisticated information, extensive coordination and their benefits, both tangible and intangible, are apparent only in the distant future. The widespread corruption in such projects and their failure to address income distribution in the rural areas, are some of the evidence that integrated rural development has failed.1 Based on research data one teacher education program sponsored by UNBSCO, UNDP, ADB, and the Sierra Leone government, this paper points out some of the benefits derived from an integrated rural development project. The difficuhies of implementing such a program are discussed, as well as possible solutions. The paper concludes with a plea for more integrated development projects to close the gap between rural and urban areas in Africa.

INTRODUCTION The research on which this paper is based is part of a longitudinal study, started in 1977, on a new teacher education program in Sierra Leone. In 1984 an in-depth field study lasting six months was carried out at Bunumbu to determine the effects of the project on the college as well as the community within a 20 mile radius of the college. Recently (Summer, 1988) the writer spent four weeks visiting the Bunumbu project to follow up earlier observations. The research was carried out partly on behalf of the teacher education branch, Ministry of Education, Sierra Leone, and form the basis of the author’s doctoral dissertation. Funding was provided by the International Development and Research Center (IDRC), Ottawa, Canada (Personal Research Grant). A case study research design was used as it provided opportunity to collect evidence through a variety of techniques such as interviews, archival records, verbal reports, participant observation and document analysis. Data collected from these techniques was triangulated to provide insights about the effects of the project. More than 50 people were interviewed ranging from policy-makers/ program developers to parents or community people. The report of the data of the study is given in a qualitative form as it gives the study ‘depth and detail’ and provides a holistic picture 11

.of what happened in the program. Quotations included in the description and analysis were codified by numbers so that the anonymity of interviewees is preserved. Because of problems of the availability of reliable data due to the rapid turnover of personnel and the poor record-keeping methods at Bunumbu, it was decided that the use of quantitative data was to be minimized. The quotations throughout the paper are illustrative of what each group interviewed felt about each aspect of the project. The results of the research are discussed here. Before that is done, however, IRD is looked at from a generic point of view. A brief examination of criticism of IRD will follow, and the rest of the paper will then concentrate on the Bunumbu project results and some of the difficulties and problems associated with implementing it. DEFINITION The concept of Integrated Rural Development (IRD) has given rise to various theories and generated many ideas for development projects.2 Common to most of the theories and ideas is the complexity and difficulty of defining IRD. A couple of examples illustrate this part. Gebregziabher (1975) refers to the IRD as ‘. . . involves all the things that can most improve the

112

KINGSLEY BANYA

living conditions of the rural masses . . .’ (p. 3); Sweet (1978) believes that IRD ‘. . . has become a guise for almost any effort directed at a rural area . . .’ (p. 8) This dilemma is quite understandable when one considers that IRD is supposed to be understood by and benefit millions of people, most of whom are illiterate and who, for whatever reason, have been left out of a country’s developmental effort. The holistic nature of IRD can be compared to the biblical concept of a deity, as in the idea of God the Father who ‘is everywhere, but is found nowhere.’ IRD programs, whether established in Asia, Latin America or Africa, could not be more ambitious, for they seek to cater to all, in every field.3 The common theme that predominates all of them seems to be the effective and rapid integration of children, youth, and adults into the social, cultural and economic development of the host country. Whatever the package of activities and services selected, they have a synergistic effect on the development of a country, with intentions of improving the living conditions on permanent bases (Cohen, 1987). For this all-embracing mandate to be achieved, emphasis is placed on concerted inter-agency and governmental action at the national level. Organic linkage or a functional relationship is formed for better results using the same resources or much better ones with comparatively small additional inputs. In such projects, linkage is not just limited to people, institutions and facilities, like a multipurpose use of a classroom, but to ideas, skills, aptitudes, values, attitudes and subjects, e.g. integrated social sciences and thematic approaches to problems. Linkages form an aggregate which continually attracts more input. At the local level (i.e. at the project site) through appropriate local community organizations people and things are often meant to speak for themselves. Local people are in theory supposed to participate as full partners in the execution of the project. Another common feature with all IRD projects is that the sites are located in rural areas. Thus, whether it is the ‘El Proyecto Especial Integrado sobre la Funcion de la Education en el Desarrollo Rural’ (PEIFEDER) at Sicuarri in the province of Canae, Couchis in the heart of the southwestern Peruvian Andes 500 miles away from the Peruvian capital city Lima, or in the vicinity of

the countries’ capitals, as in the case of the ‘Experimental Pilot Project Integrating Education into Rural Development’ (EPPIERD) around Islamabad, Pakistan, the projects can be classified rural areas as most are off the main roads and hardly accessible for most of the year especially during the rainy season. The projects are thus located in rural areas, with real field situations and are designed to eventually change the national educational system. Given the lack of agreed definition of IRD, for the purposes of this paper the Mosher (1976) definition will be used: ‘Projects and programs dealing simultaneously with a number of different aspects of rural well being’ (p. 10).

CRITICISM

OF IRD

In recent years sustained criticisms have been made of IRD-related activities4 to such an extent that the concept itself has been discredited. UNESCO, for example, in its midterm plan 1984-1989, emphasizes the ‘Extension of education and the improvement of the standard of education in rural areas, and the improved contribution of education to the development of rural areas,’ instead of Integrated Rural Development. Briefly, the main criticisms are that integrated rural development projects lack strategy and methodology to carry them out, for example Ruttan (1975) remarked that ‘. . . integrated rural development can be described, perhaps not too unaccurately, as an ideology in search of a methodology or technology’; that they are too complex to be successful, especially administered in a bureaucratic environment marked by low administrative capacity. Hylen’s (1983) comment on this point is worth noting, ‘Rural development can be described, perhaps not too inaccurately, as an ideology in search of a fashionable notion of “integrated” programs that imply the administrative integration of various institutional components involved in rural development’ (p. 94). Similar views were expressed by the Overseas Development Institute on the administrative difficulties to implement IRD. ‘. . . In practice, IRD has looked far less convincing than the ideas which underpin it, particularly where all the administrative implications of integrating all aspects of government services related to the rural sector

