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Erlik khan in the traditional worldview of the khakas
ARCHAEOLOGY, ETHNOLOGY & ANTHROPOLOGY OF EURASIA Archaeology Ethnology & Anthropology of Eurasia 39/1 (2011) 107–114 E-mail: [email protected]
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ETHNOLOGY
V.A. Burnakov Institute of Archaeology and Ethnography, Siberian Branch, Russian Academy of Sciences, Akademika Lavrentieva 17, Novosibirsk, 630090, Russia E-mail: [email protected]
ERLIK KHAN IN THE TRADITIONAL WORLDVIEW OF THE KHAKAS*
The article reviews the complex of myths and rituals associated with Erlik Khan – one of the main ¿gures of the Khakas pantheon. The review is based on archival and literary data. The article shows the connection between Erlik Khan and the ancestral cult and the subsequent transformation of the deity analyzing its semiotic and functional aspects. Keywords: Erlik Khan, spirits, the world of the dead, ancestor cult, ritual, shamanism.
Research into the religious beliefs of the peoples living in Southern Siberia and Central Asia can hardly fail to focus on Erlik Khan, a central religious ¿gure for Turkic and Mongolian peoples. A signi¿cant volume of historical and ethnographic literature is dedicated to Erlik Khan (Katanov, 1907; Anokhin, 1924; Alekseyev, 1984; Neklyudov, 1988; Traditsionnoye mirovozzreniye..., 1988; Potapov, 1991; Butanaev, 2006). Unfortunately however, this colorful ¿gure has been little researched within the context of the myths and rituals of the Khakas. Nonetheless, information concerning Erlik Khan can be found in individual studies on the spiritual culture of the Khakas people. *This study is part of the Project “Comparative Analysis of Basic Spiritual Values in the Cultures of Siberian Peoples in the Late 19th and Early 21st Century. Assessment of Prospects for Cultural Heritage Preservation and Development” from the Basic Studies Program, Presidium of the Russian Academy of Sciences (No. 1.5.09 or ZN-5-09 “Development of Mechanisms for Integrating Fundamental Research and Education in Archaeology, Ethnology, and Oriental Studies in the Educational Scienti¿c Center of Novosibirsk State University and IAE SB RAS.”
Issues concerning research and interpretation of the image In many ethnographic studies on the worldview of the Khakas people, Erlik Khan is portrayed in a fragmentary and sometimes contradictory manner. This is partly due to the fact that in the 19th–20th centuries, researchers recorded Khakas views on Erlik Khan (as well as Khakas religious and mythological beliefs as a whole), which in the past have been signi¿cantly inÀuenced by Buddhism, Manichaeism, and Christianity. Many of the prerevolutionary authors highlighted certain aspects of Erlik Khan, ignoring or deliberately “blurring” other aspects which contradicted their conceptual approach. The ancestors of the Khakas and other peoples of Southern Siberia ¿rst came into contact with Buddhism, Manichaeism, and Nestorian Christianity in the ancient Turkic period (Klyashtorny, Sultanov, 2000; Kyzlasov, 1999; Borisenko, Hudiakov, 2005; Butanaev, 2003). In this regard, A.M. Sagalaev rightly pointed out that the complex image of Erlik Khan developed among the Turco-Mongolian peoples from that time onwards (1984:
Copyright © 2011, Siberian Branch of Russian Academy of Sciences, Institute of Archaeology & Ethnography of the Siberian Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences. Published by Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved. doi:10.1016/j.aeae.2011.06.014
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7, 70). Due to limited sources it is dif¿cult to assess the intensity of the impact these religions had on the whole system of myths and rituals of the Khakas ancestry. However, there is no doubt that the image of Erlik Khan acquired new features while older features were leveled and rethought as a result of lengthy and complex ethnic and cultural interaction. The mythological localization and the main cult functions of Erlik Khan persisted for a long period of time despite these changes. The world religions continued to have a powerful influence on the mythological system of the AltaiSayan peoples during later periods (Lappo, 1905: 38; Yakovlev, 1900: 120). By the 18th–19th centuries, local archaic myths and religious practices were considerably enriched as a result of ethnic and cultural interaction between the Southern Siberian peoples, the Mongols and the Russians, and became closely intertwined with Buddhist and Christian beliefs (Potapov, 1991: 254–60; Sagalaev, 1984: 8–48; Mikhailov, 1980: 168). Throughout the whole of the 19th century, the Khakas system of myths and rituals continued to be affected by the Orthodox faith. Speci¿c concepts relating to the Khakas worldview were deeply rethought, while the pantheon was further transformed. The interest of ethnographical studies in the spiritual culture of the indigenous inhabitants of Siberia has been increasing since the middle of the 19th century, when the Russian Geographical Society was founded, and a regular and systematic study of their cultural heritage was begun. Yet, in various historical and ethnographic studies of the time, the interpretation of certain aspects of ethnic culture was far from objective. Understanding of the beliefs of Siberian peoples was hindered in its objectivity as a widespread approach was adopted to the study of the traditional worldview of indigenous peoples which involved interpretation through the prism of the Christian worldview. Insuf¿ciently developed ethnographic terminology, describing speci¿c aspects of the spiritual culture of different peoples, including the peoples living in Siberia, contributed to the “demonization” of Erlik Khan within the Christian perspective. This phenomenon is primarily reÀected in analysis of worldviews, ritual practices and such key concepts as “God” and the “soul.” At the turn of the 19th–20th centuries, this problem in Western European ethnology was clearly highlighted by the famous French explorer L. Lévy-Bruhl. The scholar criticized the use of the term “soul” (in the Christian sense) for describing the thinking of primitive peoples, since “the sense of belonging and oneness” with the principle of life dissolved in nature, had nothing to do with “the spiritual visitor of the body” called “soul” (Lévy-Bruhl, 1999: 73–74). Later, L.P. Potapov voiced a similar criticism of conceptual tools used in studying the beliefs of the peoples of Siberia (1991: 31).
This approach was applied in the consideration of fundamental philosophical categories such as “higher power,” “good and evil,” “light and dark principles,” etc. (Lappo, 1905: 16–17). On the basis of data reÀecting historical, cultural, and mental settings, it is clear that many researchers and collectors of folklore often simplified the complex mythological image of Erlik Khan. This resulted in the unconscious although in some cases (among Christian missionaries) intentional endowment of Erlik Khan with the traits of a ruthless “the devil incarnate” (Aleksandrov, 1888: 94–95). However, with a deeper and more detailed examination of the traditional worldview of the Khakas, it turns out that the indigenous peoples of the Altai- Sayan region did not perceive Erlik Khan in such a clear-cut manner. The Askiz Priest V. Sukhovskoi pointed to the signi¿cant role of Erlik Khan in the ritual sphere, including fertility rites (1884: 300). Well-known researcher of Altai shamanism A.V. Anokhin “distanced” this image from the evil spirits (1924: 6). In the mythological and ritual practice of the Khakas, Erlik Khan is often called Ada(zy) – “father, protector,” Adam – “my father,” Khara Khan – “black Khan,” Apsakh – “old man,” Khayrakhan – “Master,” and when people addressed Erlik Khan, they often used the epithet “good”* (Archives of the Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography RAS. F. 5, Inv. 6, D. 15. fols. 23–24). People believed that the continuity and wellbeing of the individual and the family, tribe, etc. depended to a great degree on the “benevolence” of Erlik Khan. Erlik Khan was revered and “blandished” by all Southern Siberian shamanists regardless of their tribal af¿liation. The materials of N.P. Dyrenkova, which are consistent with the Khakas materials, show that the Teleut shamans addressed Erlik Khan with the following words: “... Besides, Khan the father! In response to (my) voice, come, Responding to the call, go down! Creating while you rest, Dashing to life while you rest, The umbilical cord of everyone and everything” (Dyrenkova, 1949: 137).
At the same time, in the mythological consciousness of the people, natural disasters were often associated with the angry actions of Erlik Khan who demanded a new sacri¿ce. An ambivalent attitude towards Erlik Khan caused a certain level of awe and mystical fear of this deity and his closest entourage. The believers tried not to pronounce his name without necessity out of fear of retaliation (Burnakov, 2006: 69, 75). In his time, the great Turkologist V.V. Radlov pointed out *It should be noted that the Turkic people of Southern Siberia, when addressing Erlik Khan, could also use the opposite words and expressions (Anokhin, 1924: 1–2).
