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English as a Meaning-making Resource in Russian-based Professional Communication
Available online at www.sciencedirect.com
ScienceDirect Procedia - Social and Behavioral Sciences 236 (2016) 174 – 180
International Conference on Communication in Multicultural Society, CMSC 2015, 6-8 December 2015, Moscow, Russian Federation
English as a meaning-making resource in Russian-based professional communication Elena S. Gritsenko* Linguistics University of Nizhny Novgorod, 31a Minin st., Nizhny Novgorod 603155, Russian Federation
Abstract The paper examines how English is used by Russian speakers to convey various meanings and how these meanings are linked to language ideologies circulating in contemporary Russia. Discourse analysis and ethnographic methods (interviews and surveys) are used to conduct several case studies, each focused on a certain communicative niche affected by globalization. © 2016 Published The Authors. Published Elsevier Ltd.access article under the CC BY-NC-ND license © 2016 by Elsevier Ltd. by This is an open under responsibility of the National Research Nuclear University MEPhI (Moscow Engineering Physics Institute). Peer-review (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/). Peer-review under responsibility of the National Research Nuclear University MEPhI (Moscow Engineering Physics Institute). Keywords: English; Russian; globalization; communication; language ideology; meaning
1. Introduction The global expansion of English and its appropriation in the Expanding Circle (Kachru, 1985) have brought to life new language practices where English is integrated into local contexts to serve the immediate purposes of local speakers. In recent decade or so, this phenomenon attracted attention of anthropologies, linguists and culture experts from different countries. The meaning-making function of English in local contexts was studied in hip-hop and popular culture (Alim, Ibrahim, and Pennycook, 2009; Chan, 2009; Johnson and Milany, 2010; Moody, 2006; Park, 2010; Pennycook, 2010; Sarkar and Winer, 2006; Terkourafi, 2010), linguistic landscape and advertizing (Adetunji, 2015; Backhaus, 2007; Bhatia and Ritchie, 2013; Bolton, 2012; Buckinham, 2015; Dimova, 2012; Martin, 2008; Martinez, 2015), computer-mediated communication (Antroutsopoulos, 2010; Seargeant and Tagg, 2011), and other
* Corresponding author. E-mail address: [email protected]
1877-0428 © 2016 Published by Elsevier Ltd. This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC-ND license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/). Peer-review under responsibility of the National Research Nuclear University MEPhI (Moscow Engineering Physics Institute). doi:10.1016/j.sbspro.2016.12.061
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communities of practice (Bolton, 2013; Blommaert, 2007; Heller, 2010; Hickey, 2010; Higgins, 2009, Johnstone, 2010; Maynard, 2007). In Russia this topic is fairly new. Though Englishization of the Russian language is seen as one of the leading sociolinguistic trends, researchers tend to focus on the contact-induced lexical innovations, such as borrowings, lexical and semantic loans, and hybrid words (Krongauz, 2009; Valgina, 2003; Kazkenova, 2013; Kuzmina and Abrosimova, 2013). Research on meaning-making aspects of English in Russian-based communication is as yet limited. The role of English in advertizing, public signage and linguistic landscapes was touched upon by Ustinova and Bhatia (2005), Proshina and Ustinova (2012), Kirilina (2011) and Eddy (2007). Indexical potential of English in identity construction was studied in sports subcultures (Kuznetzova, 2013; Gritsenko, 2012), song lyrics (Aleshinskaya and Gritsenko, 2014, 2016; Gritsenko and Aleshinkaya, 2015), recruitment discourse (Alikina, 2014), and everyday life (Gritsenko, 2013, 2014). The creative aspect of Russian-English language play was examined by A. Rivlina, who outlined the formal patterns and described the functions of bilingual creativity in book titles, magazine and newspaper headlines, TV show titles, brands, shop and restraint names (Rivlina, 2011, 2015). This paper intends to contribute and add further to the discussion of the role of English in Russian-based communication. My aim is to find out what Russians think about the English language and how they use it to communicate different meanings. I will address professional communication, which so far has not been studied from this perspective, and focus on “the language ideological load both guiding the process and being one of its results” (Blommaert, 2003, p. 610). I will also argue that English can serve as a meaning-making resource even if its fragments do not actually appear in the utterance. 2. Methodology and study material The study is guided by the concept of language as a translocal mobile resource (Blommaert, 2003, 2010) and the research on language ideology which helps to link the assumptions people have about a language to their social experience and political interests (Irving, 1989; Silverstein, 1979, Woolard and Shieffelin, 1994). I will bring together sociolinguistic and ethnographic approaches to show how English is used by Russian speakers to convey various meanings and how these meanings are linked to language ideologies circulating in contemporary Russia. To this end, I will use the findings of several case studies, each focused on a certain communicative “niche” (Blommaert, 2003) affected by globalization. The study material includes texts of electronic media; over 200 job ads and 150 resumes from the recruitment portals rabota.ru, headhunters.ru, and superjob.ru; two interviews with personnel of local recruitment agencies on the role of English in Russian labour market; a survey of 240 employees from Russian offices of international companies specializing in audit and IT, and a survey of 300 Russian university students (aged 18-21) who study English as a foreign language. The interview and survey findings will clarify what motivates the use of English in Russian-based communication and what it actually means for different parties. The ‘glocal’ nature of appropriations of English and combinations of diverse methodological and conceptual tools will allow examining familiar types of phenomena from a new perspective. 3. Analysis Research findings suggest that in the Russian communicative space, English performs semantic and semiotic functions. In the first case, English and Anglicisms are used to fill lexical gaps or to name new phenomena, for instance, academic concepts or Internet activities: x элективы [electivy] from “electives” – дисциплины по выбору; кредиты [kredity] from “credits” – зачетные единицы; x лайкать [laikat’] from “to like”, ретвитнуть (retvitnut’), from “tо retweet”, погуглить (poguglit’) from “to google”.
