Electric Restructuring and Consumer Interests: Lessons from Other Industries Experience with other industries that moved from regulation to competition shows that reform does not simply redistribute costs from one group of customers to another, but unleashes waves of entrepreneurial ingenuity that are difficult or impossible to predict in advance. Robert Crandall is a senior feIIow in the Economic Studies Program at the Brookings Institution. He has authored or co-authored numerous scholarly articles and books on the effects of regulation and deregulation. He received a B.S. in economics from the University of Cincinnati and an M.A. and Ph.D. in economics from Northwestern University. Jerry Ellig is a senior research fellow at the Center for Market Processes and the Institute for Humane Studies at George Mason University. He has published numerous scholarly articles on energy, transportation regulation, and market-based management. He received a B.A. degree in economics front Xavier University and an M.A. and Ph.D. in economics from George Mason University.
12
Robert Crandall and Jerry Ellig ......... i
s major industry players rush to accommodate electricity restructuring, some also rush forward with speculations about how regulatory reform will affect consumers. Advocates of restructuring promise lower rates and better service; critics warn that retail competition will be a boon only for large, sophisticated customers. Fortunately, the United States has a decade or more of experience with regulatory reform in a variety of industries that share some similarities with electricity. Natural gas, telecommunications, airlines, railroads, and trucking
A
are all industries in which competing producers use a network of wires, pipe, roads, or rails to reach their customers. Economists have analyzed the effects of deregulation and restructuring in these industries in great detail, aided by a wealth of data collected by regulators and trade associations. An overwhelming consensus emerges from these scholarly studies: Real-world competition, though not necessarily perfect, is far better for consumers than economic regulation. Our reading of the record suggests that the results in electricity should be no different.
The Electricity Journal
1. Examining Analogous Industries From an economist’s perspective, these five network industries share a number of similarities with electricity. Like the electric industry, all five have a production, transmission, and distribution stage. Gas wells, telephone equipment, trains, airplanes, and trucks are the production stage, analo-
electric wires into highways that
cific cases. Airlines and trucking
would allow customers to deal di-
companies, meanwhile, both use
rectly with producers of the elec-
publicly-owned infrastructure
tric power. The production side of the other
petitors.
network industries was deregulated in the late 1970s and early
that is generally open to all com-
N
one of these industries is identical to the electric in-
1980s. Most natural gas wellhead
dustry, but neither are they identi-
prices were deregulated between
cal to one another. If common pat-
1978 and 1984. Competition in
terns emerge in all of these
telephone equipment came in the
industries as a result of regulatory
gous to power plants. Interstate
reform, we can be reasonably sure
gas pipelines, long-distance
that similar results will occur in
phone lines, railroad trunk lines,
electricity.
airways and air traffic control, and interstate highways offer long-distance transportation similar to high-voltage transmission lines. And local gas pipes, local telephone lines, rail sidings, airports, and local streets are economically similar to electric distribution lines.
B
ecause these industries have several stages, discus-
In natural gas, teleGove airlines, failroads, and trucking, regula to y reform produced signifi’cant customer benefi’ts-s tarting wits price-teat grew over time.
II. Significant Customer Benefits In all five industries, regulatory reform produced significant customer benefits that grew over time. Consider prices. As Table 1 shows, inflation-adjusted
prices
fell within two years after regulatory reform-often
by 10 percent
or more.’ Within ten years, prices
sions of “deregulation,” “regula-
were at least 25 percent lower,
tory reform, ” “customer choice,”
and sometimes 50 percent lower. Regulatory reform did not
“restructuring,” and similar topics can get quite confusing. In eco-
late 1970s. Airline route and rate
cause all of these price reductions,
nomic terminology, “deregula-
regulations were phased out be-
but it is worth noting that most
tion” means the partial or
ginning in 1978, and surface
predictions of price reductions
complete elimination of govern-
freight companies were partially
from electric restructuring fall
mental restrictions on prices and
or fully deregulated in 1980.
entry. The other terms may de-
Large segments of these indus-
comfortably within this range. In an August 1997 report, the U.S.
tries are also subject to some form
Energy notation
of the industry, but they also may
of open access regulation. Inter-
tion estimated that in the next 2 to
characterize changes in regulation
state natural gas pipelines became
3 years, competition would lower
of one stage of the industry
open access transporters during
the average retail price of electric-
thought necessary to facilitate
the late 1980s. When AT&T was
ity by between 6 and 22 percent;
competition in other parts. Thus,
broken up in 1984, local phone
by 2010, the price would be
“customer choice” means the
companies were required to allow
roughly 11 to 28 percent lower
elimination of price and entry
competing long-distance compa-
than it is today. The now-famous
regulation in electricity genera-
nies to use their lines to reach cus-
1995 study by Citizens for a
tion, coupled with “open access”
tomers. The federal government
Sound Economy Foundation,
regulation that would turn the
has long had authority to impose
meanwhile, projected that retail
open access on a railroad in spe-
competition would reduce the
scribe dere~lation
of some parts
Administra-
i
price of electricity by 13 percent in the short run and 42 percent in the long run} tatistical studies of transportation industries that control for other factors affecting prices have consistently shown that regulatory reform produced more than $50 billion annually in price reductions and other consumer benefits. 3 A significant portion of these benefits came in the form of improved quality of service. In the airline industry, for example, one study found that increased flight frequency accounted for more than half the value of consumer benefits. Surface freight deregulation also generated billions of dollars in shipper savings due to improved reliability of rail and truck transportation.