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that credulity and disposition to superstition among the Khakas and the Altaians were important aspects of their mentality (1989: 172). The fact that information concerning Erlik Khan is limited can also be explained by the reluctance of believers to discuss this topic with researchers due to a superstitious fear of the deity from the Underworld. According to Prince Nikolai Kostrov who gathered ethnographic materials among the Khakas in the middle of the 19th century, informants evasively replied to his questions about Erlik Khan: “Erlik Khan is so dreadful that is not even possible to portray him” (Kostrov, 1852: 62). Gathering information on this mythological ¿gure and its interpretation was hindered by one more circumstance. It is known that shamans had priority in mythological and ritualistic “interaction” with Erlik Khan. Consequently, shamans held most information about this ¿gure. Researchers sometimes found it dif¿cult to get information directly from shamans. The social and psychological protective factor was an important issue. When shamans communicated with representatives of other ethnic and religious communities, as well as with the authorities or simply with strangers, this problem was aggravated (Yakovlev, 1900: 115). Throughout the 19th–20th centuries, shamans were often persecuted: before the Revolution by the Orthodox Church, and in the Soviet period by the State. For personal safety many shamans deliberately avoided talking with researchers about the subjects mentioned or shared superficial information only. These circumstances inÀuenced the overall information value and, accordingly, the integrity of the image of Erlik Khan in studies of the Khakas worldview and ritual practices. Erlik Khan: Variety of names and concepts According to the traditional Khakas worldview, Erlik Khan (Irlik Khan, Ilkhan, Aina Khan, Kirei Khan) was the ruler of the Underworld. The Russian population living side by side with the Khakas, often referred to the ¿gure as Shaitan, demon, devil, Satan, impure spirit, etc. It should be noted that the beliefs of the Khakas in the 18th–20th centuries were inÀuenced by so-called popular Orthodoxy. It is evident that in adapting to new social and cultural realities the image of Erlik Khan was endowed with the demonic features of Satan (the devil), borrowed from the Christian faith. A.M. Sagalaev pointed to close contacts between the indigenous shamanist and Russian popular Orthodox traditions, which existed in the past (1986: 167). D.E. Lappo noted that in the culture of the Khakas, “the cult of Kudai [the supreme deity – B.V.] now coexists on the one hand with shamanism, and on the other, with Orthodoxy” (1905: 42).
Living side by side with the indigenous inhabitants of Southern Siberia also had an impact on the worldview of the Russian population. Many people who learned the local language and borrowed methods of household management and other livelihood components also adopted aspects of the autochthonous mythological and ritual complex. This was often expressed in a respectful attitude towards sacred places, in the performance of certain ritual actions in those places as well as in the observance of certain hunting rules, regulations, etc. In connection with this, the present author agrees with A.A. Lucidarskaya who claims that mystical rituals which were brought from the mainland, in the minds of the newcomers mingled with elements of indigenous cult practice (2007: 127). In the mythological consciousness of the Russians, shamanism was often associated with serving the “evil principle” and idolatry. In the 19th century, the prominent Russian scholar V.V. Radlov studied the traditional mentality of the Turkic peoples. He noted that the desire to maintain good relations with the powers of darkness through the help of the shamans, “created the notion among the neighboring Russian population that the religion of the shamanists was the religion of the devil [emphasis added – B.V.]” (Radlov, 1989: 366). Despite their superstitious fears, the Russians often resorted to the services of shamans. At the end of the 19th century, N.M. Yadrintsev, a known scholar of Siberia and a public ¿gure, wrote on this occasion: “Shamans and their divination impressed Russian Cossacks and tradesmen; they adopted the faith in the power of shamans and their miraculous power, turning to them in dif¿cult circumstances” (1892: 459). The presence of Russians at public Khakas sacri¿ces tajyg became common in the 19th–20th centuries (Klements, 1884; Yakovlev, 1900). In most cases, the appeal of Russians to shamans for assistance was motivated by a belief in the shaman’s supernatural powers and hope for the swift resolution of everyday problems. As opposed to Orthodox Christianity which is based on the texts of the Scripture, local cults were based on close interaction with the surrounding natural world. In this regard, the observations made by Priest N. Orfeyev are very interesting as a clear demonstration of the ethnic and cultural processes taking place at the time. As the author notes, the mythological consciousness of the Khakas explained certain natural phenomena as resulting from magical manipulations and witchcraft carried out by the Russians (Orfeyev, 1886: 43). Further ethnic and cultural interaction between the Khakas and the Russians resulted in the fact that local and borrowed names for “the Lord of the Underworld” were often used as synonyms. The substitution of concepts often occurred as well. Many Khakas could not speak perfect Russian and had only a super¿cial knowledge of the Orthodox faith. The principles of Good and Evil in
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shamanism, as it seemed to them, were identical to the Christian concepts of God and Satan. At the end of the 19th century, D.K. Klements pointed to intense processes of Christianization taking place among the Khakas living near the Russian population, and to the transformation of the Khakas worldview. The researcher stated that “under the inÀuence of Christianity, old shamanic deities which had formerly been both good and evil were all moved into the category of evil spirits, demons and devils” (Klements, 1884: 9–10). N.F. Katanov recorded the words and expressions which the Khakas borrowed from Russian religious terminology. These were adapted to the speci¿c features of the Khakas language and illustrate the processes of cultural interaction that took place in this area. Examples include the following: “Chort – chyort (demon); che, chort – nu, chyort (well, demon); kuzuruktyg, mustug chort agylganar – they brought the devil with tail and horns; chort piler kaidar-kaidar parchangmyn – devil knows where-where I should go” (Katanov, 1893: 60); “pochchy – abbreviated ‘fu chert’ (ew, demon)” (Katanov, 1907: 379). The Khakas often used the word “Satan” (Khakas saidan) instead of “Erlik Khan” to make the interpretation of their beliefs and traditions more accessible both to simple Russian people and to researchers (Kostrov, 1852: 62). Some scholars believe that the Russians originally borrowed the word “shaitan” from Islam and later used it to denote the “impure spirits” of indigenous ethnic groups (Lvova, 1973: 174). A literary analysis of the Khakas pandemonium of the time shows that lexical substitution lead to one and the same ¿gure being disparately denoted as independent ¿gures with correspondingly different names. Allegedly, they also differed in their specific function (Orfeyev, 1886: 42–43). Focusing on the etymology of the word “Erlik,” it should be noted that Erlik Khan is ¿rst mentioned in the Orkhon-Yenisei writings. The name of this deity is conveyed in the form erklig which means “strong, powerful” (Malov, 1952: 64). According to the profound studies of the prominent Turkologist S.G. Klyashtorny, ancient written sources consistently link Erklig with the Underworld (Klyashtorny, 1981: 125–131). In his analysis of folklore and ethnographic texts belonging to the peoples of Siberia and Central Asia, S.Yu. Neklyudov came to the conclusion that the name of the Lord of the Underworld “goes back to the Old Uigur Erklig kagan (“mighty Emperor”) – the epithet of Yama, the Lord of the Buddhist hell. The name Nomun Khan is the Mongolian calque of Yama’s title – “King of the law,” “the lord of faith” (Neklyudov, 1988). The hypothesis set forth by G.N. Potanin, famous Russian scholar and explorer, also has some foundation. Potanin identified a semantic series linking the term “Erlik” with the subterranean space and some of its inhabitants. In the Mongolian languages, this word is
transmitted in the form of Erlen (Khakas Irlen). Potanin linked this lexical element with the names of certain animals such as the mole and rat. It is well known that the habitat of these animals is often located under ground. In support of his argument, G.N. Potanin drew on plots, common to the folklore of the Turkic and the Mongolian peoples, in which these rodents were directly related to the “army” of Erlik Khan who was also their immediate ruler (2005: 694). It is worth noting that in the mythological views of the Khakas, many animals that live in holes or in water are endowed with supernatural and sometimes with harmful powers. Such animals were perceived by the local population as beings connected with Erlik Khan. V.V. Radlov notes interesting information concerning the notion of “Erlik” and recorded the word ‘Erlik’ among the peoples of Eastern Turkestan in connection with their ethnic self-identity (1989: 101). This report is interesting in the sense that some Turkic peoples of Central Asia, apparently, linked the term “Erlik” with the concept of “fellow countryman, tribesman” and correlated it with one’s place of residence. It cannot be ruled out that this word could have been reminiscent of the concept of “one’s own land,” “the land of one’s kind (ancestors),” or at least its symbolic markers. Some Turkic myths have it that it was Erlik Khan who pulled the ¿rst land out of the World Ocean, and thereby vindicated his claim to it. In this regard, the authors of the well-known study “Traditional Worldview of the Turkic Peoples of Southern Siberia” rightly note: “All living things that inhabit the land, the subterranean space, or water, were considered to belong to the Underworld” (Traditsionnoye mirovozzreniye…, 1988: 5). In addition, the land, which had a direct relation to the Underworld, represented man’s last retreat. The connection between Erlik Khan and the earth with its deep layers does not rule out the ¿gure’s original association with the Upper World, the celestial sphere, as was noted by L.P. Potapov (1991: 255). In the mythology of the Southern Siberian Turkic people, heaven was considered to be the ¿rst dwelling place of Erlik Khan. Subsequently, as folklore has it, he was overthrown to earth, and then to the subterranean realm (Verbitsky, 1992: 122–123). The original ornithomorphic appearance of Erlik Khan also points to his “past” celestial location. In archaic creation myths, Erlik Khan acts as one of the most active demiurges. It was Erlik Khan in the guise of a Àying duck, who dived under water and brought up the silt from which Khudai (the supreme deity) created the earth. However, Erlik Khan concealed the remaining piece of silt in his mouth and then spat it out on the Àat surface created by Khudai, which resulted in the creation of the mountains, hills and swamps. This, according to the myth, formed the existing landscape of the earth (Katanov, 1907: 246, 522, 527). Perhaps the demiurge predestined his role as progenitor by creating the necessary conditions for human life on his own initiative.