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The semiotic (indexical) function of English is aptly illustrated by the name of a shopping center in my home city of Nizhny Novgorod – “KomsMOLka”. The name is an interlingual pun with global and local indexicalities: x Komsomol (the Young Communists League in the Soviet Union) connotes the idea of social justice characteristic of the Soviet times. x Komsomolka is a female Komsomol member and an informal nickname of the city square, where the shopping center is located. x The capitalized part of the name “КомсоМОЛка» is a homophone of the English word “mall”, which connotes market values and the western way of life. x Visual signs (a silhouette of the Komsomol badge as well as red-and-yellow colors) reinforce the verbally constructed egalitarian meanings of the Soviet past, while the fragment of English (МОЛ) is associated with consumer culture and global orientation. This multimodal semiotics brings two sets of values and two historical epochs together. The meaning-making process is in effect indexical, therefore in this paper the words “semiotic” and “indexical” are used as synonyms. 3.1. English as an index of professional competence and a marker of professional identity Indexical capacities of English are rooted in language ideologies – “the cultural system of ideas about social and linguistic relationships, together with their loading of moral and political interests” (Irvine, 1989, p. 255). Content analysis of the recruitment portals rabota.ru, superjob.ru, and headhunters.ru indicates that in contemporary Russia English is seen as an instrument for career building and financial success. This conclusion is supported by the survey findings. Over 87% of students from Nizhny Novgorod universities (future linguistics, journalists, psychologists, managers, and programmers), who were asked about the motives for studying English, believe that it will “enhance career growth”, “help to achieve professional success”, and “find a well-paid job”. The role of English in learning, reading books, and understanding people from other countries was also mentioned but as an additional advantage. Basically, what it means is that when young Russians say I want to learn English, they imply I want to have a well-paid job and be professionally successful rather than because I want to read books in the original or because I want to understand people from other countries. Since mastering a foreign language is effort and time consuming, English has become an index of positive personal qualities which are valued on the labor market. According to local recruiters: “… a candidate who is fluent in English is better educated, more intelligent and hard working, prepared to understand western culture” (Marina, HR agency director); “Good knowledge of English means that a person is goal oriented, hard-working, diligent and disciplined” (Lisa, recruiter); Apparently, this belief is also shared by employers: “The line ‘English fluent’ or ‘upper intermediate’ in your resume can work wonders. It means that to your ability to communicate with foreign partners the employer will add good memory, assiduity and the ability of logical thinking” (http://www.rabota.ru/soiskateljam/tehniki/k_bareru_jazykovomu_.html). According to the statistical data of the recruitment portal rabota.ru, although only in 6% jobs English is really needed, over 90% of job ads mention the knowledge of English as a requirement. In IT sector, banking, sales, advertizing and other industries that came to Russia from the West, English is the main source of professional terminology and, therefore, an index of competence and knowledgeability. The survey of Russian employees in local offices of two international companies (one specializing in IT and the other – in auditing) confirm this observation. Survey participants in both companies were asked what English means for a company employee. A list of answers was provided with six options: “professional competence”, “career growth”, “scholarship (erudition)”, “high cultural level”, and “corporate spirit”. In the IT company, respondents were instructed to choose one option from the list or give their own answer in the field “other”. The total number of respondents was 187 (about 1/3 of the entire local office personnel). The overwhelming majority of employees associate English with profession and career: professional competence – 140,
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career growth – 22, scholarship (erudition) – 6, high cultural level – 4, corporate spirit – 3. Participants who have chosen the option “other” also link English to professional activity: all of the above – 1, ability to speak and understand others – 1, a precondition for good work – 1, ability to communicate with foreign colleagues and read technical literature and other English language resources – 1. ability to work in an international company and understand your colleagues – 1, ability to work – 1, ability to perform professional duties – 1, no English, no employee – 1. In the audit company, respondents had the opportunity to choose any number of options or provide their own answer. 53 employees (1/3 of the office personnel) participated in the survey. Distribution of answers was more balanced but the general tendency remained is the same: professional competence – 50, career growth – 30, scholarship (erudition) – 24, high cultural level – 19, corporate spirit – 18. Two survey participants provided their own answers. The first one stressed the instrumental (work-related) value of English, while the second one emphasized its educational value: better knowledge of audit methodology, wide outlook. Out of 53 respondents, 24 mentioned the option “scholarship (erudition)” and 19 opted for the answer “high cultural level”. However, none of these respondents selected only these particular answers. It means that although the pre-globalization discourse of language as a cultural asset may still be valid, the majority of Russians link English to career and profession. Given the high status of English among Russian professionals, it