Emotional and psychological abuse: Problems of definition

Child Abuse & Neglect, Vol. 19, No. 4, pp. 449-461, 1995 Copyright © 1995 Elsevier Science Ltd Printed in the USA. All rights reserved 0145-2134/95 $9.50 + .00

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EMOTIONAL AND PSYCHOLOGICAL ABUSE: PROBLEMS OF DEFINITION KIERAN P. O'HAGAN Department of Social Work, The Queen's University of Belfast, Northern Ireland

A b s t r a c t - - D e f i n i n g "emotional abuse" and "psychological abuse" is a task made difficult by uncertainty as to whether or not such terms are synonomous and/or interchangeable. There is an increasing tendency in child protection literature to regard them as synonomous, or at least, to make little distinction between them. The purpose of this paper is to explore the origins of this tendency, and to provide an alternative view, namely, that the terms are not synonomous, and there should be different definitions for each. Existing commonly used definitions are reviewed. The definitions that this paper provides stem from important concepts in emotional and psychological development.

Key Words--Emotional abuse, Psychological abuse.

INTRODUCTION CHILD ABUSE LITERATURE often gives the impression that the authors regard the terms emotional abuse and psychological abuse as synonymous, or that the latter, psychological abuse, subsumes the former and many other types of abuse (Brassard, Hart, & Hardy, 1991; 1993; Burnett, 1993; Firestone, 1992; Garbarino, Guttman, & Seeley, 1986; Garbarino & Vondra, 1987; Hart & Brassard, 1990; Hart, Germain, & Brassard, 1987). More specifically, Navarre (1987) writes: " . . . the terms psychological abuse, emotional abuse, and mental cruelty have been used interchangeably, and without clear definition" (p. 45). The question: Is emotional abuse synonymous with psychological abuse? is important for a number of reasons. First, recent developments in practice and childcare legislation have considerably broadened the focus of child protection workers; they are required to make comprehensive assessments on all aspects of the child's welfare (including emotional and psychological health), before making interventions on behalf of the child. Second, their ability to articulate on all aspects of the child's welfare and development is being increasingly tested in work settings, such as in multidisciplinary reviews and in case conferences, and more challenging, in court. Third, confusion about the meaning of emotional and psychological abuse is unhelpful when attempting to enlighten parents and gain their cooperation in treatment plans. This article is based upon study of available research and literature on the topic, and upon many years experience as principal case worker for child protection working in a major city. It will explore the origins of ambiguity about these terms in child protection literature and in existing definitions. It will propose that emotional and psychological abuse, though often related and mutually consequential, are not synonomous. The article will provide definitions of emotional abuse and psychological abuse which evolved from the author's experience in child protection work, from consultation and training and from child-care court proceedings. The definitions Received for publication April 1, 1993; final revision received July 15, 1994; accepted July 20, 1994. Requests for reprints should be addressed to Kieran O'Hagan, Lecturer in Social Work, Department of Social Work. The Queen's University, Belfast, BT7 INN, Northern Ireland. 449

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will stress the actions that constitute such abuse, and the respective emotional and psychological consequences.

THE ORIGINS OF AMBIGUITY We cannot be certain about the origin of the terms emotional abuse and psychological abuse, but the tendency to regard them as synonomous may stem from any or all of the following factors.

The Impact of the Word Abuse The word abuse in each of the terms emotional abuse and psychological abuse is a significant factor in the tendency to regard the two terms as synonomous. This is easily demonstrated by removing abuse; you are left with emotional and psychological; no one regards these terms as synonomous. Replace abuse with other frequently used words, such a life or development; you are left with the terms emotional life and psychological life; no one regards those terms as synonomous; or, emotional development and psychological development; no one regards them as synonomous. But many, as noted by Navarre (1987) frequently use the terms emotional abuse and psychological abuse synonomously and interchangeably.