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In the Khakas as well as the Turkic tradition, Erlik Khan is not inferior to the supreme light deity (Khudai, Ulgen, Yoyon (Chakhys) as far as his creativity, ingenuity and activity are concerned. Sometimes, Erlik Khan is shown to be even more creative although his activity is still largely associated with a negative principle. Becoming the ¿rst blacksmith, Erlik Khan invented tools and created the inhabitants of the Underworld (Verbitsky, 1992: 90). It was believed that Erlik Khan breathed the soul into man. This myth has long been used by shamans to justify the fatal dependence of the soul of the deceased on the will of Erlik Khan (Potapov, 1983: 105). Erlik Khan and the Underworld As has been mentioned above, in the ancient Turkic language, the word “Erlik” meant “strong.” This word also included concepts such as “powerful,” “having authority,” “ruler,” “lord,” “sovereign,” “master” (Drevnetyurksky slovar…, 1969: 180). All of these meanings indicate the high sacred status of Erlik Khan in the mythological and ritual realm of the Turkic peoples. According to the traditional Khakas worldview, Erlik Khan lived in the Underworld. This space was variegated and divided into many areas (layers). Erlik Khan lived under “17 layers of the earth” (Katanov, 1907: 216). A mythological “stratigraphy” of the Underworld was widespread among the peoples of the Sayan and Altai region. For example, some groups of Altaians believed that “the subterranean kingdom of darkness is made of nine layers” (Radlov, 1989: 361)*. According to the beliefs of the Tuvans, “the earth has three layers, beneath which there are 18 ¿res of hell (tamas), where 18 Erliks are considered to be lords. The chief of these lords is Erlik Khan” (Katanov, 1893: 6). According to the beliefs of the Khakas, the lord of the subterranean kingdom lived in a copper palace. The furniture in its interior was made of gold. Erlik Khan “was seated in a huge golden chair behind a large golden table” (Archives of the Khakas National Museum of Regional Studies. Tenishev Manuscript, fol. 8). According to other sources, he lived “under a high mountain in a stone house with forty corners (Katanov, 1907: 248). Erlik Khan and his minions could also dwell in water. It is known that in the traditional culture of the Khakas, water “sug” was perceived as a substance related to the Underworld. It was often endowed with ambivalent properties (Traditsionnoye mirovozzreniye…, 1988: 23; Burnakov, 2006: 42–52). Interestingly, in the Khakas language, the word “water spring” is translated as “khara sug” – “black water.” The semantics of this lexical *According to another version, of seven layers (Potapov, 1983: 103).
element indicates that in mythological consciousness, water Àowing out of the ground, was obviously perceived as a substance emanating from the underworld. It is likely to carry properties associated with this realm. It was believed that water was capable both of reviving a person and causing their death. In the Khakas tradition notions of living (myogi sug) and dead, water (chabal sug) also existed. A plot in which the hero is revived with myogi sug is widespread in folklore (Altyn Aryg, 1987: 123). Water which was used to wash the body of a dead person was considered dead water. It was believed that coming into contact with dead water or accidentally stepping in a place where it had been drained would inevitably cause illness and later death. In the mythological mind, the element of water connected the Underworld and the Middle World and often acted as a channel of communication between the two (Traditsionnoye miroviozzreniye…, 1988: 75). V. Sukhovskoi wrote: “The subsoil spring is a convenient way of communicating with a remote spirit” (1884: 297). It is not surprising that Erlik Khan was seen as being related to the element of water as “living on the sea shore,” or “sailing in a boat.” Myths often make mention of servants – erliks, 88 (99) in number*, also living on the shores of “a black sea” (Katanov, 1893: 27; Anokhin, 1924: 4). In one of his appeals to Erlik Khan, the shaman would utter the following words: “If there is a place of your dwelling, it is in the upper reach of the Little Abakan! If there is a place of your games, it is on the shore of the Big Abakan!” (Katanov, 1907: 558). It should be pointed out that in describing the dwelling place of Erlik Khan, the epithet “covered with hag-weed” is often used. According to folklore, the horse standing near the house of the Lord of the Underworld was made of this plant (Ibid.: 219). Hag-weed is also referred to as yuzyut agazy – “the tree of the yuzyuts” – among the Khakas (FMA**). Yuzut was the soul of an “ultimately” dead person, which has entirely departed to the world of the ancestors. Apparently, hag-weed was perceived as an object, related to the otherworldly space and directly to Erlik Khan. Such notions were probably conditioned by its place of growth, near water basins, which were considered to be entrances to the other world. The Khakas belief that this spirit can be located in water is also supported by the materials of I. Pestov (1833: 80–81). In Khakas folklore, Erlik Khan is often portrayed as an old man with a spear or a stick with which he can strike all living beings. However, according to shaman stories the Lord of the Underworld took the form of a black giant with thick bushy hair, long beard and horns. “His huge *According to other versions of myths, the number of Erlik Khan’s closest servants is seven or nine erliks (Katanov, 1893: 30; 1907: 215, 219–220, 248). **Field materials of the author.
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red eyes burned with ¿re. His long teeth, strong as steel, glittered. He had bear claws on his hands and feet. A huge tail ¿ve fathoms long stuck out behind him” (Archives of the Khakas National Museum of Region Studies. Tenishev Manuscript, fol. 8). In the mythology of other South Siberian Turkic peoples, the ruler of the Underworld bears some similarity to this description (Anokhin, 1924: 3). In the Khakas mythopoetical traditions, the hyperbolic image of Erlik Khan is saturated with all sorts of demonic features, clearly retained human traits (a man or particularly an old man). At the same time, his activities, needs, wishes, etc. also became “humanized” (Yakovlev, 1900: 119). In one shamanic invocations, Erlik Khan is addressed with the following words: Khara argymakha mingen Khara albaga ton kisken Khara chylan khamchy tudyngan Khara kashi chugennig, Khara uzun sagallyg Khuchak chetpes pellig Kharysh chetpes khabakhtyg Erlik khan chakhshy pozyn Er aldyna kulep-kel. Riding an argamak, Wearing a coat of black sable, With a whip of black snake, With a bridle of black straps, With black long beard, With a back that you cannot embrace with your arm, With forehead longer than a quarter of a fathom, Kind Erlik Khan, Fly to me, to a man. Archives of the Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography RAS. F. 5. Inv. 6. D. 15, fol. 23v–24.