is only natural that English is often used in the recruitment discourse. According to Alikina and Gritsenko (2014), in resumes Anglicisms are used by job applicants to emphasize professionalism and/or construct the status of an expert: (1) Размещение POS-материалов – ценники, воблеры (Placement of sales materials – price-tags, wobblers). (2) Оуществляла поставку по бренд-букам ( Shipping items by brand-book). In job ads, English or its fragments are used to position the company – to index progress, innovation and prestige as well as indicate the commitment to global corporate culture (3, 4) or to “test” the candidate – sift out those who do not know professional terminology (5): (3) Кофе-пойнт в офисе (Coffee point in the office) (4) Работа в главном department store страны (Work in the main department store of the country) (5) Опыт работы в B2B (Experience in B2B) One of the most salient characteristics of informal professional communication in international companies and global-oriented industries in general is the mixed (hybrid) professional jargon where English is a lexifier language and Russian – a recipient language that provides phonological, morphological and syntactic foundation (Gritsenko and Laletina, 2012). According to our respondents, this type of talk is not restricted to oral communication but can be used in e-mail and Skype messages as well: (6) Крэш пофикшен (Kresh pofikshen) - The crash has been fixed. (7) Заапрувь свой таймшит у инчарджа (Zaaprov’ svoy taimshyt u insharzha) - Approve your time-sheet with your in-charge. In subsequent interviews, employees stressed the normative character of mixed professional jargon. One of the respondents, a computer engineer commented on example 5 (above) and explained that he can use the Russian verb
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‘ispravit’ (to fix) when talking to a manager but in a conversation with another IT professional the only option would be the ‘pofiksit’, derived from the English root‘fix’ with Russian prefix and suffix: (8) ‘If I talk to a manager, I may say “ispravil”. But with other IT staff – only “pofikshen”’. According to other respondents, this hybrid type of talk signals belonging to a distinct professional community, creates rapport, and facilitates communication. It serves as a marker of the Russian professional identity in the English lingua franca workplace. 3.2. English in the discourse of science and education: the semiotics of status The meaning-making potential of English in the academic discourse is yet another evidence of its high status of in Russian society. Analyses of media publications, strategic development programs of Russian universities, official documents of the Russian Мinistry of Science and Education and other relevant texts, led to several important observations concerning the so called “commodification” of English (Heller, 2010): x In Russian academia, English is an index of higher quality (and better paid) research. According to the regulations of the Russian Ministry of Science and Education (Order № 154 as of March 6, 2015) publications in English in peer-reviewed international journals are indispensible for Russian universities to be recognized as “effective”. Schools that are rated as “ineffective” can be closed or merged. Thus, in the Russian context, the well-known formula “publish or perish” becomes more specific – “publish in English or perish”. x As a result of internationally orientated education policy, Russian universities are insistently requested to introduce more courses and programs in English – not only for international students but for local students as well. Thus, English has become a ‘measurement’ of curriculum quality: more courses in English – better curriculum”. x In academic context, English is a competitive advantage and instrument of project promotion. When leading Russian universities competed for federal funding in “Top 100” competition in 2013, out of fifteen semi-finalists ten presented their strategic programs in English, two – in English and Russian, and only three universities presented their programs in Russian. In the final stage of the competition, all fifteen participants presented their programs in English. x In the academic community, as well as in other spheres of life, English indexes efficiency and innovation. Therefore, it is used as a marketing instrument and a (re)branding tool. A striking example is the new name of Nizhny Novgorod Pedagogical University (NNPU). Renaming (rebranding) was part of NNPU strategic development program (Fyodorov, 2012). The University is named after the local historic figure Kozma Minin. The brand name – Minin University – is a syntactic calque from English where two words (the proper name Minin and the common noun Universitet (University)) are connected by adjoinment. This type of syntactic connection is not typical of the Russian language – it replicates the English language pattern used in the names of world famous US and UK schools (Oxford University, Cambridge University, Boston University, etc.). Apparently, the name Minin University is supposed to indicate academic excellence and global commitment. Remarkably, these indexical meanings are created not by lexical insertions but by grammatical calquing. The use of adjoinment (parataxis) or government in Russian can be indicative of global or local orientation. The names of Russian charity foundations may serve as an example. In the charity set up by the former USSR President Mikhail Gorbachev (www.gorby.ru), two nouns in the nominative case are connected by adjoinment – Gorbachev Fond. This syntactic pattern invokes associations with English and indexes global commitment. Two other charities – one founded by Alexander Solzhinitsin (Fond Solzhenitsina) and the other by the Russian oligarch Vladimir Potanin (Fond Potanina) – target Russian audiences: the first one supports Russian political prisoners, and the second one provides merit-based grants to Russian students and faculty. In both cases, local orientation is marked syntactically by using nominal government (N + Ngen) in foundation names.