EDUCATION

FOR RURAL

have not been fully considered’ (1979, p. 4). The potentially inhibiting factorsbureaucratic competition, traditional jealousies and personal to the surface during impleambitions -come mentation; the rigid constructs of the blueprint model does not allow projects to adapt to changing conditions (Johnston and Clark, 1981); the lack of adequate resources, both financial and manpower, in countries where integrated rural development projects have been established is another criterium. For example, after reviewing the evaluation of many integrated rural development projects, the Overseas Development Institute concluded that ‘. . . the manpower requirement of many integrated rural development projects also tends to stretch government resources beyond their capacity. A common consequence is lack of contact with farmers and farmers groups, a poor staff quality and morale’ (p. 4). The lack of strong national support or charismatic leadership has contributed to the low level of success of many integrated projects. Rondenelli (1979) asserts that ‘. . . rural development projects . . . simply will not succeed without strong and sustained commitment by national political leaders to goals of equitable economic growth’ (p. 396). While it is true that rural development policies are frequently given strong rhetorical support by political leaders, in terms of actual commitment, rural areas come second to urban development. This is because urban areas can exert far greater influence on government decision making and are more insistent than that of the generally quiescent rural population. Finally, the benefit derived from independent rural development and the high cost have been questioned. Benefits from several projects are then distant in coming, while the immediate need for increased food production demands alternative solutions. The question becomes, ‘does the benefit derived exceed the cost?’ Ruttan (1974) asserts ‘. . . resources devoted to integrating the development and management of physical and institutional infrastructures are likely to have a relatively low return (because of) . . . absence of well defined or community developed technologies around which professional capacity or resources can be organized or institutionalized. . .’ (p. 16). Eidner and Baker (1982) attributes the decline of integrated projects to the ‘. . . growing recognition that integrated rural development was not solving

113

DEVELOPMENT

the most fundamental rural problem - achieving a reliable food surplus . . .’ (p. 62). Many of the criticisms are incestuous, relying on overviews of the independent rural development projects, rather than principal evidence.’ Using the Bunumbu project as a case in point, this paper argues that actual benefits can be derived from IRD, benefits which would not otherwise be available to the communities in which such projects are located. This paper also challenges the notion that independent rural development is a strategy that should be abandoned. Rather, it offers strategies that can enhance IRD for nation building. The paper is also intended to contribute to the debate from a comparative perspective, so that lessons learned from this case study can enhance future development of IRD’s. The inherent nature of IRD makes assessment of its achievement difficult and even where it has been successfully carried out, the results are not always outstanding. Nevertheless, a sustained attempt at assessing IRD projects do reveal that they have positive impact on their immediate environment.6 THE BUNUMBU

PROJECT:

CONTEXT

Started in 1974 under the auspices of UNESCO and sponsored by UNDP, ADB (African Development Bank) and the Sierra Leone government, the Bunumbu project was meant as an experiment in confronting some of the sectional and national problems facing Sierra Leone in the late 1960s and early 1970s. At the national level problems included the heavy dependence of the economy on the agricultural sector, as indicated by the large percentage of the population living and working in the rural areas and coupled with the low productivity of the rural areas. Rural-urban drift has led to soci=conomic deterioration of both areas. In the rural areas, manpower needed to exploit agricultural resources had declined sharply. The decline of the urban area could be seen in the sociopsychological problems of unemployment, juvenile delinhousing. At the quency, and inadequate sectional level, the educational system, normally the supplier of required manpower and the agent for instilling social values and attitudes, could not meet the demands placed upon it. Education was bookish and reflected the British system too closely: the number of

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KINGSLEY BANYA

schools was inadequate and the quality was far from optimal. The schools also suffered from a high attrition rate, e.g. out of 100 students who may start in grade one, only 30 will enter secondary schools, and out of this, only five may pursue higher education .7 There was, then, a need for reform to address the problems of education, economic development, and rural-urban drift. Education took the lead in providing some of the answers to the problems in the Government white Paper on education, 1970. The white paper set new educational priorities, emphasizing the importance of a literate workforce and focusing greater attention on primary education with a rural bias. Bunumbu was selected as the project site because of its isolation from any urban center, and its rural setting. Located in the far east of the country, some 270 miles from Freetown, the capital, Bunumbu is truly cut off from all urban activities. Prior to the project, Bunumbu had no water supply, electricity or roads, in short, there was hardly any infrastructural development in the town. The Bunumbu Teachers College, founded by the methodist mission in 1933, was the only attraction in a 40 mile radius of the town. The Bunumbu Project was supposed to promote community development, turn the rural schools into community centers,8 and develop curricula for formal and non-formal education. The college was supposed to develop and ‘introduce a new curriculum to Primary schools in rural areas and to train teachers BOt only to apply new curricula and teaching methods, but also to become community leaders for community education in general.9 In order to carry out the curricula task of the project the college was linked to 20 pilot schools within a 20 mile radius Bunumbu. The schools were to act as experimental sites to carry out the new curriculum developed at the college. The curriculum development provisions were made to take into account the national dimensions of the project: thus optional components emphasizing urban learning needs were built into project objectives. What the new community education centers are meant to be is not precisely clear. It seems to be a combination of formal education with a traditional form of community living. Perhaps the best definition can be seen from the Sierra Leone Education Review: A& Our Future: . . . It is proposed that CEC’s should be established to

run in close liaison with the revised formal primary schools. Despite the planned sharing of the facilities and closeness of sites, the CEc’s should not be regarded as step-children within the existing formal system, nor should they be thought of merely as an ‘alternative’ for a different age group. They will aim to bring schooling and traditional life into a cooperative, mutually beneficial relationship. They will make maximum use of resources in the local community enabling skilled, experienced, local people to contribute to teaching and learning. They will stimulate traditional societies to engage in community development efforts.10

The college was to train the personnel that was supposed to staff the CEC’s; and to provide the necessary leadership for community development. The project was to demonstrate that the rural area can be developed in such a way with 1ocal resources and input that people may not want to leave rural areas for urban centers. It was a means of demonstrating that a community can pull together to solve its own problems without excessive reliance on government. Many of the projects initiated by the community d evelopment councils were to meet local needs for things like public latrines, good water wheels, etc. Prior to the project, the government was looked upon to provide all the infrastructural needs of the counties, and because this was not done, the rural-urban migration increased. With the idea and d emonstration that a community can improve its lot, the project‘was to show how it could be d one in the 20 pilot villages. It was hoped that by providing better school buildings, qualified teachers to staff them, and improving the lot of the villages,

Other parts

Of the country

WOuId

adopt the Bunumbu pattern of development. Above all, Bunumbu was to show that education can be made relevant to local needs. A series of linkages were formed at both the central policy level and the local level to ensure the support of institutional networks for the project’s implementation. At the national level a governmental interagency National Advising Committee (NAC) was formed consisting of officials from the Ministries of Education, Agriculture, Health, Social Welfare, Development and Economic Planning, as well as from the University of Sierra Leone and UNDP. The commission of the NAC was to oversee events and provide advice and guidance to the college and the ministry on operational matters of the project. Furthermore, the NAC was to enlist the assistance of sectors other than education and to coordinate the activities of the various ministries involved in the project.