In the traditional worldview of the Turkic peoples, space was divided both according to the vertical principle (the model of the world tree and the mountains) and the horizontal principle (the cardinal directions). The observations of V.P. Dyakonova are particularly interesting in this respect. Dyakonova noted a variety of concepts concerning the location of the world of the dead among the Turkic peoples of the Altai-Sayan (1975: 49). The expressed variability of localizing the world of the dead is also characteristic for the Khakas tradition (Mainagashev, 1915: 287; Katanov, 1893: 90). The Khakas often referred to the world of the dead as Yuzyut-khanyn chiri (“the land of Yuzyut Khan”) or simply Yuzyut chiri (“the land of the yuzyuts”). According to traditional beliefs, the soul of a deceased (yuzyut), having moved to the other world was given over to the full power of Erlik Khan, also called Yuzyut Khan. It was believed that Erlik Khan had a supreme judicial function. By his impartial decision, the Ruler of the
Underworld supposedly determined the fate of the dead. Clearly, these views were formed under the signi¿cant inÀuence of the world religions and associated ideas concerning posthumous retribution (Katanov, 1907: 215; Orfeyev, 1886: 43). The information given above supports M.S. Usmanova’s suggestion that in Khakas archaic mythological consciousness, Erlik Khan was associated with the image of the ancestor (1985: 154). The names of the Lord of the Underworld – Adazy (father, patron), Adam (“my father”) support this suggestion. Moreover, according to V. Sukhovskoi, material representatives of the khyj seok referred to Erlik Khan as their ancestor (1884: 298). Linguistic data also support this supposition. In Turkic languages, the stem Er/Ir is translated as “male,” “man” (Sevortyan, 1974: 288). In addition, the custom of devoting sacred horses (yzykhs) to various deities was widespread among the Khakas. Many of these deities were perceived as ancestors. In this regard, N.F. Katanov noted: “The Tartars, who live along the banks of the Abakan, both now and in former times, would select the best horse from the herd and dedicate it to Erlik Khan, calling it ‘yzykh’” (Katanov, 1907: 216). In the Khakas tradition, Erlik Khan is patron of red yzykhs (Katanov, 1893: 29). In the Khakas culture, the red color correlates with a number of notions. “Blood,” “¿re,” “kinship,” and “life” were some of the most salient of these notions (Burnakov, 2006: 52–66). The rules related to the transfer of the yzykh are of some interest. If the owner of a sacred animal died, it passed into the possession of his brother (Katanov, 1907: 291). These customs illustrate the fact that the traditional Khakas society had a predominantly patriarchal character. The yzykh was evidently the holy object of the family clan, which was directly associated with its ancestor Erlik Khan and passed on to relatives via the male line. This notion is supported by the etymology of the terms erlik – “strong,” er – “man.” The existence of the relationship between the ruler of the Underworld and the ancestor cult is con¿rmed by the fact that according to the Khakas religious and mythological beliefs, Erlik Khan was the main patron of all shamans, many of whom received their consecration directly from him. In their prayer invocations, the Khakas kams referred to Erlik Khan as “the lord” as well as “the father and creator of the human soul” (Burnakov, 2006: 69). It was believed that Erlik Khan gave the protecting and assisting spirits tyoses, “inherited” from deceased shamans of the family clan, to a new shaman, and determined what kind of tambourine, rattle, etc. to make (Alekseyev, 1984: 58–59; Butanaev, 2006: 68–69). Similar beliefs are recorded among the Shor people (Potapov, 1947: 164). Another fact pointing to the link between Erlik Khan and the ancestor cult concerns the tradition of making tyoses, images of ancestors, which was common in the
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Khakas culture. N.G. Potanin wrote: “A wooden ongon [tyos – B.V.] can be found among the Kacha Tatars under the name Irlik Khaan agaste” (Potanin, 2005: 700). A.N. Gladyshevsky, researcher of Khakas shamanism, mentions that in the past, the Khakas would make Irlik tyos in the form of a small man with outstretched arms (1954: 105). It is quite possible that in the materials of N.F. Katanov, this fetish is marked as a nameless tyos, “decorated with red ribbons.” Prayer exclamations addressed to the fetish during ritual are particularly interesting: “Thou, king of the earth and son of heaven, decorated with red ribbons, do not destroy people.” In addition, the red color yzykh was dedicated to this tyos as if to Erlik Khan (Katanov, 1907: 568). The central role, assigned to the Lord of the Underworld in the worldview and ritual practices of the Khakas fostered the survival of the theonym Erlik Khan. This word has not been lost from usage; it has shown remarkable stability surviving up to the present day (Burnakov, 2006: 68). Moreover, in the wake of the secondary Christianization (conversion to Protestantism) of the indigenous peoples of Southern Siberia, which was actively begun in the late 1980s, the image of Erlik Khan became signi¿cant again. Protestant missionaries, repeating the path of their Christian (Orthodox) predecessors, focused their efforts on adapting the Biblical faith to the culture of these peoples. When translating the Holy Scriptures and other religious literature into local languages, they widely used vocabulary and imagery from the mythology of the indigenous population of Siberia. In this way, Erlik Khan was identi¿ed with the Biblical “devil”/“Satan.” Conclusions Summarizing the results of the present study, one may conclude that Erlik Khan was attributed ambivalent traits in the Khakas traditional worldview. Initially, Erlik Khan was perceived as one of the central and most active demiurge deities. Subsequently, this image was transformed into that of the lord of evil forces with corresponding characteristics. It would appear that in the past, the lord of the world of the dead had a direct connection to the ancestor cult and this is reÀected in shamanist vocabulary as well as in Khakas myths and rituals. In their basic form, beliefs surrounding Erlik Khan took shape during the ancient Turkic period. It is probable, that it was also during the ancient Turkic period that the image and status of Erlik Khan began to undergo signi¿cant changes due to the inÀuence of Buddhism and Christianity. From the category of pagan deity, Erlik Khan was reduced to the rank of ruler of evil being attributed the characteristics of a bloodthirsty, merciless demon. Erlik Khan was attributed the role of “omnivorous” source of evil, man’s greatest enemy, as well as a
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supreme judicial function. Khakas beliefs surrounding Erlik Khan developed in line with the general Turkic tradition, resulting in traces similar to the religious and mythological beliefs of Turkic and Mongolian peoples inhabiting adjacent territories. References Aleksandrov M.O. 1888 O religioznom mirosozertsanii minusinskikh inorodtsev. Eniseiskiye eparkhialnye vedomosti, No. 8/9: 94–101. Alekseyev N.A. 1984 Shamanizm tyurkoyazychnykh narodov Sibiri. Novosibirsk: Nauka. Altyn Aryg. 1987 Abakan: Khakas. Knish. Izd., pp. 7–130. Anokhin A.V. 1924 Materialy po shamanstvu u altaitsev, sobrannye vo vremya puteshestvij po Altayu s 1910–1912 gg. Moscow, Leningrad: Izd. AN SSSR. (Sbornik MAE; vol. 4, iss. 2). Borisenko A.Yu., Hudiakov Yu.S. 2005 Manikheistvo v vostochnom Turkestane v epokhu rannego Srednevekovya. In Sibir na perekrestye mirovykh religii: Materialy Vtoroi mezhregionalnoi konferentsii. Novosibirsk: Izd. Novosib. Gos. Univ., pp. 120–124. Burnakov V.A. 2006 Dukhi Srednego mira v traditsionnom mirovozzrenii khakasov. Novosibirsk: Izd. IAE SO RAN. Butanaev V.Ya. 2003 Burkhanizm tyurkov Sayano-Altaya. Abakan: Izd. Khakas. Gos. Univ. Butanaev V.Ya. 2006 Traditsionnyi shamanizm Khongoraya. Abakan: Izd. Khakas. Gos. Univ. Drevnetyurksky slovar. 1969 Leningrad: Nauka. Dyakonova V.P. 1975 Pogrebalnyi obryad tuvintsev kak istoriko-etnogra¿cheskii istochnik. Leningrad: Nauka. Dyrenkova N.P. 1949 Materialy po shamanstvu u teleutov. Sbornik MAE, vol. 10: 108–190. Gladyshevsky A.N. 1954 Shamanizm Khakasii i ego reaktsionnaya sushchnost. Cand. Sc. (History) Dissertation. Moscow. Katanov N.F. 1893 Pisma N.F. Katanova iz Sibiri i Vostochnogo Turkestana. St. Petersburg. Katanov N.F. 1907 Narechiya uryankhaitsev (siotov), abakanskikh tatar i karagasov: Obraztsy narodnoi literatury tyurkskikh plemen, izdannye V.V. Radlovym, vol. 9. St. Petersburg. Klements D. 1884 Minusinskaya Shveitsariya i bogi pustyni (iz dnevnika puteshestvennika). Vostochnoe obozreniye, No. 9: 9–11. Klyashtorny S.G. 1981 Mifologicheskiye syuzhety v drevnetyurkskikh pamyatnikakh. In Tyurkologicheskii sbornik-1977. Moscow: Nauka, pp. 119–134.
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Klyashtorny S.G., Sultanov T.I. 2000 Gosudarstva i narody evraziiskikh stepei: Drevnost i srednevekovye. St. Petersburg: Peterburgskoe vostokovedeniye. Kostrov N. 1852 Kachinskie tatary. Kazan: [Tip. Gubernskogo pravleniya]. Kyzlasov L.R. 1999 Otkrytie gosudarstvennoi religii drevnikh khakasov. Moscow, Abakan: Rosa. Lappo D.E. 1905 Troevery: Iz zhizni minusinskikh inorodtsev. In Na sibirskie temy. St. Petersburg: [Tip. Tovirishchestva “Obshchaya polza”], pp. 9–52. Lévy-Bruhl L. 1999 Sverkhestestvennoe v pervobytnom myshlenii. Moscow: Pedagogika-Press. Lucidarskaya A.A. 2007 Sorcery and magic in the life of Russian colonists in Siberia in the 17th century. Archaeology, Ethnology and Anthropology of Eurasia, No. 4 (32): 124–129. Lvova E.L. 1973 Materialy k izucheniyu etnicheskoi istorii chulymskikh tyurkov po dannym shamanistskogo kulta. In Proiskhozhdenie aborigenov Sibiri i ikh yazykov. Tomsk: Izd. Tomsk. Gos. Univ., pp. 174–175. Mainagashev S.D. 1915 Zagrobnaya zhizn po predstavleniyam turetskikh plemen Minusinskogo kraya. Zhivaya starina, vol. 2, iss. 2/3: 277– 292. Malov S.E. 1952 Eniseiskaya pismennost tyurkov. Moscow, Leningrad: Izd. AN SSSR. Mikhailov T.M. 1980 Iz istorii buryatskogo shamanizma (s drevneishikh vremen po XVIII v.). Novosibirsk: Nauka. Neklyudov S.Yu. 1988 Erlik. In Mify narodov mira, vol. 2. Moscow: Sovetskaya entsiklopediya, pp. 667–668. Orfeyev N. 1886 Sueveriya i predrassudki inorodtsev Minusinskogo okruga. In Eniseiskiye eparkhialnye vedomosti, No. 3: 40–44. Pestov I. 1833 Zapiski ob Eniseiskoj gubernii Vostochnoi Sibiri 1831 g. Moscow: [Tip. Moskov. Univ.]. Potanin N.G. 2005 Ocherki Severo-Zapadnoi Mongolii. Gorno-Altaisk: Ak Chechek.