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3.3. English and neoliberal personhood ideology English plays a key role in reshaping our understanding of the relationship between language and identity through the way it mediates the images of neoliberal personhood (Abelman, Park, and Kim, 2009; Gritsenko, 2015). The emphasis on the individual has never been typical of the Russian language and culture. Nowadays, under the influence of English, it is becoming more and more common. It can be illustrated by the linguistic and visual patterning of online interaction with potential employees in job sections of the local websites of international corporations in Russia: Although the text on the web page is in Russian, the influence of English shows up in the choice of verb forms. The company addresses future employees in an informal and friendly way: Открой для себя новые возможности! (Open up new opportunities!). The verb in the 2nd person singular (otkroy) is used instead of the 2nd person plural (otkroyte) which sounds more formal and would be normally used in Russian to address an adult whom the speaker does not know personally. This verbal focus on personhood is supported by visual images of young smiling individuals conveying the message of unbound opportunities for self development and self fulfillment. This choice of verb forms is a grammatical calque from English where verbs and pronouns in the second person have no difference in number. The same grammatical pattern is now used in Russian advertizing to construct the image of a new and successful individual: Дом в городе? Ты можешь! (А house in the city? You can!). A similar meaning-making process is in play in the Я(I)-centric discourse of students’ forums in Nizhny Novgorod State University (NNSU). Until recently, the focus on an individual has not been favoured in Russian linguaculture, where the plural pronoun «мы» (we) is normally used to represent a group of people or a community of practice. However, the NNSU students’ forum title (I have entered NNSU) and the name of NNSU students’ social network vKontakte (I am a student of NNSU) use the 1st person singular pronoun “Я” (I) instead of the plural pronoun “we” which would be more appropriate according to the Russian communication norms. Apparently, this linguistic shift marks the shift in world view induced by global cultural flows. 4. Concluding remarks As a result of globalization, English has become an integral part of the meaning-making process in contemporary Russia. It can perform its meaning-making function explicitly and implicitly. In the first case, English insertions (words, phrases and/or English-related Latin script) are actually used in Russian-based communication to bridge lexical gaps or to convey sociocultural connotations. Implicit meaning-making occurs when the actual fragments of English do not appear in communication but associations with English – and related indexical meanings – are created my means of calquing and adopting English communication norms. The indexical potential of English is rooted in language ideologies circulating in contemporary Russia. Like in other countries of Expanding and Outer Circles, English in Russia indexes internationalization, progress, innovation, success, reliability, business efficiency, and high quality of life. This study showed that in the work-related contexts English connotes academic excellence and professional competence. It also serves as a powerful instrument of identity construction promoting neoliberal ideology and market values in Russian society. References Alikina, A., and Gritsenko, E. (2015). English as a meaning-making resource in Russian recruitment discourse. Vestnik of Moscow State Linguistic University, 6(717), 52-61. Alim, H.S., Ibrahim, A., and Pennycook, A., (2009). Global Linguistic Flows: Hip Hop Cultures, Youth Identities, and the Politics of Language. Routledge. Aleshinskaya, E., and Gritsenko, E. (2014). Anglijskij jazyk kak sredstvo konstruirovanija globalnoj i lokalnoj identichnosti v rossijskoj populjarnoj muzyke [English as a means of constructing global and local identities in Russian popular music]. Vestnik Nizhegorodskogo universiteta im. N.I. Lobachevskogo. [Bulletin of Lobachevsky State University of Nizhni Novgorod], 6, 189-193. Aleshinskaya, E., and Gritsenko, E. (2016). Language practices and language ideologies in the popular music TV show The Voice Russia. Language & Communication, http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.langcom.2016.08.005 (in press). Backhaus, P. (2007). Linguistic landscapes: a comparative study of urban multilingualism in Tokyo. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters.