EDUCATION

The institute of Education (of the University of Sierra Leone) is responsible for overall supervision, research, monito~ng and evaluation of teacher education. Provision was made for collaboration between the Institute and the project to ensure that the new project subjects (community development, health, home economics and nutrition, hygiene, childcare; woodwork and handicrafts; adult education and agriculture and applied rural science) met with teacher certification requirements. At the college level, a central council of community leaders, local chiefs from the 20 pilot villages and college staff constituted the Community Development Council. The council, which meets regularly, plans policies, strategies, and ensures coordination. At the village level, a local community development council (LCDC), usually with the paramount chief as chair and the head teacher as secretary, supervise and coordinate development activities in the locality.

IMPACT

OF THE PROJECT

Beyond the planned outcome which is the raison d’etre of a project,‘* it is assumed that there will be a range of more subtle or less

obvious effects, positive or negative, which may be even more powerful and significant. The spillover benefits, side-effects and repercussions are often grouped together as unanticipated effects. The impact of the project and both the anticipated and unanticipated effects will be briefly discussed. In curriculum development, the college staff have produced a number of ~u~culum ‘packages’ that cover the broad range of school subjects. In many instances, textbooks and pamphlets have been produced, not by some external body as in the past, but by college personnel and pilot school teachers themselves. More than 300 thematic instructional units have been produced for the first six of the seven grades of primary school. Particular attention has been given to ‘local language’ teaching during the first three years of primary school. Many of the non-pilot schools use these units to fill the void left by lack of materials from the government’s Ministry of Education. The involvement of teachers in curriculum writing has given teachers confidence in the ability to apply the materials. As a result of the improved curricula, pupils are much more successful at secondary level examinations than previously (see Table l), and teachers report an improvement in reading

Table 1. Common entrance results-pilot Pre-project 1970-1973 No. of Students

115

FOR RURAL DEVELOPMENT

Pass

schools’

End of 1st phase 8lf83

Interim period 84-87

No. of Students

Pass

No. of Students

Pass

Beudajuma

32

17

40

28

43

29

Bmmmbu Lalehum Manowa Meth.

3.5 15 30

27 10 17

40 25 39

36 18 30

44 28 40

39 21 36

Manowa R. C.

19

11

23

17

29

20

Ngolahun Segbwena Meth. Segbwena R. C.

20 36

12 29

24 44

19 36

26 47

18 36

35

28

40

38

48

20

222

151

275

222

305

239

Total

* Only eight of the 2Qpilot schools take the common entrance examinations which is set at national levels for all primary schools in the country. Some of the other schools’ field in candidates under the auspices of the eight main ones. Figures from such schools are not included here. Source: Report of Inspection of Pilot Schools, 1987.

116

KINGSLEY

BANYA

Table 2. Pupil enrollment in pilot schools and agencies Pre-project 1970/71-1973174

Mid-project 1974/75-1977l78

End of 1st phase 1978/79-1982/83

Bendajuma Bendu

296 150

348 178

538 346

Bunumbu

498

531

538

Foindu Gbeika

104 84

114 215

256 375 206

Grima

77

95

Kigbai

91

111

142

Lalehun

132

160

310

Magbema

158

216

265

Mamboma Manowa Meth.

110 140

1.52 154

205 300

Manowa R.C. Massayiena

88 62

168 a0

305 122

Nanyahun Ngolahun

101 196

136 252

216 335

Peje Baoma

120

140

176

Pejewa Pujehun

114 66

128 128

161 220

Segbwema Meth.

557

578

788

Segbwema R.C.

524

578

610

3668

4462

*6414

Total *Boys, 3832; girls, 2582. Schools in each Chiefdom:

(1) Yawei -3 schools; (2) Peje West -5 schools; (3) Njaluahun--6schools; (4) Peje Bongre-7 schools.

Source: Report of Acting Inspector of Pilot Schools. 1983.

levels. This is attested to by the foIlowing remarks from head teachers running schools with enrollment from 600 to 210 pupils. The Bunumbu materials have definitely helped improve our common entrance results. We have the same materials as the practicing school, though not the teachers. More of my pupils are now going to various secondary schools ah over the country (Headmaster 809).12 Since the introduction of college materials, many more pupils have passed the common entrance than before. For example, in 1980, out of 30 pupils who took the examination only 19 passed. Last year, we sent 40 and 20 passed. There has been definite improvement since the cofiege materials have been used (Headteacher 811).t3

Enrollment in pilot schools has risen dramatically, which can be partly attributable to the

project. (The high birth rate may also account for the increase in school population. Sierra Leone has one of the highest birth rates in the developing world.) According to the available statistics from the Acting Inspector of pilot schools, pupil enrollment jumped from 3813 in 1974175 to 6424 in 1982183, an increase of 65.5% or an average of over 11% annually (See Table 2). Although the problem of attrition has by no means been solved, the pilot school area has seen a sharp drop in this aspect of schooling. The reversed teacher’s certificate program has also given trainees an opportunity to develop their talents in areas other than academic performance. Many of the students learned new trades, such as carpentry, woodwork, practical arts,

EDUCATION

FOR RURAL DEVELOPMENT

and masonry.‘Proceeds from the sale of items augment a student’s meager allowance or salary, which is especially important since salaries are often paid late, and a newly employed trainee must wait for Ministry approval before receiving his or her first paycheck. Bunumbu is sending ripples all over the country. Some graduates of the H.T.C. have been appointed supervisory teachers and administrative officers. Some have also gone to work on rural development projects in other parts of the country. One administrator remarked that ‘the essence of a Bunumbu trainee is that he/she can make effective use of various agencies and resources to achieve ends’ (Administrator 208). l4 Indeed, the role of the primary school teacher produced at Bunumbu is not only to be a ‘consumer and dispenser of knowledge to the young, but also an innovative educator, an animator, an extension worker and a link between the people and government, organizer and planner’15 - a tall order! At the present moment (1988) there are no statistics available as to how many of the Bunumbu graduates stay in teaching and how many go elsewhere. It is known however, that the bulk of trainers remain in teaching, though not necessarily in the classroom. A tracer study of the project graduates has been recommended by external evaluators but has not yet been done partially because of lack of funds. The in-service training offered to teachers, tutors, and college and school personnel is a real innovation for Sierra Leone. The seminars, conferences, and workshops have been a revelation to many teachers, who have come to realize that they too can contribute meaningfully to the development of education in the country. Their confidence has grown, and a number have been motivated to seek further studies within the context of rural development. The construction of the 20 pilot schools, with community education facilities by the Catholic Relief Service and the village self-help groups, has greatly improved the conditions under which pupils study. In contrast to the dilapidated buildings (where pupils got soaked when it rained) the new school buildings are often the better built and most prominent structures in the village, and are big enough to accommodate an increase in school population. This encourages parents to send their children to school. One of the reasons often given by