Child protection registers. Child protection registers, which statutory agencies use, have never differentiated emotional and psychological abuse. In Britain and Australia, many of these registers have the category "emotional abuse," but not "psychological abuse." When the author has inquired, the custodians of these registers invariably claim that emotional abuse includes, or is the same as psychological abuse. In the USA, the reverse is the case; the term psychological abuse or psychological maltreatment has been increasingly used since the 1983 International Conference on Psychological Abuse of Children and Youth (Hart, Germain, & Brassard, 1987), and is generally regarded as incorporating or subsuming the category of emotional abuse. Preoccupation with more tangible abuse. Child protection agencies invariably concentrate on physical and sexual abuse and neglect. They are under enormous political and financial pressure to do so (Parton, 1985). Individual frontline child protection staff feel this pressure acutely, particularly during those recurring tragedies in which children for whom statutory agencies have responsibility have been killed by their caregivers (Reder, Duncan, & Gray, 1993). Managers and frontline practitioners therefore have had little encouragement to take emotional and psychological abuse seriously, let alone concern themselves with the definitions and meanings of these terms. Brassard, Hart, and Hardy (1991) record a typical agency action of closing a case when the problems of medical and educational neglect, lack of supervision, and physical abuse, had been successfully overcome . . . "despite awareness of continuing psychological abuse" (p. 264).

"Psychological' ":An All Embracing Concept? Hart and Brassard (1987) articulated the broad concept of "psychological maltreatment" as one that "better subsumes all affective and cognitive aspects of child maltreatment" (p. 160). They have expanded and refined this view on the basic of extensive research and writing (Brassard, Hart, & Hardy, 1991; Hart & Brassard, 1990; Turgi & Hart, 1988). The implication here is that maltreatment generally is damaging to emotional and cognitive development, and

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that both are merely components of what is regarded as the all embracing concepts of psychological life and psychological development. Not all psychologists or psychology literature subscribe to the view that the emotional life and emotional development are merely components of the psychological life, or, that what is happening to a child emotionally, is related to, and can only be understood in terms of what is happening cognitively, or vice versa. It is a well-established fact that the newborn has already developed a complex emotional repertoire largely independent of whatever limited degree of cognitive development exists (Christie, Newson, Newson, & Prevezer, 1992; Malatesta, Culver, Tesman, & Shepherd, 1989). This has major implications for assessing the true nature and extent of any form of maltreatment the newborn or infant may suffer. There is a well-established body of opinion within psychology and other disciplines that perceive emotions as much more significant than being a mere component of psychological life. Zanjonc (1980) for example, regarded emotion as primary to cognition, and argued that affective reactions (i.e., emotional feeling and expression) precede cognitive processing. Malatesta, Culver, Tesman, and Shepherd (1989) produced exhaustive research on emotional development without reference to cognitive development. Both Gross (1985) and McShane (1991) wrote texts on cognitive development without reference to emotional development. Mussen (1979) wrote one of the most widely read books on the "psychological development" of the child without a single reference to emotion or emotional development. Clearly such writing does not support the view that the terms emotional development and psychological development are synonomous, or that "emotional life and development" is merely one of many interlocking components of "psychological life and development." Turgi and Hart (1988) speaks of "the emotional and cognitive impact of psychological maltreatment" (p. 293); Navarre (1987) speaks of "damage in the areas of cognitive and emotional development" (p. 49). The problem with subsuming the emotional abuse and its consequences within the all embracing "psychological maltreatment" concept is that the distinct characteristics of emotional abuse and its consequences (as distinct from cognitive abuse and its consequences), are less obvious. The British 1989 Children Act (White, Carr, & Lowe, 1990) heralded as the most comprehensive childcare legislation of any country, makes a clear distinction between "emotional development" and "mental (i.e., psychological) health;" it requires child protection professionals to assess both, and to determine whether or not either is being impeded or impaired by the behavior of the child's caregivers. Clearly therefore, there are sound reasons in writing, research, and legislation to seek separate definitions.

Emotionally Abusive Behavior is also Psychologically Abusive Whatever uncertainty child protection workers may have about emotional and psychological abuse, they usually believe that the behavior which constitutes one surely must constitute the other. They believe emotionally abusive behavior is psychologically abusive and vice versa. Generally speaking this is true, but such a view conveniently precludes the necessity of finding separate definitions for both forms of abuse. Emotionally abusive behavior is nearly always psychologically abusive and vice versa, but there can be exceptions. There are two very famous exceptions in literature: Dibs, in the story by Axline (1964), is a child severely emotionally abused by his parents, but who, to the astonishment of the author, demonstrates that his cognitive faculties are intact: "his beautiful and powerful language had grown intact even though it had been driven underground . . . he had been utilizing quite fully his intelligence . . . " (Axline, 1964, p. 66). Dibs' rich parents (both doctors) treated him abominably in the emotional interactive sense, but they also provided him with an environment highly conducive to accelerated cognitive development. "Dibs, even though not an active participating member of the group, was observing, learning, thinking, drawing conclusions, as he crawled around