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Wayne State University, Michigan. URL: http://digitalcommons.wayne.edu/dissertations/AAI3288961/ (accessed on 15.07.2009). Gritsenko, E. (2012). Global'noe i lokal'noe v rechevyh praktikah molodezhnyh subkul'tur [Global and local in the speech practices of youth subcultures] Vestnik Moskovskogo universiteta. Serija 19. Lingvistika i mezhkul'turnaja kommunikacija [Bulletin of Moscow University. Series 19. Linguistics and cross-cultural communication], 2, 87-93. Gritsenko, E. (2014). Anglijskij jazyk kak semioticheskij resurs v sovremennoj rossijskoj povsednevnosti [English as a semiotic resource in contemporary Russian everyday life]. Sotsialnye i gumanitarnye nauki na Dalnem Vostoke [The Humanities and Social Studies in the Far East], 2(42), 27-31. Gritsenko, E., and Aleshinkaya, E (2015). Translanguaging in music: conceptualizing modes of interaction in global contact zones. Voprosy kognitivnoy linguistiki [Issues in cognitive linguistics], 4(45), 73-80. 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ScienceDirect Procedia - Social and Behavioral Sciences 236 (2016) 174 – 180
International Conference on Communication in Multicultural Society, CMSC 2015, 6-8 December 2015, Moscow, Russian Federation
English as a meaning-making resource in Russian-based professional communication Elena S. Gritsenko* Linguistics University of Nizhny Novgorod, 31a Minin st., Nizhny Novgorod 603155, Russian Federation
Abstract The paper examines how English is used by Russian speakers to convey various meanings and how these meanings are linked to language ideologies circulating in contemporary Russia. Discourse analysis and ethnographic methods (interviews and surveys) are used to conduct several case studies, each focused on a certain communicative niche affected by globalization. © 2016 Published The Authors. Published Elsevier Ltd.access article under the CC BY-NC-ND license © 2016 by Elsevier Ltd. by This is an open under responsibility of the National Research Nuclear University MEPhI (Moscow Engineering Physics Institute). Peer-review (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/). Peer-review under responsibility of the National Research Nuclear University MEPhI (Moscow Engineering Physics Institute). Keywords: English; Russian; globalization; communication; language ideology; meaning
1. Introduction The global expansion of English and its appropriation in the Expanding Circle (Kachru, 1985) have brought to life new language practices where English is integrated into local contexts to serve the immediate purposes of local speakers. In recent decade or so, this phenomenon attracted attention of anthropologies, linguists and culture experts from different countries. The meaning-making function of English in local contexts was studied in hip-hop and popular culture (Alim, Ibrahim, and Pennycook, 2009; Chan, 2009; Johnson and Milany, 2010; Moody, 2006; Park, 2010; Pennycook, 2010; Sarkar and Winer, 2006; Terkourafi, 2010), linguistic landscape and advertizing (Adetunji, 2015; Backhaus, 2007; Bhatia and Ritchie, 2013; Bolton, 2012; Buckinham, 2015; Dimova, 2012; Martin, 2008; Martinez, 2015), computer-mediated communication (Antroutsopoulos, 2010; Seargeant and Tagg, 2011), and other
* Corresponding author. E-mail address: [email protected]
1877-0428 © 2016 Published by Elsevier Ltd. This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC-ND license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/). Peer-review under responsibility of the National Research Nuclear University MEPhI (Moscow Engineering Physics Institute). doi:10.1016/j.sbspro.2016.12.061
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communities of practice (Bolton, 2013; Blommaert, 2007; Heller, 2010; Hickey, 2010; Higgins, 2009, Johnstone, 2010; Maynard, 2007). In Russia this topic is fairly new. Though Englishization of the Russian language is seen as one of the leading sociolinguistic trends, researchers tend to focus on the contact-induced lexical innovations, such as borrowings, lexical and semantic loans, and hybrid words (Krongauz, 2009; Valgina, 2003; Kazkenova, 2013; Kuzmina and Abrosimova, 2013). Research on meaning-making aspects of English in Russian-based communication is as yet limited. The role of English in advertizing, public signage and linguistic landscapes was touched upon by Ustinova and Bhatia (2005), Proshina and Ustinova (2012), Kirilina (2011) and Eddy (2007). Indexical potential of English in identity construction was studied in sports subcultures (Kuznetzova, 2013; Gritsenko, 2012), song lyrics (Aleshinskaya and Gritsenko, 2014, 2016; Gritsenko and Aleshinkaya, 2015), recruitment discourse (Alikina, 2014), and everyday life (Gritsenko, 2013, 2014). The creative aspect of Russian-English language play was examined by A. Rivlina, who outlined the formal patterns and described the functions of bilingual creativity in book titles, magazine and newspaper headlines, TV show titles, brands, shop and restraint names (Rivlina, 2011, 2015). This paper intends to contribute and add further to the discussion of the role of English in Russian-based communication. My aim is to find out what Russians think about the English language and how they use it to communicate different meanings. I will address professional communication, which so far has not been studied from this perspective, and focus on “the language ideological load both guiding the process and being one of its results” (Blommaert, 2003, p. 610). I will also argue that English can serve as a meaning-making resource even if its fragments do not actually appear in the utterance. 2. Methodology and study material The study is guided by the concept of language as a translocal mobile resource (Blommaert, 2003, 2010) and the research on language ideology which helps to link the assumptions people have about a language to their social experience and political interests (Irving, 1989; Silverstein, 1979, Woolard and Shieffelin, 1994). I will bring together sociolinguistic and ethnographic approaches to show how English is used by Russian speakers to convey various meanings and how these meanings are linked to language ideologies circulating in contemporary Russia. To this end, I will use the findings of several case studies, each focused on a certain communicative “niche” (Blommaert, 2003) affected by globalization. The study material includes texts of electronic media; over 200 job ads and 150 resumes from the recruitment portals rabota.ru, headhunters.ru, and superjob.ru; two interviews with personnel of local recruitment agencies on the role of English in Russian labour market; a survey of 240 employees from Russian offices of international companies specializing in audit and IT, and a survey of 300 Russian university students (aged 18-21) who study English as a foreign language. The interview and survey findings will clarify what motivates the use of English in Russian-based communication and what it actually means for different parties. The ‘glocal’ nature of appropriations of English and combinations of diverse methodological and conceptual tools will allow examining familiar types of phenomena from a new perspective. 