Potapov L.P. 1947 Obryad ozhivleniya shamanskogo bubna u tyurkoyazychnykh plemen Altaya. TIE, vol. 1: 159–182. Potapov L.P. 1983 Mify altae-sayanskikh narodov kak istoricheskii istochnik. In Voprosy rkheologii i etnografii Gornogo Altaya. GornoAltaisk: GANIIYaLI, pp. 96–110. Potapov L.P. 1991 Altaiskii shamanizm. Leningrad: Nauka. Radlov V.V. 1989 Iz Sibiri: Stranitsy dnevnika. Moscow: Nauka. Sagalaev A.M. 1984 Mifologiya i verovaniya altaitsev: Tsentralno-aziatskoye vliyaniye. Novosibirsk: Nauka. Sagalaev A.M. 1986 O zakonomernostyakh vospriyatiya mirovykh religii tyurkami Sayano-Altaya. In Genezis i evolyutsiya etnicheskikh kultur Sibiri. Novosibirsk: Nauka, pp. 155–179. Sevortyan E.V. 1974 Etimologicheskii slovar tyurkskikh yazykov. Moscow: Nauka. Sukhovskoi V. 1884 Ostatki yazycheskoi obryadnosti u kivinskikh inorodtsev. Eniseiskiye eparkhialnye vedomosti, No. 21: 296–300. Traditsionnoye mirovozzreniye tyurkov Yuzhnoi Sibiri. 1988 Novosibirsk: Nauka. Usmanova M.S. 1985 Podzemnyi mir v traditsionnykh predstavleniyakh khakasov. In Mirovozzreniye narodov Zapadnoi Sibiri po arkheologicheskim i etnogra¿cheskim dannym. Tomsk: Izd. Tomsk. Gos. Univ., pp. 152–155. Verbitsky V. 1992 Altaiskiye inorodtsy. 2nd ed. Gorno-Altaisk: Ak Chechek. Yadrintsev N.M. 1892 Sibir kak koloniya. St. Petersburg: [Tip. M.M. Stasyulevicha]. Yakovlev E.K. 1900 Etnogra¿cheskii obzor inorodcheskogo naseleniya doliny Yuzhnogo Eniseya i Obyasnitelnyj katalog Etnogra¿cheskogo otdela muzeya. Minusinsk: [Tip. V.I. Kornakova]. (Opisaniye Minusinskogo muzeya; vol. 4).
Received October 3, 2009.
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ETHNOLOGY
V.A. Burnakov Institute of Archaeology and Ethnography, Siberian Branch, Russian Academy of Sciences, Akademika Lavrentieva 17, Novosibirsk, 630090, Russia E-mail: [email protected]
ERLIK KHAN IN THE TRADITIONAL WORLDVIEW OF THE KHAKAS*
The article reviews the complex of myths and rituals associated with Erlik Khan – one of the main ¿gures of the Khakas pantheon. The review is based on archival and literary data. The article shows the connection between Erlik Khan and the ancestral cult and the subsequent transformation of the deity analyzing its semiotic and functional aspects. Keywords: Erlik Khan, spirits, the world of the dead, ancestor cult, ritual, shamanism.
Research into the religious beliefs of the peoples living in Southern Siberia and Central Asia can hardly fail to focus on Erlik Khan, a central religious ¿gure for Turkic and Mongolian peoples. A signi¿cant volume of historical and ethnographic literature is dedicated to Erlik Khan (Katanov, 1907; Anokhin, 1924; Alekseyev, 1984; Neklyudov, 1988; Traditsionnoye mirovozzreniye..., 1988; Potapov, 1991; Butanaev, 2006). Unfortunately however, this colorful ¿gure has been little researched within the context of the myths and rituals of the Khakas. Nonetheless, information concerning Erlik Khan can be found in individual studies on the spiritual culture of the Khakas people. *This study is part of the Project “Comparative Analysis of Basic Spiritual Values in the Cultures of Siberian Peoples in the Late 19th and Early 21st Century. Assessment of Prospects for Cultural Heritage Preservation and Development” from the Basic Studies Program, Presidium of the Russian Academy of Sciences (No. 1.5.09 or ZN-5-09 “Development of Mechanisms for Integrating Fundamental Research and Education in Archaeology, Ethnology, and Oriental Studies in the Educational Scienti¿c Center of Novosibirsk State University and IAE SB RAS.”
Issues concerning research and interpretation of the image In many ethnographic studies on the worldview of the Khakas people, Erlik Khan is portrayed in a fragmentary and sometimes contradictory manner. This is partly due to the fact that in the 19th–20th centuries, researchers recorded Khakas views on Erlik Khan (as well as Khakas religious and mythological beliefs as a whole), which in the past have been signi¿cantly inÀuenced by Buddhism, Manichaeism, and Christianity. Many of the prerevolutionary authors highlighted certain aspects of Erlik Khan, ignoring or deliberately “blurring” other aspects which contradicted their conceptual approach. The ancestors of the Khakas and other peoples of Southern Siberia ¿rst came into contact with Buddhism, Manichaeism, and Nestorian Christianity in the ancient Turkic period (Klyashtorny, Sultanov, 2000; Kyzlasov, 1999; Borisenko, Hudiakov, 2005; Butanaev, 2003). In this regard, A.M. Sagalaev rightly pointed out that the complex image of Erlik Khan developed among the Turco-Mongolian peoples from that time onwards (1984:
Copyright © 2011, Siberian Branch of Russian Academy of Sciences, Institute of Archaeology & Ethnography of the Siberian Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences. Published by Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved. doi:10.1016/j.aeae.2011.06.014
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7, 70). Due to limited sources it is dif¿cult to assess the intensity of the impact these religions had on the whole system of myths and rituals of the Khakas ancestry. However, there is no doubt that the image of Erlik Khan acquired new features while older features were leveled and rethought as a result of lengthy and complex ethnic and cultural interaction. The mythological localization and the main cult functions of Erlik Khan persisted for a long period of time despite these changes. The world religions continued to have a powerful influence on the mythological system of the AltaiSayan peoples during later periods (Lappo, 1905: 38; Yakovlev, 1900: 120). By the 18th–19th centuries, local archaic myths and religious practices were considerably enriched as a result of ethnic and cultural interaction between the Southern Siberian peoples, the Mongols and the Russians, and became closely intertwined with Buddhist and Christian beliefs (Potapov, 1991: 254–60; Sagalaev, 1984: 8–48; Mikhailov, 1980: 168). Throughout the whole of the 19th century, the Khakas system of myths and rituals continued to be affected by the Orthodox faith. Speci¿c concepts relating to the Khakas worldview were deeply rethought, while the pantheon was further transformed. The interest of ethnographical studies in the spiritual culture of the indigenous inhabitants of Siberia has been increasing since the middle of the 19th century, when the Russian Geographical Society was founded, and a regular and systematic study of their cultural heritage was begun. Yet, in various historical and ethnographic studies of the time, the interpretation of certain aspects of ethnic culture was far from objective. Understanding of the beliefs of Siberian peoples was hindered in its objectivity as a widespread approach was adopted to the study of the traditional worldview of indigenous peoples which involved interpretation through the prism of the Christian worldview. Insuf¿ciently developed ethnographic terminology, describing speci¿c aspects of the spiritual culture of different peoples, including the peoples living in Siberia, contributed to the “demonization” of Erlik Khan within the Christian perspective. This phenomenon is primarily reÀected in analysis of worldviews, ritual practices and such key concepts as “God” and the “soul.” At the turn of the 19th–20th centuries, this problem in Western European ethnology was clearly highlighted by the famous French explorer L. Lévy-Bruhl. The scholar criticized the use of the term “soul” (in the Christian sense) for describing the thinking of primitive peoples, since “the sense of belonging and oneness” with the principle of life dissolved in nature, had nothing to do with “the spiritual visitor of the body” called “soul” (Lévy-Bruhl, 1999: 73–74). Later, L.P. Potapov voiced a similar criticism of conceptual tools used in studying the beliefs of the peoples of Siberia (1991: 31).