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on the edge of things" (Axline, 1964, p. 65). The second exception is that of the Victorian Edmund Gosse, whose autobiography Father and Son tells of the "mental straight jacket" in which his loving, deeply religious parents trapped him. These parents are model parents in the emotionally interactive sense• They never ignored the child Gosse; they never uttered a harsh word; his parents were " . . . perfect purity, perfect intrepidity, perfect abnegation . . . their contentment was complete and unfeigned" (Gosse, 1907, p. 15). Yet as the story unfolds, we learn that these same parents, as a consequence mainly of their fundamentalism, unwittingly inflict a pervasive and intensifying mental torment on Gosse• They lived in an intellectual cell, bounded at its sides by the walls of their own house, but open above to the very heart of the uttermost heavens. (Gosse, 1907, p. 16) As the precocious child Gosse grows older, he becomes curious and imaginative about life beyond the cell (it is of course these loving, devout, committed parents who have carefully cultivated his precocity)• But his parents, particularly his mother, won't tolerate such mental activity. " S h e had a remarkable impression that to 'tell a story' was a sin" (p. 21). She convinced Gosse that it was a sin. He writes: "the longing to invent stories grew with violence • . . and the folly, vanity, and wickedness which disgraced my heart are more than I am able to express" (p. 21). Numerous other aspects of their fundamentalism impinge upon Gosse's mental development• But it is his growing realization of (what he perceives as) their hypocracy and their contradictory behavior which poses the greatest challenge to him. These cases should caution one against assuming emotional abuse is always psychologically abusive and vice versa• Dibs was severely emotionally abused, and this had serious adverse effects upon his emotional and social development. He was not psychologically (mentally) abused. His mental development was neither impeded nor impaired• Gosse was severely psychologically abused (by parents who had not the slightest notion they were doing so). He was not emotionally abused; on the contrary, his parents ensured the highest quality of emotional life and development during his infancy and early childhood (probably one of the reasons he was able to withstand the psychological torment which came later)• One of the consequences of believing that emotional abuse and psychological abuse are the same, and/or that emotionally abusive behavior is always psychologically abusive and vice versa, is that no differentiation is required, and only one definition is needed• But which definition?

DEFINITIONS Attempts to provide definitions of emotional and/or psychological abuse have proved difficult (Barnett, Manly, & Cicchetti, 1991; Brassard, Hart, & Hardy, 1991, 1993; Calam & Franchi, 1989; Egeland, 1991; Furnell, 1987; Garbarino & Vondra, 1987; Hart & Brassard, 1990; Hart, Germain & Brassard, 1987; Klosinski, 1993; McGee & Wolfe, 1991; Navarre, 1987; O'Hagan, 1993; Turgi & Hart, 1988). Brassard, Hart, and Hardy (1993) state that "definitions produced so far have been inadequate" (p. 717). Let us therefore consider some definitions commonly used. Psychologicalmaltreatmentis a concertedattack by an adult on a child's developmentof self and social competence, a pattern of psychicallydestructivebehaviorand it takes fiveforms:rejecting,isolating,terrorizing,ignoring,corrupting. (Garbarino, Guttman, & Seeley, 1986, p. 8) There are a number of issues arising from this definition. First, the word "concerted" implies that the behavior is intentional and planned. Children are very often psychologically

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abused without those responsible being aware of it (Navarre, 1987; O'Hagan, 1993). Second, the term by an adult is restrictive; peer groups of any age (they can be even younger than their victim) are capable of psychically destructive behavior, and the current exposure of the extent of bullying in school suggests they are (Besag, 1989). Third, the term psychically destructive merely replaces the term psychological maltreatment, which it is meant to explain; it is subject to too many interpretations. Fourth, the five forms of behavior identified in this definition may not be psychically destructive. Some of them are in fact inappropriate and potentially abusive responses, which nearly all parents will inflict upon their children (consciously or unconsciously) at some time during the children's lives (Hart & Brassard, 1990; Hart, Germain, & Brassard, 1987; Navarre, 1987). Each of them would be psychically destructive if it was sustained and repetitive over long periods of time. But each of them need not be psychically destructive if it is merely an untypical isolated behavior, of which all parents are capable. There are, of course, children who will experience all of them, repeatedly, throughout their childhood. They will most certainly be psychically (i.e., psychologically) damaged. Finally, the inclusion of "corrupting" as a form of psychological abuse warrants comment. Many writers would agree (Hart, Germain, & Brassard, 1987; Hart & Brassard, 1987, 1990; O'Hagan, 1993; Turgi & Hart, 1988), but there is a problem if one also agrees that psychological abuse encompasses or subsumes emotional abuse, and that all the forms of psychological abuse are emotionally abusive too. Corrupting a child is damaging, morally wrong, and illegal, but it is not necessarily or always emotionally abusive. Emotional abuse is actual or likely severe adverse effect on the emotional and behavioral development of the child caused by persistent or severe emotional ill treatment or rejection. (Department of Health, 1991, p. 1 I)