117

schools seeking affiliation with the project is the possibility of a new school building. Although the community education facilities at the school are not in use, the very fact that they are there has increased interaction and a mutual sense of belonging between the school and the community. The community development councils, in association with college students and the graduates in the pilot schools, have undertaken a variety of projects to improve living conditions. Activities have included the construction of water wells, public latrines, market places, meeting houses, playgrounds, and roads; and joint food and cash crop farming. Table 3 sets out the community development activities undertaken by the community development councils in each of the 20 pilot villages. Some positive attitude changes towards manual work have been noticed among pupils, as well as an increased willingness by the community to pool resources for the general welfare. Closely tied to these councils are the 20 village blacksmithing workshops that are run on a cooperative basis. The workshops not only give technical support, help keep the price of essential farm tools down, speed repairs and offer training, but by being located within the school compounds they give added visibility to the schools and draw the community closer together. As part of the improvement of rural living, agriculture has played a prominent role in the project. The college has set an agricultural example by cultivating large acreages with a variety of crops and by introducing new methods of farming, especially mechanized cultivation. The college grows nearly half of its food and is thus able to use money saved on feeding students for other purposes. The college tractor is available for a nominal fee to help farmers in the project area. This has increased the yield of farmers, who can now market their surplus. The people have given large plots to the college to cultivate and farmers occasionally serve as expert consultants. This has fostered a closer relationship between the college and the community. One of the most noticeable effects of the project has been the transformation of the township of Bunumbu, the core area of the project. When the project started, Bunumbu was a sleepy little town with a population of less

118

KINGSLEY BANYA Table 3 Activities Town/village

WW

Bendajuma Bendu

3 1

PL 4 2

MP

MH

PG

RD

F

1 -

1 1

1 1

2 1

4 3

-

cc

I ss 1 -

Bunumbu

5

6

1

2

2

2

11

-

-

Foindu Gbeika

1 1

2 2

1 -

1 1

1 -

1 1

2 1

-

-

Grima Kigbai

1 1

2 2

1 1

1 1

-

1 1

2 1

-

-

Lalehun

4

3

1

1

-

1

3

-

-

Magbemu

2

3

1

1

-

1

1

-

-

Mamboma

2

2

2

2

-

1

2

-

-

Manowa

5

6

2

2

2

3

2

-

-

Massayiena Nanyahun

3 2

4 2

1 1

1 1

1 1

1 1

1 1

-

-

Ngolahun

2

3

1

1

1

1

1

-

-

Peje Baoma

2

2

2

1

1

1

1

-

1

Pejewa Purjehun

3 1

4 1

1 1

1 1

1 -

1 2

1 1

1 -

1 1

Segbwema

8

10

3

3

2

3

4

1

2

WW k MH % F CC/SS

= = = = = = = =

Water well Public latrines Market place Meeting Houses Playground Road Farm Community center/school buildings

Many of the projects initiated by the community development council are still experimental despite fiscal and other constraints. The above initiatives show what people could do on their own without waiting for government input. This is the message that Bunumbu is sending.

than 1000. The population has since increased rapidly. Higher-quality, larger houses have sprung up. Local people have opened a number of private enterprises, including contracting and trades. Bunumbu now has its own pipe-borne water supply, an electricity generating plant, and a commercial petrol filling station, operated in cooperation with one of the petroleum companies. The market which used to operate weekly, on Fridays, has become a daily affair. A cooperative general store has also been opened. The consumer cooperative society, financed by a shareholding system, was hailed as one of the spectacular developments of the project. It aimed to fill local consumer demand at reasonable prices, and succeeded in bringing

prices down from the levels charged by the Lebanese-run stores in town. Unfortunately, the cooperative ran into problems with escalating prices and alleged corruption and today only a skeleton remains. There have been moves to rejuvenate the cooperative. During this research, for example, three meetings were held by the shareholders with the aim of revitalizing the cooperative general store. As a result, the store was replenished with consumer goods and a strict ‘cash-only’ policy introduced. There were also changes in personnel at the cash desk. A commercial bank has opened a small branch office in Bunumbu, with banking hours twice a week. Now that people no longer have to travel nearly 20 miles to the nearest bank,

EDUCATION

FOR RURAL

many have for the first time begun to use the banking system. Credit lines have been extended to bank customers and the habit of saving has been encouraged. Overall, the pace of economic development in Bunumbu has been stepped up, as indicated by all the new indigenous enterprises. Indigenous companies supply the college with food, building materials and textbooks. Although health facilities in the area are still far from adequate, steps have been taken to improve them. Dispensaries have been built in all the larger villages, through a self-help scheme involving students, college staff and community members. These are neither staffed nor equipped, but college staff hope that government will one day provide the materials to make the dispensaries functional. The naming of streets, which used to be referred to by sections, is seen as novel and important by the people of Bunumbu. The college, in conjunction with the community, chose the names of prominent leaders. This enhances the prestige of the town and makes it attractive to outsiders. Perhaps the most important achievement of the project has been psychological. People have come to believe that they can achieve progress through community effort and need not wait for the government to develop an area. Even the smallest village has caught the spirit of selfreliance: people no longer wait for the government to repair a road or to build a bridge but instead do it themselves. This effort and positive attitude is displayed through an improved living environment. This burgeoning consciousness has made the community embrace the school as each realizes that it needs the other. The school is no longer an island unto itself, but is seen as an integral part of community activities. UNANTICIPATED

EFFECTS

The problem in discussing such effects is in defining parameters. The possible influences of a project can be far-reaching. But, given the varied interplay between the structural characteristics of a project and the social, economic and political environment, it is difficult to isolate ‘pure’ effects. Thus, a number of changes may not be due solely to the Bunumbu project. Nevertheless, the Bunumbu project must be viewed as a catalyst for such change.