3. Analysis Research findings suggest that in the Russian communicative space, English performs semantic and semiotic functions. In the first case, English and Anglicisms are used to fill lexical gaps or to name new phenomena, for instance, academic concepts or Internet activities: x элективы [electivy] from “electives” – дисциплины по выбору; кредиты [kredity] from “credits” – зачетные единицы; x лайкать [laikat’] from “to like”, ретвитнуть (retvitnut’), from “tо retweet”, погуглить (poguglit’) from “to google”.
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The semiotic (indexical) function of English is aptly illustrated by the name of a shopping center in my home city of Nizhny Novgorod – “KomsMOLka”. The name is an interlingual pun with global and local indexicalities: x Komsomol (the Young Communists League in the Soviet Union) connotes the idea of social justice characteristic of the Soviet times. x Komsomolka is a female Komsomol member and an informal nickname of the city square, where the shopping center is located. x The capitalized part of the name “КомсоМОЛка» is a homophone of the English word “mall”, which connotes market values and the western way of life. x Visual signs (a silhouette of the Komsomol badge as well as red-and-yellow colors) reinforce the verbally constructed egalitarian meanings of the Soviet past, while the fragment of English (МОЛ) is associated with consumer culture and global orientation. This multimodal semiotics brings two sets of values and two historical epochs together. The meaning-making process is in effect indexical, therefore in this paper the words “semiotic” and “indexical” are used as synonyms. 3.1. English as an index of professional competence and a marker of professional identity Indexical capacities of English are rooted in language ideologies – “the cultural system of ideas about social and linguistic relationships, together with their loading of moral and political interests” (Irvine, 1989, p. 255). Content analysis of the recruitment portals rabota.ru, superjob.ru, and headhunters.ru indicates that in contemporary Russia English is seen as an instrument for career building and financial success. This conclusion is supported by the survey findings. Over 87% of students from Nizhny Novgorod universities (future linguistics, journalists, psychologists, managers, and programmers), who were asked about the motives for studying English, believe that it will “enhance career growth”, “help to achieve professional success”, and “find a well-paid job”. The role of English in learning, reading books, and understanding people from other countries was also mentioned but as an additional advantage. Basically, what it means is that when young Russians say I want to learn English, they imply I want to have a well-paid job and be professionally successful rather than because I want to read books in the original or because I want to understand people from other countries. Since mastering a foreign language is effort and time consuming, English has become an index of positive personal qualities which are valued on the labor market. According to local recruiters: “… a candidate who is fluent in English is better educated, more intelligent and hard working, prepared to understand western culture” (Marina, HR agency director); “Good knowledge of English means that a person is goal oriented, hard-working, diligent and disciplined” (Lisa, recruiter); Apparently, this belief is also shared by employers: “The line ‘English fluent’ or ‘upper intermediate’ in your resume can work wonders. It means that to your ability to communicate with foreign partners the employer will add good memory, assiduity and the ability of logical thinking” (http://www.rabota.ru/soiskateljam/tehniki/k_bareru_jazykovomu_.html). According to the statistical data of the recruitment portal rabota.ru, although only in 6% jobs English is really needed, over 90% of job ads mention the knowledge of English as a requirement. In IT sector, banking, sales, advertizing and other industries that came to Russia from the West, English is the main source of professional terminology and, therefore, an index of competence and knowledgeability. The survey of Russian employees in local offices of two international companies (one specializing in IT and the other – in auditing) confirm this observation. Survey participants in both companies were asked what English means for a company employee. A list of answers was provided with six options: “professional competence”, “career growth”, “scholarship (erudition)”, “high cultural level”, and “corporate spirit”. In the IT company, respondents were instructed to choose one option from the list or give their own answer in the field “other”. The total number of respondents was 187 (about 1/3 of the entire local office personnel). The overwhelming majority of employees associate English with profession and career: professional competence – 140,
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career growth – 22, scholarship (erudition) – 6, high cultural level – 4, corporate spirit – 3. Participants who have chosen the option “other” also link English to professional activity: all of the above – 1, ability to speak and understand others – 1, a precondition for good work – 1, ability to communicate with foreign colleagues and read technical literature and other English language resources – 1. ability to work in an international company and understand your colleagues – 1, ability to work – 1, ability to perform professional duties – 1, no English, no employee – 1. In the audit company, respondents had the opportunity to choose any number of options or provide their own answer. 