This definition is used by many Local Authority social services and child care agencies in the UK. It may appear unambiguous and sound, but it actually isn't a definition; it confuses "what i s . . . " with "the effect of what i s . . . " More noticeably, its principal point is to say that "emotional abuse" is caused by "emotional ill treatment," but it doesn't define either. Psychological maltreatment of children and youth consists of acts of omission and commission which are judged by community standards and professional expertise to be psychologically damaging. Such acts are committed by individuals, singly or collectively, who by their characteristics (e.g., age, status, knowledge, organizational form) are in a position of differential power that renders a child vulnerable. Such acts damage immediately or ultimately the behavioral, cognitive, affective, or physical functioning of the child. Examples of psychological maltreatment include acts of rejecting, terrorizing, isolating, exploiting, and mis-socializing. (International Conference on Psychological Abuse of Children and Youth, 1983, quoted in Hart & Brassard, 1990, p. 78)

This is a broad definition. As with the first definition, the examples of psychologically abusive behavior (particularly, isolating, exploiting, and mis-socializing), may not in fact psychologically abuse a child; much will depend upon context, intensity and duration of abuse, and stage of development. The point about "differential power" is interesting; presumably it is referring to power imbalance in the favor of the perpetrator; but some perpetrators may be infinitely less powerful than their child victim (e.g., mentally ill), and capable of inflicting enormous emotional and psychological damage upon the child (Green, 1991). Emotional child abuse refers to damage to the child's psychological development and emerging personal identity, primarily caused by parent's (primary caretaker's) immaturity, defended life-style, and conscious or unconscious aggression towards the child. (Firestone, 1992, p. 1)

The focus of the opening part of this statement is very wide. One would at least expect some reference to the damage caused to emotional functioning, much more specific than damage to "psychological development and emerging personal identity." But this may be a

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clear example of the point made previously about some writers subsuming all emotional experiences within the psychological life of the individual. Another feature is the implication that primary caretakers, particularly parents, are the principal perpetrators of emotional abuse. They may not be. Emotional abuse includeshostility,persistentcoldness,or rejection by the parent or caregiver,to such an extent that the child's behavior is disturbed or their developmentimpaired. (CommunityServices, Melbourne, Victoria, 1989, p. 18)

Here again, imprecision is the problem. Of course hostility, coldness, and rejection may be features of emotional abuse. But they are not necessarily emotionally abusive behaviors, particularly if they are separate, untypical, isolated behaviors, which the parent or caregiver regrets. Attempting to Avoid the Definition Pitfalls

Difficulty in defining is often indicated by the first few words of the definition: for example, Psychological maltreatment consists o f . . . refers t o . . . i n c l u d e s . . , occurs w h e n . . , is brought about b y . . . and so forth. There are therefore two objectives in seeking definitions of emotional abuse and psychological abuse: to say, as unambiguously and directly as possible, what each of them is, and what each of them does. Many previous attempts at defining have included detailed lists of examples of actions that are allegedly emotionally and psychologically abusive (Hart, Germain, & Brassard 1987; Turgi & Hart, 1988); but these writers and others (Egeland & Erickson, 1987; Garbarino & Vondra, 1987; Navarre, 1987; O'Hagan, 1993) unanimously agree that single, isolated actions or behaviors do not usually constitute emotional and psychological abuse. (There are exceptions: for example, when a child witnesses a parent being murdered, or when a child is subjected to an entirely unpredictable serious physical attack or rape.) The objectives of saying what these abuses are and what they do necessitates familiarity with the concepts of emotional development and psychological development which, as already emphasized, are never regarded as synonomous terms. Another important objective is to seek definitions that have universal application. Garbarino, Guttman, and Seeley (1986) caution: Any observationof psychologicalmaltreatmentdepends heavilyupon social and culturalcontext. Behavioris considered psychologicallyabusive when it conveys a culture-specificmessage of rejection or impairs a sociallyrelevant psychologicalprocess. (p. 5) O' Hagan (1993) suggests that research in emotional development in particular has depended largely upon the availability of middle class parents and their children in hospital, school, and clinical settings. Brassard, Hart, and Hardy (1993) have provided extremely helpful psychological maltreatment scales, but caution that: "the test-retest reliability is based on nonmaltreating middle-class mother-child dyads" (p. 727). Class, race, and culture awareness is important not simply for the task of seeking definitions which have universal application but also because of the intrinsic emotional and psychological abusive aspects of racism (Jones & Jones, 1987, O'Hagan, 1993), cultural bias (Reschly & Graham-Clay, 1987), and the structural inequalities of social systems (Gil, 1987). Towards a Definition of Emotional Abuse