S
A. Benefits Were Widespread No one can reasonably claim that regulatory reform benefited every single customer in the United States. That standard is impossible for any public policy to meet. Nevertheless, regulatory reform did benefit all major customer groups. Natural gas provides a good case in point. As Figure I shows, the average wellhead price fell by $2.32/mmcf in the ten years following 1985, when most wellhead prices were deregulated. Prices paid by every customer class fell by even more: $2.93/mmcf for residential customers, $3.13/mmcf for commercial customers, $3.53/mmcf for industrial customers, and $3.41/mmcf for electric utilities. The additional price reductions came largely out 14
of the margins earned by interstate pipelines for transporting gas. Despite such figures, even executives in the gas and electric industry sometimes speak as if large industrial customers got most of the benefits of wellhead deregulation. This misperception survives because the savings are often expressed as percentages. Since residential gas rates are higher than industrial and electric utility rates, residential customers received only a 32 percent saving, compared to 57 percent for industrial customers and 63 percent for electric utilities. This pattern stems from the fact that the local gas utilities' share of residential and commercial gas bills is much greater than their share of industrial and electric utilities' gas bills. Distribution, metering, and billing expenses
per mmcf are higher for residential and commercial customers, and thus the total cost per mmcf is higher. As a result, even an equal price reduction for all customers would amount to a smaller percentage of residential and commercial bills. irlines provide another example of where the conventional wisdom is just plain wrong. Few people dispute that deregulation lowered air fares on average, but most simply believe that airlines are gouging passengers unlucky enough to travel to "fortress hubs" or on routes where one airline carries most of the traffic. Less well known is that even "captive" markets enjoy lower fares than under regulation. For example, in "hub" cities dominated by one carrier, real fares were 19 percent lower in 1995
A
Table 1: Summary of Trends Following Regulatory Change i
Industry
Gas - Long Distance Telecom Airlines Trucking
Percent real price reduction a f t e rL:. L . . . . . ... 2 years ... 5 years ... 10 years 10-38% (1984-86) 5-16% (1984-86) 13% (1977-79) N.A.°
Railroads
23-45% (1984-89) 23-41% (1984-89) 12% (1977-82) 3-17% (1980-85) 20% dj_9_80-85)
27-57% (1984-94) 40-47% (1984-94) 29% (1977-87) 28-58%(1977-87) 44% _.(!_%0-90)
Annual value of consumer benefits from deregulationa N.~,Y
--
$5 billion $19.4 billion $19.6 billion
4% $9.10 billion (19.80-8_ 2) ................ a, All figures are real, in t995 dollars. b. For natural gas, no controlled studies quantify the separate effect of deregulation on gas prices. c. For trucking, no studies have documented the effects for the first couple of years, d. No trucking figure is available for 1980-90; figure quoted is for 1977-87. Because regulation made it difficult to cut trucking rates, the bulk of these rate reductions occurred after 1980. Source: Robert Crandalland Jerry Ellig, Economic Deregulation and Customer Choice: Lessonsfor the Electric Industry
(Fairfax, VA: Center for Market Processes, 1997).
The Electricity Journal
than they were in 1979. On routes dominated by a single carrier, fares were 27 percent lower. Fares
4
3.5
for small, medium, and large cities were all lower in 1995 than in 1979.” ft is true that fares for some cities and routes dominated by one carrier are generally higher than for other cities and routes, but most of these fares are still lower than they would have been under continued regulation. B. Low-Cost Customers Still
3
2.5
2
1.5
1
0.5
0
L
SavedMoney Another major fear about electric regulatory reform is that
Source: Energy Information Administration
lower prices for high-cost regions will come at the expense
Figure 1: Reductionin Natural Gas Prices, 1984-95, $/mmcf (1995 $)
of higher prices for low-cost regions. After all, common sense
products and higher rates for bulk
by 35 percent, while the cost for
suggests that electricity produc-
commodities.
truckload shipments fell by 75
ers in the Pacific Northwest and
In reality, all rail rates fell.