DEVELOPMENT

119

The project enhanced confidence in the ability of tutors and administrators to solve the educational problems that face the nation. The morale of the staff got a boost when they realized that they could work hand in hand with international experts and then afterwards continue the project on their own. Since 1982, when the last of the expatriates left, Sierra Leonean tutors have carried on without external input. The staff of the college is sufficiently confident and motivated to meet the challenge, not only of Bunumbu but of possibly disseminating project ideas to the other four teacher training colleges. The involvement of the community in the project has helped to preserve the oral, written, and artistic culture of the area. The vitality of local culture can be seen in the very impressive cultural shows, including traditional dancing and crafts exhibitions put on by college staff, pilot school teachers, students and pupils for impo~ant guests. In exchange for their help community members are given liberal access to college facilities. The extension services, especially in the field of agriculture, have enhanced employment opportunities for youths in the area. An effort is being made to improve the attitude of young people towards agriculture. With increased prices being paid for agricultural products, more and more youths are becoming involved in cultivation. This is perhaps a sign that the allure of city life is gradually diminishing. Ironically, the rapid growth of Bun~bu has exacerbated some of the problems that the project was intended to solve. The influx of people has made the town a semi-urban environment, with all the attendant problems. Housing and unemployment have become problems, for youths from the su~ounding areas have come to Bunumbu to look for work. The original number of jobs with the project itself has fallen off, yet people keep coming to Bunumbu, hoping that a second phase of the project might be started and jobs become available. This results in some neglect of farming, although many of the job-seekers do travel back to their villages during peak ploughing season. The introduction of the H.T.C. (primary) has created friction among the staff of many pilot schools. Some of the long-time headteachers have only the T.C. qualifications, while some of their younger staff may be training for the

120

KINGSLEY

H.T.C. These more highly trained teachers sometimes insist on doing things their own way, posing discipline problems for the headteacher. The headteacher’s authority over the teachers is rather limited as she/he can only recommend a transfer; but with qualified teachers in such short supply, and their frequent preference for urban areas, this may be rather to the teacher’s advantage than otherwise. This has been a perennial problem since the introduction of the H.T.C. in 1976. One report states: The report we have got from quite a lot of administrators about the graduates, H.T.C. in particular, have not been complimentary. This is because the headteachers or administrative authorities working with them think that these ~unumbu graduates know it ah, failing to realize that most of these are just secondary school leavers who carry on and have quite a lot of immature ideas and behavior (1980 Tripartite Report: 40).16

As a result, many of the older T.C. headteachers have gone back to college, leaving the schools in the hands of inexperienced H.T.C. teachers. The problem is further exacerbated by the community taking sides, often in support of the ‘local’ H.T.C. holder. The local H.T.C. teachers have arrogant and patronizing attitudes towards the community. They (H.T.C. holders) believe that their knowledge is superior to those who have not been through formal education and therefore can decide what is good for the community. The inherited bureaucratic system tends to support such an attitude, which is antithesis of how community workers should behave. There is a general feeling of disenchantment and frustration, especially beyond a two mile radius of the college, because of the project’s failure to fulfill the rather exaggerated expectations with which it was launched. Health facilities, roads, and school materials are still grossly inadequate. People on the periphery feel left out, particularly in comparison with Bunumbu and its immediate environs. The following comments of people outside the immediate area of Bunumbu grant insight into the dilemma: We have not yet seen the benefit of the project except the new school buildings. We were told more was going to be provided, like in Bunumbu. Our water supply is still the river. People are a bit disappointed with the project (Chief SO3).*’ Being human, if the promised things do not materialize, people might stop doing project work. Even now, many people are not as enthusiastic about the project as before. They see at1 the benefits going to Bunumbu town

BANYA (Parent 703).r8 We gave our land and labor freely to the project, with the unde~tanding that we will get some amenities, such as pipe-borne water, better roads, and dispensary facilities. We are still waiting for the promises to come through (Elder 503).19

It should be noted that there is a degree of rivalry among the chiefs for development ‘benefits.’ Since the amount of revenue a chiefdom can collect in taxes is directly related to the level of development, each chiefdom does what it can to attract a project; if this fails, frustration may set in and lead to a lack of cooperation. A much more dynamic perception of community, as a collection of conflicting interests needs to inform community development strategy. The next section deals with some of the constraints that affected the project during its implementation. It should be noted that at the planning stages many of the difficulties experienced at the implementation stage were not anticipated. Too much reliance was placed on the goodwill of the various agencies involved. This is often the case when planning is not based on scientific findings but on the determination of individuals or groups who stand to benefit from such projects. At Bunumbu during the planning stage many things were taken for granted, especially in areas of collaboration between government ministries. During implementation it became clear that the optimism of the planners did not exist among implementor and that the goodwill the project depended upon was simply not there. CONSTRAINTS TO THE FULFILLMENT OF OBJECTIVES The purpose of this section is to highlight some of the shortcomings of the project, so that future participants in similar IRD-type projects elsewhere can avoid such problems. Some solutions are advanced for each of the constraints, although in the final analysis the context will dictate the type of solution. Despite the apparent success of the project in certain areas, there are many factors that prevented the full realization of all project objectives. Many of these constraints are directly related to the all-embracing nature of the IRD projects. The fact that IRD caters to all interest groups makes it difficult to smoothly

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DEVELOPMENT

121

implement it. Many factors/agencies are brought together which normally work separately, and establishing a coherent whole becomes difficult. Some of the constraints are:

approaches. For example, the agricultural extension officer at Bunumbu refused to go to project meetings because his ideas were never taken seriously.

The lack of inter-ministerial and inter-agency coordination The Bunumbu project is so complex that its

Staff turnover The frequency of turnover of personnel,

success requires a multidisciplinary approach. But the National Advisory Committee, which was supposed to coordinate the activities of the ministries involved, never functioned properly, and there was little coordination between the concerned gove~mental bodies. Thus, although the project involved Health, Agriculture, Rural Development, Small Industries, and Adult Education, most of the res~nsibili~ in fact rested with the Ministry of Education. The dynamic contributions expected from the University of Sierra Leone, through the Institute of Education and Njala University College, never really materialized. The university showed only remote concern about.the project. Institute staff visited Bunumbu only when specifically commissioned to work on a given part of the project, but were not involved in overall development efforts. As one of the administrators remarked: The lecturers from Njala come oniy for specific purposes, mainly in-service and workshops. We could do with more of their services. We have had no one from Fourah Bay College yet and none from the university secretariat. We were expecting much more involvement from the university than what has been the case. This might be due to the distance from Freetown or the lack of resources (Administrator 205).20