This approach was applied in the consideration of fundamental philosophical categories such as “higher power,” “good and evil,” “light and dark principles,” etc. (Lappo, 1905: 16–17). On the basis of data reÀecting historical, cultural, and mental settings, it is clear that many researchers and collectors of folklore often simplified the complex mythological image of Erlik Khan. This resulted in the unconscious although in some cases (among Christian missionaries) intentional endowment of Erlik Khan with the traits of a ruthless “the devil incarnate” (Aleksandrov, 1888: 94–95). However, with a deeper and more detailed examination of the traditional worldview of the Khakas, it turns out that the indigenous peoples of the Altai- Sayan region did not perceive Erlik Khan in such a clear-cut manner. The Askiz Priest V. Sukhovskoi pointed to the signi¿cant role of Erlik Khan in the ritual sphere, including fertility rites (1884: 300). Well-known researcher of Altai shamanism A.V. Anokhin “distanced” this image from the evil spirits (1924: 6). In the mythological and ritual practice of the Khakas, Erlik Khan is often called Ada(zy) – “father, protector,” Adam – “my father,” Khara Khan – “black Khan,” Apsakh – “old man,” Khayrakhan – “Master,” and when people addressed Erlik Khan, they often used the epithet “good”* (Archives of the Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography RAS. F. 5, Inv. 6, D. 15. fols. 23–24). People believed that the continuity and wellbeing of the individual and the family, tribe, etc. depended to a great degree on the “benevolence” of Erlik Khan. Erlik Khan was revered and “blandished” by all Southern Siberian shamanists regardless of their tribal af¿liation. The materials of N.P. Dyrenkova, which are consistent with the Khakas materials, show that the Teleut shamans addressed Erlik Khan with the following words: “... Besides, Khan the father! In response to (my) voice, come, Responding to the call, go down! Creating while you rest, Dashing to life while you rest, The umbilical cord of everyone and everything” (Dyrenkova, 1949: 137).
At the same time, in the mythological consciousness of the people, natural disasters were often associated with the angry actions of Erlik Khan who demanded a new sacri¿ce. An ambivalent attitude towards Erlik Khan caused a certain level of awe and mystical fear of this deity and his closest entourage. The believers tried not to pronounce his name without necessity out of fear of retaliation (Burnakov, 2006: 69, 75). In his time, the great Turkologist V.V. Radlov pointed out *It should be noted that the Turkic people of Southern Siberia, when addressing Erlik Khan, could also use the opposite words and expressions (Anokhin, 1924: 1–2).
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that credulity and disposition to superstition among the Khakas and the Altaians were important aspects of their mentality (1989: 172). The fact that information concerning Erlik Khan is limited can also be explained by the reluctance of believers to discuss this topic with researchers due to a superstitious fear of the deity from the Underworld. According to Prince Nikolai Kostrov who gathered ethnographic materials among the Khakas in the middle of the 19th century, informants evasively replied to his questions about Erlik Khan: “Erlik Khan is so dreadful that is not even possible to portray him” (Kostrov, 1852: 62). Gathering information on this mythological ¿gure and its interpretation was hindered by one more circumstance. It is known that shamans had priority in mythological and ritualistic “interaction” with Erlik Khan. Consequently, shamans held most information about this ¿gure. Researchers sometimes found it dif¿cult to get information directly from shamans. The social and psychological protective factor was an important issue. When shamans communicated with representatives of other ethnic and religious communities, as well as with the authorities or simply with strangers, this problem was aggravated (Yakovlev, 1900: 115). Throughout the 19th–20th centuries, shamans were often persecuted: before the Revolution by the Orthodox Church, and in the Soviet period by the State. For personal safety many shamans deliberately avoided talking with researchers about the subjects mentioned or shared superficial information only. These circumstances inÀuenced the overall information value and, accordingly, the integrity of the image of Erlik Khan in studies of the Khakas worldview and ritual practices. Erlik Khan: Variety of names and concepts According to the traditional Khakas worldview, Erlik Khan (Irlik Khan, Ilkhan, Aina Khan, Kirei Khan) was the ruler of the Underworld. The Russian population living side by side with the Khakas, often referred to the ¿gure as Shaitan, demon, devil, Satan, impure spirit, etc. It should be noted that the beliefs of the Khakas in the 18th–20th centuries were inÀuenced by so-called popular Orthodoxy. It is evident that in adapting to new social and cultural realities the image of Erlik Khan was endowed with the demonic features of Satan (the devil), borrowed from the Christian faith. A.M. Sagalaev pointed to close contacts between the indigenous shamanist and Russian popular Orthodox traditions, which existed in the past (1986: 167). D.E. Lappo noted that in the culture of the Khakas, “the cult of Kudai [the supreme deity – B.V.] now coexists on the one hand with shamanism, and on the other, with Orthodoxy” (1905: 42).
Living side by side with the indigenous inhabitants of Southern Siberia also had an impact on the worldview of the Russian population. Many people who learned the local language and borrowed methods of household management and other livelihood components also adopted aspects of the autochthonous mythological and ritual complex. This was often expressed in a respectful attitude towards sacred places, in the performance of certain ritual actions in those places as well as in the observance of certain hunting rules, regulations, etc. In connection with this, the present author agrees with A.A. Lucidarskaya who claims that mystical rituals which were brought from the mainland, in the minds of the newcomers mingled with elements of indigenous cult practice (2007: 127). In the mythological consciousness of the Russians, shamanism was often associated with serving the “evil principle” and idolatry. In the 19th century, the prominent Russian scholar V.V. Radlov studied the traditional mentality of the Turkic peoples. He noted that the desire to maintain good relations with the powers of darkness through the help of the shamans, “created the notion among the neighboring Russian population that the religion of the shamanists was the religion of the devil [emphasis added – B.V.]” (Radlov, 1989: 366). Despite their superstitious fears, the Russians often resorted to the services of shamans. At the end of the 19th century, N.M. Yadrintsev, a known scholar of Siberia and a public ¿gure, wrote on this occasion: “Shamans and their divination impressed Russian Cossacks and tradesmen; they adopted the faith in the power of shamans and their miraculous power, turning to them in dif¿cult circumstances” (1892: 459). The presence of Russians at public Khakas sacri¿ces tajyg became common in the 19th–20th centuries (Klements, 1884; Yakovlev, 1900). In most cases, the appeal of Russians to shamans for assistance was motivated by a belief in the shaman’s supernatural powers and hope for the swift resolution of everyday problems. As opposed to Orthodox Christianity which is based on the texts of the Scripture, local cults were based on close interaction with the surrounding natural world. In this regard, the observations made by Priest N. Orfeyev are very interesting as a clear demonstration of the ethnic and cultural processes taking place at the time. As the author notes, the mythological consciousness of the Khakas explained certain natural phenomena as resulting from magical manipulations and witchcraft carried out by the Russians (Orfeyev, 1886: 43). Further ethnic and cultural interaction between the Khakas and the Russians resulted in the fact that local and borrowed names for “the Lord of the Underworld” were often used as synonyms. The substitution of concepts often occurred as well. Many Khakas could not speak perfect Russian and had only a super¿cial knowledge of the Orthodox faith. The principles of Good and Evil in
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shamanism, as it seemed to them, were identical to the Christian concepts of God and Satan. At the end of the 19th century, D.K. Klements pointed to intense processes of Christianization taking place among the Khakas living near the Russian population, and to the transformation of the Khakas worldview. The researcher stated that “under the inÀuence of Christianity, old shamanic deities which had formerly been both good and evil were all moved into the category of evil spirits, demons and devils” (Klements, 1884: 9–10). N.F. Katanov recorded the words and expressions which the Khakas borrowed from Russian religious terminology. These were adapted to the speci¿c features of the Khakas language and illustrate the processes of cultural interaction that took place in this area. Examples include the following: “Chort – chyort (demon); che, chort – nu, chyort (well, demon); kuzuruktyg, mustug chort agylganar – they brought the devil with tail and horns; chort piler kaidar-kaidar parchangmyn – devil knows where-where I should go” (Katanov, 1893: 60); “pochchy – abbreviated ‘fu chert’ (ew, demon)” (Katanov, 1907: 379). The Khakas often used the word “Satan” (Khakas saidan) instead of “Erlik Khan” to make the interpretation of their beliefs and traditions more accessible both to simple Russian people and to researchers (Kostrov, 1852: 62). Some scholars believe that the Russians originally borrowed the word “shaitan” from Islam and later used it to denote the “impure spirits” of indigenous ethnic groups (Lvova, 1973: 174). A literary analysis of the Khakas pandemonium of the time shows that lexical substitution lead to one and the same ¿gure being disparately denoted as independent ¿gures with correspondingly different names. Allegedly, they also differed in their specific function (Orfeyev, 1886: 42–43). Focusing on the etymology of the word “Erlik,” it should be noted that Erlik Khan is ¿rst mentioned in the Orkhon-Yenisei writings. The name of this deity is conveyed in the form erklig which means “strong, powerful” (Malov, 1952: 64). According to the profound studies of the prominent Turkologist S.G. Klyashtorny, ancient written sources consistently link Erklig with the Underworld (Klyashtorny, 1981: 125–131). In his analysis of folklore and ethnographic texts belonging to the peoples of Siberia and Central Asia, S.Yu. Neklyudov came to the conclusion that the name of the Lord of the Underworld “goes back to the Old Uigur Erklig kagan (“mighty Emperor”) – the epithet of Yama, the Lord of the Buddhist hell. The name Nomun Khan is the Mongolian calque of Yama’s title – “King of the law,” “the lord of faith” (Neklyudov, 1988). The hypothesis set forth by G.N. Potanin, famous Russian scholar and explorer, also has some foundation. Potanin identified a semantic series linking the term “Erlik” with the subterranean space and some of its inhabitants. In the Mongolian languages, this word is
transmitted in the form of Erlen (Khakas Irlen). Potanin linked this lexical element with the names of certain animals such as the mole and rat. It is well known that the habitat of these animals is often located under ground. In support of his argument, G.N. Potanin drew on plots, common to the folklore of the Turkic and the Mongolian peoples, in which these rodents were directly related to the “army” of Erlik Khan who was also their immediate ruler (2005: 694). It is worth noting that in the mythological views of the Khakas, many animals that live in holes or in water are endowed with supernatural and sometimes with harmful powers. Such animals were perceived by the local population as beings connected with Erlik Khan. V.V. Radlov notes interesting information concerning the notion of “Erlik” and recorded the word ‘Erlik’ among the peoples of Eastern Turkestan in connection with their ethnic self-identity (1989: 101). This report is interesting in the sense that some Turkic peoples of Central Asia, apparently, linked the term “Erlik” with the concept of “fellow countryman, tribesman” and correlated it with one’s place of residence. It cannot be ruled out that this word could have been reminiscent of the concept of “one’s own land,” “the land of one’s kind (ancestors),” or at least its symbolic markers. Some Turkic myths have it that it was Erlik Khan who pulled the ¿rst land out of the World Ocean, and thereby vindicated his claim to it. In this regard, the authors of the well-known study “Traditional Worldview of the Turkic Peoples of Southern Siberia” rightly note: “All living things that inhabit the land, the subterranean space, or water, were considered to belong to the Underworld” (Traditsionnoye mirovozzreniye…, 1988: 5). In addition, the land, which had a direct relation to the Underworld, represented man’s last retreat. The connection between Erlik Khan and the earth with its deep layers does not rule out the ¿gure’s original association with the Upper World, the celestial sphere, as was noted by L.P. Potapov (1991: 255). In the mythology of the Southern Siberian Turkic people, heaven was considered to be the ¿rst dwelling place of Erlik Khan. Subsequently, as folklore has it, he was overthrown to earth, and then to the subterranean realm (Verbitsky, 1992: 122–123). The original ornithomorphic appearance of Erlik Khan also points to his “past” celestial location. In archaic creation myths, Erlik Khan acts as one of the most active demiurges. It was Erlik Khan in the guise of a Àying duck, who dived under water and brought up the silt from which Khudai (the supreme deity) created the earth. However, Erlik Khan concealed the remaining piece of silt in his mouth and then spat it out on the Àat surface created by Khudai, which resulted in the creation of the mountains, hills and swamps. This, according to the myth, formed the existing landscape of the earth (Katanov, 1907: 246, 522, 527). Perhaps the demiurge predestined his role as progenitor by creating the necessary conditions for human life on his own initiative.