Darwin (1872) was one of the earliest pioneers in the study of emotional development. He realized that children are born with an innate ability to feel and express basic emotions, for example distress, pleasure, surprise and shock. "Expressing" means the facial or bodily expres-

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sion and the behavior accompanying the felt emotion; for example, the aggressive posturing and threatening look in the eye that may accompany anger; the smiles and laughter that may accompany happiness. The ability to feel and express emotion becomes crucial in communication and speech development (Christie, Newson, Newson, & Prevezer, 1992; Christopoulos, Bonvillian, & Crittenden, 1988). As the child develops, close relationship and contact with parents and others facilitate the process whereby the child acquires a much greater and more complex emotional repertoire. Most importantly, the child learns when the expression of differing emotions is appropriate or not, and increasingly gains more control over his or her emotional life. Many children however, are treated in such a way that they never gain this control. Their emotional life becomes distorted. They do not learn when it is appropriate or inappropriate to express emotion. When a child experiences the emotion of fear or distress, a parent will normally respond with the emotion of compassion and love, and with physical comforting. Such emotionally interactive appropriateness is a core component of "attachment" (Ainsworth, 1980; Aldgate, 1991; Bowlby, 1953, 1969, 1973; Crittenden, 1989, 1990; Crittenden & Ainsworth, 1989). But what might happen if the parents repeatedly respond to the child's fear and distress with anger and rejection?

Inappropriate Emotional Interactions: The Core of Emotional Abuse When a 4-year-old returns from the nursery, expressing the emotions of excitement and enthusiasm because of some project she has completed successfully and is itching to show it to all around, parents will normally respond with their own enthusiasm, pride, and praise. But what if the parents repeatedly respond with indifference or anger instead of those necessary positive emotions? If parents (or any other significant persons) are repeatedly reacting to the child's emotions with emotions that are entirely inappropriate, this will at some point constitute emotional abuse. The child returning from the nursery, for example, is very quickly going to lose any enthusiasm and sense of pride in her achievement. Worse still, she is learning that being enthusiastic, excited, and proud, is dangerous. Such emotionally interactive inappropriateness is at the core of emotional abuse (Christopoulos, Bonvillian, & Crittenden, 1988; Crittenden, 1992; Gaensbauer, Mrazek, & Harmon, 1980). The word "repeatedly" is stressed here for a sound reason. Every parent or caregivers is capable of isolated, inappropriate emotional reactions to their children, for example not being interested, being angry through tiredness, or being downright unreasonable for whatever reason! Such parents realize what they have done, feel bad, maybe say they are sorry, and try to do better next time. They are not emotionally abusing their children. The key feature of emotional abuse is its sustained and repetitive nature (Brassard, Hart, & Hardy, 1993; O'Hagan, 1993).