Political constraints, inter-regional frictions, and academic traditions have blunted the impact of the project. For example, after the government had committed itself to primary curriculum development as part of the Bunumbu project, it managed to secure World Bank/IDA assistance for a similar primary level curriculum/textbook development project based at the Institute of Education in Freetown. The Mano River Union office (which links Sierra Leone and Liberia) was also assigned primary curriculum development as part of its mandate. There is little coordination among these similar and simultaneous activities. In some instances there have been clashes between the Ministries of Education and Agriculture. Instead of working in close cooperation, both ministries clashed over both objectives and

both foreign and indigenous, did not auger well for the project. The high turnover of expatriates, and the time lapse in their replacement, due to the difficulty of finding qualified technical advisors, made it hard to carry out a wellstructured training scheme for their national counterparts. This problem could have been solved by the appointment of national personnel from the university and vocational schools. Indigenous staff left because of the remoteness of the college and the lack of proper compensation for their double workload: training teachers and doing project work. Despite the new programes, no additional staff was taken on for the project, except to accommodate additional enrollment, The infr~tr~cture

of the project area

Poor transportation and communication prevented personnel from fulfilling all project roles. It was rather unfortunate that the Ministry of Public Works was excluded from the project, as the road system is partly responsible for the limited success of the project. During the rainy season, the roads are impossible, the vehicles wear out and the college is cut off from other areas. The radio link that was supposed to operate a few hours each day never worked from the inception of the project up to 1984. The equipment of the Instructional Resource Center The sophisticated equipment installed at the

project site was unusable for a long time because of a lack of water and electricity. The lack of spare parts and repair personnel have plagued college equipment. The generator breaks down frequently. Since spare parts have to be ordered from abroad, the college has gone without electric light for months on end, In the summer of 1984, only the library, the administrative building, and some classrooms had a couple of hours of electricity a day: students and tutors had to work by kerosene lantern or candlelight.

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Public relations The project is well known within a two mile radius of the college, but virtually unheard of further away. In the absence of good public relations, the initial goodwill towards the project has been allowed to wane. Particularly in areas which derive little direct benefit from the community has become the project, indifferent. Thus, Community Development Councils are holding fewer meetings, and participation in community work projects has dropped. This is evident from the following remarks: At the beginning there was a council every Thursday evening to plan for the next day’s work. The attendance was good, as many people, especially the youths, came to the meetings. Over the years, however, attendance has fallen to the point where we have no meetings anymore. The headmaster who encouraged the meetings was transferred to Gbeika (Parent 709).21 When I first came to the college, during my T.C. days, Community Development was given high priority. We, as students, were actively involved in the various works of the councils. Since my return for the H.T.C., I have noticed that less emphasis is placed on community work. In the villages I have gone for practical teaching, there have been only one or so council meetings (Student 511).22 The Community Development Councils have not been meeting frequently because of the lack of materials, especially lamps, chairs, kerosene, and qualified personnel in the villages to carry out the activities of adult education. Without adult education, people have not been coming to meetings (Administrator 201).=

The lack of incentives to teachers Many graduates leave for urban or semiurban areas seeking advancement or further study. Apparant government indifference does little to stem the tide. Few incentives are offered to improve the retention rates in the pilot schools. It should be noted that projects involving the community in the curriculum require a great deal of time, organization, and effort from teachers, as well as considerable skills in public relations and management. The lack of incentive and time constraints make teachers often less than enthusiastic about community involvement projects than Curriculum Developers in Ministries of Education. Without a policy review to address this issue, the substantial resources spent on the project may be difficult to justify. Despite the above constraints, it is possible to discuss some of the impacts the project has had on the communities in and around the 20 pilot

BANYA

schools. Although the discussion is not exhaustive, it gives an inkling as to what the project has achieved. The very presence of a project creates its own dynamics that do affect the community in both positive and negative ways.

HAS THE PROJECT PROVIDED SOLUTIONS TO SOME OF THE PROBLEMS THAT FACE THE COUNTRY? As discussed earlier, the project was intended to help solve national and sectoral problems, particularly the mass migration of young people to urban areas and the consequent reduction of agricultural output. It was also intended to develop an educational system appropriate to rural pupils. In the absence of reliable statistics (in some cases no statistics at all exist) it is very hard to tell whether the project has significantly reduced migration to urban areas. From the available data it seems that primary school students were never the main source of migrants and most pupils that do leave for the urban environment leave only after secondary school entrance examinations. Pilot school headteachers confirmed that it is usually secondary school students who go to urban areas to seek jobs and further education. It is generally accepted that primary school education does not qualify anyone for a job. There is only one secondary school in the area, at Bunumbu. The level of agricultural production has increased, not necessarily because of the project, but perhaps because of increased prices paid to farmers for cash crops. As prices have risen, farmers have put more land under cash crop cultivation and production has risen. The production of food crops has declined however, since most farmers preferred to buy their staple food with the additional income. It is difficult to place a percentage value on the increase since no production records have been kept. But the Produce Inspectorate branch of the Ministry of Agriculture estimates that production has gone up by S-10%. The project with its emphasis on agriculture may have contributed in some degree to higher production levels. The problem of irrelevant education has been partly addressed by the production of a

EDUCATION

FOR RURAL DEVELOPMENT

curriculum with a rural bias. The present examination system to some degree undermines this goal. Thus, solutions to this problem have been sought with limited success. In light of the human and other material resources spent at Bunumbu, was the project worthwhile? Given the impact of the project on Bunumbu Teachers College and the 20 pilot schools, as well as the communities involved, it was resources well spent. It is not only material benefits, i.e. building, water pumps, etc. that is important but the psychological impact of the project. The idea that united people can help solve some of their own problems without waiting for government input is an important legacy of the project. The project stimulated the communities involved in coming together to tackle some of their common problems, e.g. good water supply, market places, etc. Before the project, there was little pooling of resources to solve commununal problems. In the end it is the confidence built in the communities involved in the project that is the enduring part of the whole enterprise. LESSONS

FROM

BUNUMBU

What are some of the lessons to be learned from Bunumbu for similar projects elsewhere in the developing world? One important aspect of the project that led to problems is that of over ambitious goals. Goals have to be specific, address one or two issues in concrete terms instead of generically. When project goals can be interpreted by everyone to mean different things for them, the problems of misinterpretation and unkept promises arise, which may eventually lead to disillusion. Thus, project goals need to be more specific and less ambiguous. Goals must also be set with the full participation of the community involved in the project. Communities must decide what they want and how they are going to participate. When project goals are set by people not affected by the project, there is a tendency to overlook the real needs of the community. By involving the community in setting goals, the idea of ownership is established and, hence, willingness to participate and contribute are enhanced. Genuine participation tends to generate ‘psychological ownership’ of the resulting program (Oliver, 1977). Another lesson from Bunumbu is the need to