53 employees (1/3 of the office personnel) participated in the survey. Distribution of answers was more balanced but the general tendency remained is the same: professional competence – 50, career growth – 30, scholarship (erudition) – 24, high cultural level – 19, corporate spirit – 18. Two survey participants provided their own answers. The first one stressed the instrumental (work-related) value of English, while the second one emphasized its educational value: better knowledge of audit methodology, wide outlook. Out of 53 respondents, 24 mentioned the option “scholarship (erudition)” and 19 opted for the answer “high cultural level”. However, none of these respondents selected only these particular answers. It means that although the pre-globalization discourse of language as a cultural asset may still be valid, the majority of Russians link English to career and profession. Given the high status of English among Russian professionals, it is only natural that English is often used in the recruitment discourse. According to Alikina and Gritsenko (2014), in resumes Anglicisms are used by job applicants to emphasize professionalism and/or construct the status of an expert: (1) Размещение POS-материалов – ценники, воблеры (Placement of sales materials – price-tags, wobblers). (2) Оуществляла поставку по бренд-букам ( Shipping items by brand-book). In job ads, English or its fragments are used to position the company – to index progress, innovation and prestige as well as indicate the commitment to global corporate culture (3, 4) or to “test” the candidate – sift out those who do not know professional terminology (5): (3) Кофе-пойнт в офисе (Coffee point in the office) (4) Работа в главном department store страны (Work in the main department store of the country) (5) Опыт работы в B2B (Experience in B2B) One of the most salient characteristics of informal professional communication in international companies and global-oriented industries in general is the mixed (hybrid) professional jargon where English is a lexifier language and Russian – a recipient language that provides phonological, morphological and syntactic foundation (Gritsenko and Laletina, 2012). According to our respondents, this type of talk is not restricted to oral communication but can be used in e-mail and Skype messages as well: (6) Крэш пофикшен (Kresh pofikshen) - The crash has been fixed. (7) Заапрувь свой таймшит у инчарджа (Zaaprov’ svoy taimshyt u insharzha) - Approve your time-sheet with your in-charge. In subsequent interviews, employees stressed the normative character of mixed professional jargon. One of the respondents, a computer engineer commented on example 5 (above) and explained that he can use the Russian verb
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‘ispravit’ (to fix) when talking to a manager but in a conversation with another IT professional the only option would be the ‘pofiksit’, derived from the English root‘fix’ with Russian prefix and suffix: (8) ‘If I talk to a manager, I may say “ispravil”. But with other IT staff – only “pofikshen”’. According to other respondents, this hybrid type of talk signals belonging to a distinct professional community, creates rapport, and facilitates communication. It serves as a marker of the Russian professional identity in the English lingua franca workplace. 3.2. English in the discourse of science and education: the semiotics of status The meaning-making potential of English in the academic discourse is yet another evidence of its high status of in Russian society. Analyses of media publications, strategic development programs of Russian universities, official documents of the Russian Мinistry of Science and Education and other relevant texts, led to several important observations concerning the so called “commodification” of English (Heller, 2010): x In Russian academia, English is an index of higher quality (and better paid) research. According to the regulations of the Russian Ministry of Science and Education (Order № 154 as of March 6, 2015) publications in English in peer-reviewed international journals are indispensible for Russian universities to be recognized as “effective”. Schools that are rated as “ineffective” can be closed or merged. Thus, in the Russian context, the well-known formula “publish or perish” becomes more specific – “publish in English or perish”. x As a result of internationally orientated education policy, Russian universities are insistently requested to introduce more courses and programs in English – not only for international students but for local students as well. Thus, English has become a ‘measurement’ of curriculum quality: more courses in English – better curriculum”. x In academic context, English is a competitive advantage and instrument of project promotion. When leading Russian universities competed for federal funding in “Top 100” competition in 2013, out of fifteen semi-finalists ten presented their strategic programs in English, two – in English and Russian, and only three universities presented their programs in Russian. In the final stage of the competition, all fifteen participants presented their programs in English. x In the academic community, as well as in other spheres of life, English indexes efficiency and innovation. Therefore, it is used as a marketing instrument and a (re)branding tool. A striking example is the new name of Nizhny Novgorod Pedagogical University (NNPU). Renaming (rebranding) was part of NNPU strategic development program (Fyodorov, 2012). The University is named after the local historic figure Kozma Minin. The brand name – Minin University – is a syntactic calque from English where two words (the proper name Minin and the common noun Universitet (University)) are connected by adjoinment. This type of syntactic connection is not typical of the Russian language – it replicates the English language pattern used in the names of world famous US and UK schools (Oxford University, Cambridge University, Boston University, etc.). Apparently, the name Minin University is supposed to indicate academic excellence and global commitment. Remarkably, these indexical meanings are created not by lexical insertions but by grammatical calquing. The use of adjoinment (parataxis) or government in Russian can be indicative of global or local orientation. The names of Russian charity foundations may serve as an example. In the charity set up by the former USSR President Mikhail Gorbachev (www.gorby.ru), two nouns in the nominative case are connected by adjoinment – Gorbachev Fond. This syntactic pattern invokes associations with English and indexes global commitment. Two other charities – one founded by Alexander Solzhinitsin (Fond Solzhenitsina) and the other by the Russian oligarch Vladimir Potanin (Fond Potanina) – target Russian audiences: the first one supports Russian political prisoners, and the second one provides merit-based grants to Russian students and faculty. In both cases, local orientation is marked syntactically by using nominal government (N + Ngen) in foundation names.