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In the Khakas as well as the Turkic tradition, Erlik Khan is not inferior to the supreme light deity (Khudai, Ulgen, Yoyon (Chakhys) as far as his creativity, ingenuity and activity are concerned. Sometimes, Erlik Khan is shown to be even more creative although his activity is still largely associated with a negative principle. Becoming the ¿rst blacksmith, Erlik Khan invented tools and created the inhabitants of the Underworld (Verbitsky, 1992: 90). It was believed that Erlik Khan breathed the soul into man. This myth has long been used by shamans to justify the fatal dependence of the soul of the deceased on the will of Erlik Khan (Potapov, 1983: 105). Erlik Khan and the Underworld As has been mentioned above, in the ancient Turkic language, the word “Erlik” meant “strong.” This word also included concepts such as “powerful,” “having authority,” “ruler,” “lord,” “sovereign,” “master” (Drevnetyurksky slovar…, 1969: 180). All of these meanings indicate the high sacred status of Erlik Khan in the mythological and ritual realm of the Turkic peoples. According to the traditional Khakas worldview, Erlik Khan lived in the Underworld. This space was variegated and divided into many areas (layers). Erlik Khan lived under “17 layers of the earth” (Katanov, 1907: 216). A mythological “stratigraphy” of the Underworld was widespread among the peoples of the Sayan and Altai region. For example, some groups of Altaians believed that “the subterranean kingdom of darkness is made of nine layers” (Radlov, 1989: 361)*. According to the beliefs of the Tuvans, “the earth has three layers, beneath which there are 18 ¿res of hell (tamas), where 18 Erliks are considered to be lords. The chief of these lords is Erlik Khan” (Katanov, 1893: 6). According to the beliefs of the Khakas, the lord of the subterranean kingdom lived in a copper palace. The furniture in its interior was made of gold. Erlik Khan “was seated in a huge golden chair behind a large golden table” (Archives of the Khakas National Museum of Regional Studies. Tenishev Manuscript, fol. 8). According to other sources, he lived “under a high mountain in a stone house with forty corners (Katanov, 1907: 248). Erlik Khan and his minions could also dwell in water. It is known that in the traditional culture of the Khakas, water “sug” was perceived as a substance related to the Underworld. It was often endowed with ambivalent properties (Traditsionnoye mirovozzreniye…, 1988: 23; Burnakov, 2006: 42–52). Interestingly, in the Khakas language, the word “water spring” is translated as “khara sug” – “black water.” The semantics of this lexical *According to another version, of seven layers (Potapov, 1983: 103).
element indicates that in mythological consciousness, water Àowing out of the ground, was obviously perceived as a substance emanating from the underworld. It is likely to carry properties associated with this realm. It was believed that water was capable both of reviving a person and causing their death. In the Khakas tradition notions of living (myogi sug) and dead, water (chabal sug) also existed. A plot in which the hero is revived with myogi sug is widespread in folklore (Altyn Aryg, 1987: 123). Water which was used to wash the body of a dead person was considered dead water. It was believed that coming into contact with dead water or accidentally stepping in a place where it had been drained would inevitably cause illness and later death. In the mythological mind, the element of water connected the Underworld and the Middle World and often acted as a channel of communication between the two (Traditsionnoye miroviozzreniye…, 1988: 75). V. Sukhovskoi wrote: “The subsoil spring is a convenient way of communicating with a remote spirit” (1884: 297). It is not surprising that Erlik Khan was seen as being related to the element of water as “living on the sea shore,” or “sailing in a boat.” Myths often make mention of servants – erliks, 88 (99) in number*, also living on the shores of “a black sea” (Katanov, 1893: 27; Anokhin, 1924: 4). In one of his appeals to Erlik Khan, the shaman would utter the following words: “If there is a place of your dwelling, it is in the upper reach of the Little Abakan! If there is a place of your games, it is on the shore of the Big Abakan!” (Katanov, 1907: 558). It should be pointed out that in describing the dwelling place of Erlik Khan, the epithet “covered with hag-weed” is often used. According to folklore, the horse standing near the house of the Lord of the Underworld was made of this plant (Ibid.: 219). Hag-weed is also referred to as yuzyut agazy – “the tree of the yuzyuts” – among the Khakas (FMA**). Yuzut was the soul of an “ultimately” dead person, which has entirely departed to the world of the ancestors. Apparently, hag-weed was perceived as an object, related to the otherworldly space and directly to Erlik Khan. Such notions were probably conditioned by its place of growth, near water basins, which were considered to be entrances to the other world. The Khakas belief that this spirit can be located in water is also supported by the materials of I. Pestov (1833: 80–81). In Khakas folklore, Erlik Khan is often portrayed as an old man with a spear or a stick with which he can strike all living beings. However, according to shaman stories the Lord of the Underworld took the form of a black giant with thick bushy hair, long beard and horns. “His huge *According to other versions of myths, the number of Erlik Khan’s closest servants is seven or nine erliks (Katanov, 1893: 30; 1907: 215, 219–220, 248). **Field materials of the author.
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red eyes burned with ¿re. His long teeth, strong as steel, glittered. He had bear claws on his hands and feet. A huge tail ¿ve fathoms long stuck out behind him” (Archives of the Khakas National Museum of Region Studies. Tenishev Manuscript, fol. 8). In the mythology of other South Siberian Turkic peoples, the ruler of the Underworld bears some similarity to this description (Anokhin, 1924: 3). In the Khakas mythopoetical traditions, the hyperbolic image of Erlik Khan is saturated with all sorts of demonic features, clearly retained human traits (a man or particularly an old man). At the same time, his activities, needs, wishes, etc. also became “humanized” (Yakovlev, 1900: 119). In one shamanic invocations, Erlik Khan is addressed with the following words: Khara argymakha mingen Khara albaga ton kisken Khara chylan khamchy tudyngan Khara kashi chugennig, Khara uzun sagallyg Khuchak chetpes pellig Kharysh chetpes khabakhtyg Erlik khan chakhshy pozyn Er aldyna kulep-kel. Riding an argamak, Wearing a coat of black sable, With a whip of black snake, With a bridle of black straps, With black long beard, With a back that you cannot embrace with your arm, With forehead longer than a quarter of a fathom, Kind Erlik Khan, Fly to me, to a man. Archives of the Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography RAS. F. 5. Inv. 6. D. 15, fol. 23v–24.