123

put one ministry or government agency in charge of a project, who would be accountable for success or failure. When authority is diffused among competing bodies, no one takes charge. Again, the issue of specificity becomes important. Each agency should be specifically in charge for fulfilling one or two aspects of a project, instead of leaving it to the future for the various agencies to resolve who does what, when, e.g. at Bunumbu there was supposed to be ‘collaboration’ between the Institute of Education and the College on curriculum issues. But no one knew what ‘collaborative relation’ meant-did it mean meetings once or twice a month, a term, or a year? The project document could have specified the minimum number of meetings, between what personnel, where to be held, and resolve the question of remuneration for participants. Without such specifications ‘collaborative relation’ was interpreted differently and in the end no meaningful collaboration took place. Another important lesson learned from the project is that of too much reliance on foreign donors. Projects to be worthwhile and completed on time should be heavily financed by the host country, within its budget. It should be clearly spelled out what sector of the economy would be taxed and for how long. If part of the financing has to come from the communities, this should be made known, and the device of collecting the money/material properly laid down. Too much reliance on external aid, as in the case of Bunumbu, can lead to time extensions, wherever there is a liquidity problem of the donor agencies. Part of the external aid problem is that of equipment. Much of the equipment that comes with projects is suitable for developing countries, (e.g. tractors) as they often demand skilled personnel to maintain and run them, as well as fuel, commodities that are in short supply in most of the recipient countries. Perhaps a good supply of simple equipment like chalk, paper, pencil, copybook, etc., which are easily available should take the place of closed circuit televisions. Finally, the continuous support of the powers that be, both at the initiation of the project and throughout all other stages, is vital. When a project is given massive support and publicity only in the initial stages because of the involvement of the leader of a country, it runs the risk of losing support once that leader’s

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attention is focused elsewhere. For example, the idea of a green revolution has been espoused by many leaders in the developing world to stop the importation of staple food. However, the result has been less than satisfactory, partly because of lack of sustained attention of the powers that be. Continuous attention will keep a project in the forefront of development. The problem of many projects going on at the same time would need to be addressed. Perhaps one way of doing this is to prioritize projects on the basis of their importance to national development.

CONCLUDING

REMARKS

The Bunumbu project has been used as a focus of analysis to justify the continuous use of IRD ideas. IRD projects are complex and difficult to evaluate-even in this paper it has only been possible to touch on some of the evocative facets of the Bunumbu project and to ‘guess’ at some of its impact. What is needed is further research in IRD projects that deal with teacher education in various settings in and out of Africa. Only a thorough scientific study will reveal the impact of IRD programs, their shortcomings and, perhaps, possible remedies. Research can also provide cost-benefit analysis data which would be useful for possible replication to other countries and would benefit the sponsoring bodies. Despite some of the constraints already referred to, Bunumbu indicates that IRD’s do have a positive impact on communities. The positive impact of the project far exceeds the difficulties involved in implementing it. It should also be noted that in the absence of resources to develop the rural areas, only projects like IRD’s bring some improvement to such areas and also provide the community with an opportunity to pull together instead of relying solely on governments. The development projects undertaken in the various villages by the communities are in themselves benefits that may not have arisen without the project. Before the project, as noted earlier, Bunumbu was a sleepy little town that relied completely on government for services. With the coming of the project the people themselves took responsibility for their own development -that psychological impetus to develop on one’s own is what makes IRD’s worthwhile.

BANYA

NOTES 1. Evaluations of integrated by individuals and organizations -see for examule Vernon W. Rural Development Programs:

rural development projects point to such shortcomings Rattan (1974). ‘Inteerated A Skeptical’Perspe%ive,’ International Development Review XVII, 4, p. 9; Harry W. Blair, (1978) ‘Rural Development, Class Structure and Bureaucracy in Bangladesh,’ World Development VI, 1, pp. 65-82; John M. Cohen, (1980) ‘Integrated Rural Development: Clearing out the Underbrush,’ Sociologia Ruralis, XX, 4, pp. 195-212; Dennis A. Rondinelli (1979) ‘Administration of Integrated Rural Development Policy: The Politics of Agrarian Reform in Developing Countries,’ World Politics, XXI, 3, pp. 402-15. 2. See, for example, the work of M. Zachariah and A. Hoffman, (July, 1984) ‘Gandhi and Mao on Manual Labor in the School: A Retrospective Analysis,’ a paper presented at the Fifth World Connress of Comoarative Education. July 1984. The Africa Various IRD -projects have been written about; for example, Grabe, Seven, et al. (1975), ‘Upper Volta: A Rural Alternative to Primary Schools’ in Ahmed, M. and Coombs, P. H. (eds) An Experiment in the Ruralization of Education: IPAR and the Cameroonian Reform, Geneva: International Bureau of Education and

Merilee Grindle (Winter, 1981) ‘Anticipating Failure: The Implementation of Rural Development Programs,’ Public Policy vol. 29, No. 1. 3. Most of the IRD projects have all-embracing goals-for a good example of this, see the Bunumbu project goals and objectives by G. Hedd: (1967) ‘Sierra Leone: Creating a Context’ in R. Adams and D. Chen (eds) The Process of Educational Innovation: The International Perspective, Paris: UNESCO. As seen also in Khan, B.,

(1984) ‘Rural Develonment in Bangladesh. Maior Issue Revisited,’ Bangladesh Institute if Internati&al and Strategic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 4; D’Silva, B. and Raza, M., (1980) ‘Integrated Rural Development in Nigeria: The Funta Projects,’ Good Policy. 4. It seems that the World Bank is at the forefront of such criticisms-see the work of G. Psacharopoulos and W. Loxley (1985)) Diversified Secondary Education and Development:

Evidence

from

Colombia

and

Tanzania

(Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press); the same theme is taken up in the World Bank discussion paper Education and Training series, G. Psacharopoulos (1985), Planning of Education: Where Do We Stand?; see also G. Psacharopoulos, ‘Educational Planning: Past and Present,’ Prospects 8, No. 2 (1978): 22-30. While the opinions expressed are not that of bank policy, they influence in a subtle way the bank thinking. 5. See for example Rainer Wulf’s (1978) ‘Integrated’ rural development, Economics XVII, pp. 63-80. 6. For a good Integrated Rural and the Debate.

case study see John

Cohen

Development: the Ethiopian The Scandinavian Institute

(1987)

Experience

of African

Studies, Uppsala. 7. The annual reports of the Ministry of Education in Freetown contain revealing statistics on attrition ratessee especially reports for 1981,1982,1983, and 1985. 8. UNDP: Primary School Teachers for Rural Areas:

EDUCATION Report of the joint UNDPIUNESCO Freetown: p. 9.