EMOTIONAL CONSEQUENCES There are countless examples of very young children expressing emotions appropriately, and parents always reacting in the most inappropriately emotional way. If this process is sustained and repetitive, the child's emotional development will be impaired. There are many differing consequences of impairment; two of the more commonly observed are "dominant, silent, and invisible negative emotions" and "dominant, audible, and visible negative emotions." The first is endured by those children who have painfully learned that any kind of emotional expression on their part provokes negative hostile reactions in their caregivers. This

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increasingly inhibits the child from expressing emotions that are audible and visible, for example, the emotion of joy and happiness expressed through smiling and laughter; or the emotion of fear and anxiety expressed through clinging and crying. It is often the facial expression and the behavior accompanying the felt emotion that is more provocative to the abuser than the emotion itself. There is a common belief that this leads to the "emotionless" state in children, that is, they adapt simply by expressing no emotions at all. This is inaccurate. There is no such thing as the emotionless child. What happens in these circumstances is that the child experiences predominantly negative emotions (e.g., misery, despair, apathy), which have virtually no accompanying expressive behavior. They are relatively noiseless, motionless, and often invisible emotions; they are just what some caregivers demand, and precisely what some professionals may fail to detect (as was revealed in virtually every British inquiry report on a child's death in Britain 1973-1990). The consequences for the child's emotional development and social life are serious (Gaensbauer, Mrazek, & Harmon, 1980). Other children cannot cope in this way. They persistently react to the caregivers inappropriate emotional behavior with an opposite type of negative emotion, for example frustration, anger, rage, aggression (Dibs, in Axline's [1964] work, is a typical example of such a child.) These emotions are expressed through the loudest, most visible, most action-laden (often destructive) behavior. Their caregivers may let them away with this, or they may respond with similar emotions. In either case the child is learning no other alternative or appropriate emotional response. These children are likely to experience great difficulty in their educational and social lives. They will be perceived as unpredictable and aggressive, constantly living on a short fuse. They will be incapable of the subtleties and sophistication of emotional communication necessary in their peer groups, their schools, and work settings. They do have one advantage however: unlike the child above, increasingly living in a world of silent emotional misery, which professionals may fail to detect, their impaired emotional development and its consequences are obvious to professional and lay person alike. There is therefore a much better chance of detection, assessment, intervention, and therapy. The definition of emotional abuse, consisting of what it is and what it does, is as follows: EMOTIONAL ABUSE IS THE SUSTAINED, REPETITIVE, INAPPROPRIATEEMOTIONAL RESPONSE TO THE CHILD'S EXPERIENCEOF EMOTIONAND ITS ACCOMPANYINGEXPRESSIVE BEHAVIOR.Emotional abuse repeatedly inflicts emotional pain upon the child (e.g., fear, humiliation, distress, despair, etc.). It inhibits the child from spontaneous, appropriate, positive, emotional feeling and emotional expression. It impairs emotional development, that is, the child's continuing ability to experience an increasing range of emotions, to regulate and modulate emotionalexperiences,and to expressthem appropriately.Emotional abuse will minimizethe child's learning about, and experience of, the increasing subtleties of emotional life. The child's perception and understanding of emotion become distorted, whether it be the child's own emotional experiences or the emotional expressivityof others. Emotional abuse will have serious adverse effect on the child's social development and social life.

Toward a Definition of Psychological Abuse Psychological abuse is not the same as emotional abuse. Psychological abuse is sustained and repetitive behavior that damages or impedes the development of important mental (particularly cognitive) faculties, like intelligence, perception, attention, recognition, and memory. The development of a "moral sense" must also be considered as an important component of psychological development (Harris, 1989); indeed, impairing the development of moral sense, that is by corrupting the child, is probably the least complicated form of psychological abuse, and very common. Each of these faculties is crucial to the social, emotional, and educational development of the child. We need to look at some of them in more detail.

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Intelligence Intelligence development in small children can easily be impaired by the behavior of primary caregivers. Grinding economic and environmental poverty experienced by many primary caregivers, and the stresses associated with it can also greatly limit the rate of intelligence development in children (Mussen, 1979). Intelligence develops normally in safe, intellectually stimulating and challenging environments. Each new achievement in intelligence functioning is a springboard for further development (Piaget, 1950; Richardson, 1991). The child's problemsolving, and making sense of the world around her (the core indicators of intelligence development) is greatly facilitated by a safe, secure, predictable, caring environment, in which curiosity is rewarded by encouragement, and difficulty in understanding is alleviated by support and patience. This contrasts sharply with the experiences of many children (Navarre, 1987). Their intelligence development is impaired by environments in which patience, facilitation, and encouragement do not exist (often because of severe adverse economic and environmental, or marital and interpersonal difficulties); more importantly, such environments are characterized by persistent behaviors and afflictions that small children cannot possibly comprehend, such as family violence, fragmentation, desertion, homelessness, and being cared for, without preparation or introduction, by any number of substitute parental figures. Intelligence development is impaired by the substantial and sustained confusion, which the child is likely to endure as a consequences of these conditions.