In the traditional worldview of the Turkic peoples, space was divided both according to the vertical principle (the model of the world tree and the mountains) and the horizontal principle (the cardinal directions). The observations of V.P. Dyakonova are particularly interesting in this respect. Dyakonova noted a variety of concepts concerning the location of the world of the dead among the Turkic peoples of the Altai-Sayan (1975: 49). The expressed variability of localizing the world of the dead is also characteristic for the Khakas tradition (Mainagashev, 1915: 287; Katanov, 1893: 90). The Khakas often referred to the world of the dead as Yuzyut-khanyn chiri (“the land of Yuzyut Khan”) or simply Yuzyut chiri (“the land of the yuzyuts”). According to traditional beliefs, the soul of a deceased (yuzyut), having moved to the other world was given over to the full power of Erlik Khan, also called Yuzyut Khan. It was believed that Erlik Khan had a supreme judicial function. By his impartial decision, the Ruler of the
Underworld supposedly determined the fate of the dead. Clearly, these views were formed under the signi¿cant inÀuence of the world religions and associated ideas concerning posthumous retribution (Katanov, 1907: 215; Orfeyev, 1886: 43). The information given above supports M.S. Usmanova’s suggestion that in Khakas archaic mythological consciousness, Erlik Khan was associated with the image of the ancestor (1985: 154). The names of the Lord of the Underworld – Adazy (father, patron), Adam (“my father”) support this suggestion. Moreover, according to V. Sukhovskoi, material representatives of the khyj seok referred to Erlik Khan as their ancestor (1884: 298). Linguistic data also support this supposition. In Turkic languages, the stem Er/Ir is translated as “male,” “man” (Sevortyan, 1974: 288). In addition, the custom of devoting sacred horses (yzykhs) to various deities was widespread among the Khakas. Many of these deities were perceived as ancestors. In this regard, N.F. Katanov noted: “The Tartars, who live along the banks of the Abakan, both now and in former times, would select the best horse from the herd and dedicate it to Erlik Khan, calling it ‘yzykh’” (Katanov, 1907: 216). In the Khakas tradition, Erlik Khan is patron of red yzykhs (Katanov, 1893: 29). In the Khakas culture, the red color correlates with a number of notions. “Blood,” “¿re,” “kinship,” and “life” were some of the most salient of these notions (Burnakov, 2006: 52–66). The rules related to the transfer of the yzykh are of some interest. If the owner of a sacred animal died, it passed into the possession of his brother (Katanov, 1907: 291). These customs illustrate the fact that the traditional Khakas society had a predominantly patriarchal character. The yzykh was evidently the holy object of the family clan, which was directly associated with its ancestor Erlik Khan and passed on to relatives via the male line. This notion is supported by the etymology of the terms erlik – “strong,” er – “man.” The existence of the relationship between the ruler of the Underworld and the ancestor cult is con¿rmed by the fact that according to the Khakas religious and mythological beliefs, Erlik Khan was the main patron of all shamans, many of whom received their consecration directly from him. In their prayer invocations, the Khakas kams referred to Erlik Khan as “the lord” as well as “the father and creator of the human soul” (Burnakov, 2006: 69). It was believed that Erlik Khan gave the protecting and assisting spirits tyoses, “inherited” from deceased shamans of the family clan, to a new shaman, and determined what kind of tambourine, rattle, etc. to make (Alekseyev, 1984: 58–59; Butanaev, 2006: 68–69). Similar beliefs are recorded among the Shor people (Potapov, 1947: 164). Another fact pointing to the link between Erlik Khan and the ancestor cult concerns the tradition of making tyoses, images of ancestors, which was common in the
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Khakas culture. N.G. Potanin wrote: “A wooden ongon [tyos – B.V.] can be found among the Kacha Tatars under the name Irlik Khaan agaste” (Potanin, 2005: 700). A.N. Gladyshevsky, researcher of Khakas shamanism, mentions that in the past, the Khakas would make Irlik tyos in the form of a small man with outstretched arms (1954: 105). It is quite possible that in the materials of N.F. Katanov, this fetish is marked as a nameless tyos, “decorated with red ribbons.” Prayer exclamations addressed to the fetish during ritual are particularly interesting: “Thou, king of the earth and son of heaven, decorated with red ribbons, do not destroy people.” In addition, the red color yzykh was dedicated to this tyos as if to Erlik Khan (Katanov, 1907: 568). The central role, assigned to the Lord of the Underworld in the worldview and ritual practices of the Khakas fostered the survival of the theonym Erlik Khan. This word has not been lost from usage; it has shown remarkable stability surviving up to the present day (Burnakov, 2006: 68). Moreover, in the wake of the secondary Christianization (conversion to Protestantism) of the indigenous peoples of Southern Siberia, which was actively begun in the late 1980s, the image of Erlik Khan became signi¿cant again. Protestant missionaries, repeating the path of their Christian (Orthodox) predecessors, focused their efforts on adapting the Biblical faith to the culture of these peoples. When translating the Holy Scriptures and other religious literature into local languages, they widely used vocabulary and imagery from the mythology of the indigenous population of Siberia. In this way, Erlik Khan was identi¿ed with the Biblical “devil”/“Satan.” Conclusions Summarizing the results of the present study, one may conclude that Erlik Khan was attributed ambivalent traits in the Khakas traditional worldview. Initially, Erlik Khan was perceived as one of the central and most active demiurge deities. Subsequently, this image was transformed into that of the lord of evil forces with corresponding characteristics. It would appear that in the past, the lord of the world of the dead had a direct connection to the ancestor cult and this is reÀected in shamanist vocabulary as well as in Khakas myths and rituals. In their basic form, beliefs surrounding Erlik Khan took shape during the ancient Turkic period. It is probable, that it was also during the ancient Turkic period that the image and status of Erlik Khan began to undergo signi¿cant changes due to the inÀuence of Buddhism and Christianity. From the category of pagan deity, Erlik Khan was reduced to the rank of ruler of evil being attributed the characteristics of a bloodthirsty, merciless demon. Erlik Khan was attributed the role of “omnivorous” source of evil, man’s greatest enemy, as well as a
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supreme judicial function. Khakas beliefs surrounding Erlik Khan developed in line with the general Turkic tradition, resulting in traces similar to the religious and mythological beliefs of Turkic and Mongolian peoples inhabiting adjacent territories. References Aleksandrov M.O. 1888 O religioznom mirosozertsanii minusinskikh inorodtsev. Eniseiskiye eparkhialnye vedomosti, No. 8/9: 94–101. Alekseyev N.A. 1984 Shamanizm tyurkoyazychnykh narodov Sibiri. Novosibirsk: Nauka. Altyn Aryg. 1987 Abakan: Khakas. Knish. Izd., pp. 7–130. Anokhin A.V. 1924 Materialy po shamanstvu u altaitsev, sobrannye vo vremya puteshestvij po Altayu s 1910–1912 gg. Moscow, Leningrad: Izd. AN SSSR. (Sbornik MAE; vol. 4, iss. 2). Borisenko A.Yu., Hudiakov Yu.S. 2005 Manikheistvo v vostochnom Turkestane v epokhu rannego Srednevekovya. In Sibir na perekrestye mirovykh religii: Materialy Vtoroi mezhregionalnoi konferentsii. Novosibirsk: Izd. Novosib. Gos. Univ., pp. 120–124. Burnakov V.A. 2006 Dukhi Srednego mira v traditsionnom mirovozzrenii khakasov. Novosibirsk: Izd. IAE SO RAN. Butanaev V.Ya. 2003 Burkhanizm tyurkov Sayano-Altaya. Abakan: Izd. Khakas. Gos. Univ. Butanaev V.Ya. 2006 Traditsionnyi shamanizm Khongoraya. Abakan: Izd. Khakas. Gos. Univ. Drevnetyurksky slovar. 1969 Leningrad: Nauka. Dyakonova V.P. 1975 Pogrebalnyi obryad tuvintsev kak istoriko-etnogra¿cheskii istochnik. Leningrad: Nauka. Dyrenkova N.P. 1949 Materialy po shamanstvu u teleutov. Sbornik MAE, vol. 10: 108–190. Gladyshevsky A.N. 1954 Shamanizm Khakasii i ego reaktsionnaya sushchnost. Cand. Sc. (History) Dissertation. Moscow. Katanov N.F. 1893 Pisma N.F. Katanova iz Sibiri i Vostochnogo Turkestana. St. Petersburg. Katanov N.F. 1907 Narechiya uryankhaitsev (siotov), abakanskikh tatar i karagasov: Obraztsy narodnoi literatury tyurkskikh plemen, izdannye V.V. Radlovym, vol. 9. St. Petersburg. Klements D. 1884 Minusinskaya Shveitsariya i bogi pustyni (iz dnevnika puteshestvennika). Vostochnoe obozreniye, No. 9: 9–11. Klyashtorny S.G. 1981 Mifologicheskiye syuzhety v drevnetyurkskikh pamyatnikakh. In Tyurkologicheskii sbornik-1977. Moscow: Nauka, pp. 119–134.
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Received October 3, 2009.