FOR RURAL

project, Sw73foO9,

9. The community centers were to be established throughout the country and the primary goal was to ‘bring schooling and traditional life into a cooperative, mutually beneficial relationship’-see Sierra Leone Education Review: All Our Future, p. 9. IO. All Our Future, p. 12. 11. After observing a number of projects in Africa, Asia, and Latin America, Hirschman (1967) concludes in Development Projects Observed that unanticipated effects are sometimes far more powerful than anticipated ones-see especially pp. 160-180. 12. Interview with Headmaster, June 1984.

Ngolahun Methodist, 14

13. Interview with Headmaster, 1984.

Manowa R. C., 15 June

14. Interview with J. K. Sama, 6 July 1984. 15. Interview with P. J. Sam, 7 July 1984. 16. See WNESCOILJNDPISL Report 1976.

government

Tripartite

17. Interview with Chief Lamin, 10 July 1984. 18. Interview with a parent at Manowa, 18 July 1984. 19. Interview with a chiefdom August 1984.

elder at Segbwema,

5

20. Interview with S. A. Sadier, 16 June 1984. 21. Interview with parent at Gbeika, 20 June 1984. 22. Interview with H.T.C. student, 20 July 1984. 23. Interview with J. S. Lebbie, 6 July 1984.

REFERENCES Adepojn, A. (ed.) (1977) Migration in Nigeria. University of lfe, lie-lfe. Balan, J. (1981) Why people move. UNESCO, Paris. Blair, H. (1978) Rural development, class structure and bu;eauc;acy h Bangladesh, borld Development VI (l), 65-82. Cohen, 3. (1987) Integrated Rural Development: The Ethiop~n Experience and the Debate. Scandinavian Institute of African Studies, Uppsala. Cohen, J. (1980) Integrated rural development: clearing out the underbrush, Sociologia Ruralis XX (4), 19.5-212. D’Silva, 8. and Raza, M. (1980) Integrated Rural Development in Nigeria: The Funta Projects, Good Policv. Either,.C. and Baker, D. (1982) Researcf on Ag~ul~ral Developm~ in Sub-Sahara Africa: A Critical Survey. Department of Economics, Michigan State University, East Lansing. Elmore, R. (1978) Organizational models of social program implementation. Public Policy 26 (2).

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Fullan, M. (1982) The Meaning of Educational Change. OISE Press, Toronto. Gebregziabher, B. (1975) integrated Rural Development in Rural Ethiopia: An Evaluative Studv of the Chilalo Agricultural*Development Unit. International Development Research Center, PASITAM, University of Indiana, Bl~mington. Grabe, A. et al. (1975) Upper Volta: A Rural Alternative Primary Schools. In An Experiment in the Ruralization of Education: IPAR and the Cameroon, (edited by Ahmed, M. and Coombs, P.). Grindle, M. (1981) Anticipation Failure: The lmplementation of Rural Development Programs. Public Policy XXIX (1). Grindle, M. (ed.) (1980) Politics andpol~y ~plementation in the Third World. Princeton University Press, Princeton, NJ. Hedd, G. (1967) Sierra Leone: Creating a Context. In The Process of Educational Innovation: An International Perspective, (edited by Adams, R. and Chen, D.). UNESCO. Paris. Hirschman, ‘A. (1967) Development Projects Observed. Brookings Institution, Washington, DC. Hyden, G. (1983) No Shortcuts to Progress: African Development in Perspective. University of California Press. Berkelev. Johnstoh, B. anb Clark, W. (1982) Redesigning Rural Development: A Strategic Perspective. The Johns Ho&ins Universitv Press. Baltimore. Kilso& M. (1966) Po~id~aldhanges in a West African State. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA. Little, K. (1974) Urbanization as a Social Process. Routledge & Kegan Paul, London. Mosher, A. (1976) Thinking About Development. Agricultural Development Council, New York. Oliver, A. (1977) Curriculum Improvement, 2nd Edition. Harper & Row, New York. Overseas developments Institute (1979) Briefing Paper: Integrated Rural Development. ODE Briefing Paper No. 4, London. Psacharopoulos, G. (1985) Planning of Education: Where Do We Stand? World Bank, Washington, DC. Psacharopoulos, G. (1978) Educational Planning: Past and Present Prospects 8 (2), 22-30. Psacharopoulos, G. (1985) Diversifid Secondary Education and Develo~me~: Evidence &urn Colombia and Tanzania. Johns~Hopkins Universiiy Press, Baltimore. Rondinelli, D. (1979) Administration of Integrated Rural Development Policy: The Politics of Agrarian Reform in Developing Countries. World Politics, XXI (3), 402-415. Ruttan, W. (1974) integrated Rural DeveloDment Programs: A Skepticai Perspective. inter~~~l Development Review XVII 14). 9-25. Sierra &one Government‘ @70) White paper on Educational Policy. (Tech. Rep.). Sierra Leone Govemment Printer, Freetown. Sierra Leone Government (1974) National Development Plan for Education, 1974-79 (Tech. Rep.). Sierra Leone Government Printer, Freetown. Sierra Leone Government (1976) All Our Future. (Educational Review). Sierra Leone Government Printer, Freetown. Smith, T. (1973) The policy implementation process. Policy Sciences, 4 (2). Stevens, S. (1973) Throne Speech to Parliament. Sierra

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Leone Government Printer, Freetown. Sweet, C. (1978) Perspectives on the Process Approach to Rural Development. Development Alternatives, Inc., Occasional Paper No. 4, Wasdington, DC. UNDP/UNESCO (1973) Primarv School Teachers for Rural Areas (Report No. SLri3/009). Freetown: Jdint UNDPAJNESCO project. Formulation Mission.

BANYA Van Meter, D. and Van Horn, C. (1975) The Policy Implementation Process-A Conceptual Framework. Administration and Socieh, 6 (4). Wulf, R. (1978) Integrated Rural Development. Economics XVII, 63-80. Zachariah, K. -(1981) Migration in West Africa. World Bank, London. Oxford University Press.