Attention Attention is a mental faculty absolutely crucial in the child's social and educational life (Atkinson, Atkinson, Smith, & Hilgard, 1953; Crooks & Stein, 1947; Gross, 1987; Sperling, 1967). A child reared in an atmosphere of sustained violence, marital strife, mental illness, or alcoholism is not likely to sit in a classroom exercising the maximum degree of attention appropriate for her age. The child may also be a victim of violence, or some other form of abuse (e.g., sexual). Children from environments like these are conspicuously inattentive. They may develop "attention deficit disorder syndrome" (ADD), a syndrome normally associated with hyperactivity (Rutter, 1989), but increasingly linked to anxieties that may have their origins in the poor quality of care provided for them (Carlson, 1986), indeed, Shaywitz and Shaywitz (1989) suggest that children whose attention deficit stems from reasons other than hyperactivity are more anxious and have poorer school performances than hyperactive ADD children. Whatever the cause of impairment of the faculty of attention (marital conflict, violence, sexual abuse), the prospects for children's educational life--not to mention their social, emotional, and psychological life--are grim.

Perception Perception is learning about and interpreting the world through our senses. Ensuring that children have opportunity to learn in this way is the core of sound perceptual development. That means exposing them to a rich diet of safe sensory experiences (Navarre, 1987) in vision, hearing, touch, taste, and smell. Many babies and toddlers today have precious little safe sensory experiences (though many unsafe miserable ones). Their perceptual development is largely confined to a darkened room with a box in the middle, blaring out for hours on end, movie upon movie, their caregivers emerging from the darkness only for the basic necessities of food and relief. The damage done to perceptual development by these kind of conditions is incalculable. A further point about perception needs to be stressed. It is a crucial faculty enabling children to sense danger. Children whose development of perception is impeded or

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impaired are more vulnerable to abuse, particularly to the wiles of sexual abusers (O'Hagan, 1993).

Psychological Consequences The consequences of psychological abuse will be determined by (a) the nature, intensity, and duration of the abuse (Hart, Germain, & Brassard, 1987; Navarre, 1987; Garbarino & Vondra, 1987); (b) which particular mental faculties and processes are being damaged (O'Hagan, 1993); (c) the age and stage of development of the child at the time of abuse (Brassard, Hart, & Hardy, 1991; Navarro, 1987) (d) the quality of life, treatment and therapy following the abuse. Psychological abuse seldom damages or impairs a mere single mental process or faculty; there are many of these, all interrelated and an effective attack upon one is likely to be an attack upon another, or to adversely affect the functioning of others. For example, most forms of sexual abuse will effectively attack the proper functioning of memory, perception, attention, and imagination (Furniss, 1991; Wyatt & Powell, 1988); it should always be stressed of course, that sexual abuse is additionally, nearly always emotionally and physically abusive. The definition of psychological abuse therefore, consisting of what it is and what it does, is as follows: PSYCHOLOGICALABUSE IS THE SUSTAINED,REPETITIVE,INAPPROPRIATEBEHAVIORWHICH DAMAGES OR SUBSTANTIALLYREDUCES THE CREATIVE AND DEVELOPMENTALPOTENTIALOF CRUCIALLY IMPORTANTMENTALFACULTIESAND MENTALPROCESSESOF A CHILD;THESEFACULTIES AND PROCESSES INCLUDE INTELLIGENCE, MEMORY, RECOGNITION, PERCEPTION, ATTENTION, IMAGINATION, AND MORAL DEVELOPMENT.Examples of such sustained, repetitive,and pervasivebehavior may be domestic violence,desertion,unpredictability,lies, deception,exploitation,and various other forms of abuse (particularly sexual abuse, violence, and neglect). Psychologicalabuse impedes and impairs the child's developing capacity to understand and manage her environmentto the degree that age and developmentshould normallyenable her to understand and manage it. Psychologicalabuse greatly confuses and/or frightens the child, renders her more vulnerable, less confident,and will adverselyaffect her education, general welfare, and social life.