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3.3. English and neoliberal personhood ideology English plays a key role in reshaping our understanding of the relationship between language and identity through the way it mediates the images of neoliberal personhood (Abelman, Park, and Kim, 2009; Gritsenko, 2015). The emphasis on the individual has never been typical of the Russian language and culture. Nowadays, under the influence of English, it is becoming more and more common. It can be illustrated by the linguistic and visual patterning of online interaction with potential employees in job sections of the local websites of international corporations in Russia: Although the text on the web page is in Russian, the influence of English shows up in the choice of verb forms. The company addresses future employees in an informal and friendly way: Открой для себя новые возможности! (Open up new opportunities!). The verb in the 2nd person singular (otkroy) is used instead of the 2nd person plural (otkroyte) which sounds more formal and would be normally used in Russian to address an adult whom the speaker does not know personally. This verbal focus on personhood is supported by visual images of young smiling individuals conveying the message of unbound opportunities for self development and self fulfillment. This choice of verb forms is a grammatical calque from English where verbs and pronouns in the second person have no difference in number. The same grammatical pattern is now used in Russian advertizing to construct the image of a new and successful individual: Дом в городе? Ты можешь! (А house in the city? You can!). A similar meaning-making process is in play in the Я(I)-centric discourse of students’ forums in Nizhny Novgorod State University (NNSU). Until recently, the focus on an individual has not been favoured in Russian linguaculture, where the plural pronoun «мы» (we) is normally used to represent a group of people or a community of practice. However, the NNSU students’ forum title (I have entered NNSU) and the name of NNSU students’ social network vKontakte (I am a student of NNSU) use the 1st person singular pronoun “Я” (I) instead of the plural pronoun “we” which would be more appropriate according to the Russian communication norms. Apparently, this linguistic shift marks the shift in world view induced by global cultural flows. 4. Concluding remarks As a result of globalization, English has become an integral part of the meaning-making process in contemporary Russia. It can perform its meaning-making function explicitly and implicitly. In the first case, English insertions (words, phrases and/or English-related Latin script) are actually used in Russian-based communication to bridge lexical gaps or to convey sociocultural connotations. Implicit meaning-making occurs when the actual fragments of English do not appear in communication but associations with English – and related indexical meanings – are created my means of calquing and adopting English communication norms. The indexical potential of English is rooted in language ideologies circulating in contemporary Russia. Like in other countries of Expanding and Outer Circles, English in Russia indexes internationalization, progress, innovation, success, reliability, business efficiency, and high quality of life. This study showed that in the work-related contexts English connotes academic excellence and professional competence. It also serves as a powerful instrument of identity construction promoting neoliberal ideology and market values in Russian society. References Alikina, A., and Gritsenko, E. (2015). English as a meaning-making resource in Russian recruitment discourse. Vestnik of Moscow State Linguistic University, 6(717), 52-61. Alim, H.S., Ibrahim, A., and Pennycook, A., (2009). Global Linguistic Flows: Hip Hop Cultures, Youth Identities, and the Politics of Language. Routledge. Aleshinskaya, E., and Gritsenko, E. (2014). Anglijskij jazyk kak sredstvo konstruirovanija globalnoj i lokalnoj identichnosti v rossijskoj populjarnoj muzyke [English as a means of constructing global and local identities in Russian popular music]. Vestnik Nizhegorodskogo universiteta im. N.I. Lobachevskogo. [Bulletin of Lobachevsky State University of Nizhni Novgorod], 6, 189-193. Aleshinskaya, E., and Gritsenko, E. (2016). Language practices and language ideologies in the popular music TV show The Voice Russia. Language & Communication, http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.langcom.2016.08.005 (in press). Backhaus, P. (2007). Linguistic landscapes: a comparative study of urban multilingualism in Tokyo. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters.
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