Kentucky will ship their power
Within two years after deregula-
to California and New York if
tion, average inflation-adjusted
they can get a better price for it
rail rates had fallen by 4 percent,
there. The experience of other in-
coal rates had fallen by 1 percent,
percent.6
III. What’s Seen and What’s Not? A great deal of the electricity de-
dustries, however, demonstrates
and rates for farm products had
bate focuses on how an existing
that high-cost customers’ relief
fallen by 18 percent. Within ten
pool of costs will be divided up
does not come at low-cost cus-
years, coal and farm rates had
among arbi~arily-defined
tomers’ expense. Rather, all cus-
fallen by 38 and 50 percent, re-
of customers-industrial,
tomers gain as increased effi-
spectively Low-cost and high-cost
tial, captive, low-cost, high-cost,
ciency and productivity
shippers alike got lower rates, be-
and so forth. From a consumer
cause railroad productivity more
perspective, this debate is highly
than doubled in the ten years fol-
misleading, for two reasons.
make it
possible to reduce rates for all.
R
ailroads provide several prominent examples. Prior
to 1980, the Interstate Commerce Commission’s “value of service” pricing dictated that bulk com-
lowing deregulation, after a decade of stagnation.5 Trucking provides a similar ex-
F
groups residen-
irst, even if some big customers receive the lion’s
share of deregulation’s benefits,
ample. “Less-than-truckload”
that does not mean the rest are left
modities, like coal and farm prod-
shipments are more expensive to
with a pittance. If Ford, McDon-
ucts, paid relatively low rail rates
haul than truckload shipments,
ald’s, or Safeway receive lower
compared to “high-value” prod-
but the cost of both fell following
utility bills, they do not get to
ucts like automobiles and other
trucking deregulation. Between
keep all of those savings as prof-
manufactured goods. Deregula-
1977 and 1993, the inflation-ad-
its. Their competitors will also
tion, it seemed, would lead to
justed operating cost per mile for
save money as a result of deregu-
lower rail rates for manufac~red
less-than-~ckload
lation, and competition will force
Janunry/Tebrt~aty 3998
shipments fell
15
them to pass some or all of the
hubbing airlines with a distinctly
SALJER, CUSTOMER
savings on to their customers. For
different route strategy and corpo-
VALUE: AN ANALYSIS
this reason, consumer advocates
rate culture. Such innovations
who focus only on residential elec-
were difficult if not impossible to
tric rates overlook many of the
predict in advance.
more significant consumer benefits deregulation could produce.
S
portant regulatory reform lesson
CONSUMER
OF RETAIL COMPETI-
TION IN AMERICA’S
EI.ECTRIC
(CSE Foundation,
1996).
3.
ROBERT CRANDALL
ECONOMIC
For these reasons, the most im-
CHOICE,
INDUSTRY
AND jERI
DEREGULATION
AND CIJS-
TOMER CHOICE:
LESSONS FOR THE ELEC-
TRIC INDUSTRY
(Fairfax, VA: Center for
econd, experience shows
is also the oldest lesson of eco-
Market Processes,
that regulatory reform does
nomics. When considering alter-
4. Airline deregulation legislation was enacted in 1978, and the Civil Aero-
not simply redistribute costs from
native policies, it is crucial to con-
one group of customers to an-
sider not just the obvious things
other. Instead, competition un-
that are seen, but also the secon-
leashes waves of entrepreneurial
dary effects that are not easily
ingenuity that we simply do not
foreseen. W
find in highly regulated indus-
1997).
nautics Board took some steps toward deregulation
as early as 1976. Unfortu-
nately, the Department of Transportation’s annual fare data for hubs and particular routes begins in 1979. Since fares were higher in 1978, our percentages understate the effect of deregula-
tries. Exposed to both increased
Endnotes:
competition and greater risk, gas
1. Unless otherwise noted, all figures in this article for industries other than
from data drawn from DOT Data Bank 4.
electricity have been converted into 1995 dollars to adjust for inflation.
5. Rail rate data were supplied by the
2.
Our productivity measure is the Bureau of Labor Statistics’ rail productiv-
pipelines increased their operating efficiency, railroads doubled their productivity, and truckers found ways to move more freight with less resources. Airlines deployed hub-and-spoke
route net-
tion on fares. All figures are calculated
U.S. ENERGY INFORMATION
TION, ELECTRICITY TIVE ~NVIR~N~~~N~
MARGIN.41
PRICING OF GENERATION
COST
SERVICES AND FI-
works, and then Southwest Air-
NANCIAL STATUS OF ELECTRIC
lines challenged the dominant
(h.lfZ,.
1997);
ADMINISTRA-
PRICES IN A COMPETI-
UTILITIES
MICHAEL T. MALONEY,
ROBERT I?. MCCORMICK
AND RAYMOND
Association
of American
Railroads.
ity index, which rose from 54.6 in 1980 to 118.5 in 1990. 6. Authors’ calculations. data sources, see Crandall Appendix.
For original and Ellig,
Earlier deregulations have brougkt a banquet of benefits for consumers. 26
The Electricity ~oztrnal