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION Emotional abuse and psychological abuse are not the same. But that is not to say that they are entirely separate experiences. It is highly probable that the perpetrator who is abusing the child emotionally will to some extent also be abusing the child psychologically, and vice versa (there are of course the rare exceptions, such as Dibs and Gosse). Nearly all abuses of children are interrelated; if a child is frequently subjected to physical abuse, he or she is also being subjected to: (a) emotional abuse (there can be no more inappropriate and damaging emotional response to a child than persistent anger expressed through persistent violence) and (b) psychological abuse (Claussen & Crittenden, 1991). If the person perpetrating the violence is one whom the child loves and trusts, the psychological harm is increased (Turgi & Hart, 1988). If a child is being repeatedly sexually abused, that child is also being emotionally and psychologically abused. Similarly with the abuses that we term "neglect" (Green, 1991), "emotional neglect" (Schakel, 1987), and "psychological unavailability" (Egeland & Erickson, 1987); these all include numerous features of emotional abuse and psychological abuse; indeed the explanations and examples given by these authors are wholly compatible with many aspects of the explanations and definitions in this paper. Behavior that constitutes emotional and psychological abuse is invariably sustained, repetitive, and intensifying (Brassard, Hart, & Hardy, 1993; O'Hagan, 1993). Emotional abuse impairs the emotional life and impedes emotional development; psychologi-

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cal abuse impairs the mental life and i m p e d e s mental development. In seeking a definition for the former, one should concentrate on the impact that the abuse has on the c h i l d ' s emotional life and emotional development. In seeking a definition o f the latter, one should concentrate on the impact that the abuse has on the c h i l d ' s mental life and mental development. The fact that either kind o f abuse can impact adversely upon b o t h the emotional and mental life, does not invalidate either definition. In such cases, what is required is a recognition that the child is enduring both forms o f abuse. M u c h progress has already being m a d e in constructing f r a m e w o r k s enabling professionals to m o n i t o r and measure these abuses and their impacts (Brassard, Hart, & Hardy, 1993; Crittenden, 1989; O ' H a g a n , 1993), and in identifying the categories o f environments most c o n d u c i v e to such abuses (Egeland & Erickson, 1987; O ' H a g a n , 1993); but much more work has still to be done. The definitions in this paper help to stress another important point: that it is not just parents w h o e m o t i o n a l l y and p s y c h o l o g i c a l l y abuse children (the words " p a r e n t s " and " c a r e g i v e r s " do not appear in either definition.) Indeed, looking at the p r o b l e m in a global context, it m a y be parents least o f all (wars, famine, slavery, and civil strife perpetuate these abuses on a vast scale). A n d as we have painfully realized in recent years, we as professional childcare workers entrusted with the care o f children or who are responsible for rescuing children, are not incapable o f such abuses ourselves. The prevalency o f emotional and p s y c h o l o g i c a l abuse is well encapsulated in the c o m m e n t : " I t is doubtful that any o f us escape being victims or perpetrators." (Hart, Germain, & Brassard, 1987, p. 7)

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R ~ s u m ~ l l est difficile de d6finir les termes "abus psychologique" et - a b u s 6motionnel" car il n'est pas clair si les deux concepts veulent dire la m~,me chose et/ou s'ils peuvent ~tre substitu6s Fun pour l'autre. Dans la litt6rature portant sur la protection des enfants, on a tendance de plus en plus h les consid6rer comme synonymes ou, du moins, ~t apporter peu de distinction entre eux. Le but de cet article est d'explorer les origines de ces tendances et de fournir une perspective nouvelle, 5 savoir que les termes ne veulent pas n6cessairement dire la m~me chose et qu'on devrait attribuer des d6finitions diff6rentes ~i chacun des termes. L'article passe en revue les diverses d6finitions que l'on retrouve. Les d6finitions propos6es dans cet article se basent sur des concepts importants du d6veloppement affectif et psychologique. R e s u m e n - - D e f i n i r "'maltrato emocional" y "maltrato psicoi6gico" es una tarea diffcil por la incertidumbre existente en relaci6n a si tales t6rminos son o no sin6nimos y/o intercambiables. Hay una tendencia cada vez mayor en la bibliografia sobre protecci6n infantil, a considerarlos como sin6nimos o, al menos, a hacer s61o una pequefia distinci6n entre ambos. E1 prop6sito de este artfculo es explorar los orfgenes de esta tendencia, y proporcionar una visi6n alternativa, a saber, que los t6rminos no son sin6nimos, y que debe haber definiciones diferentes para cada uno de ellos. Se revisan las definiciones existentes y utilizadas habitualmente. Las definiciones que se proporcionan en este artfculo proceden de conceptos importantes del desarrollo emocional y psicol6gico.