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Ethnic differences in the evaluation of newspaper image
International Journal o f Intercultural Relattons, Vol 11, pp 49-64, 1987 Printed m the USA All rtghts reserved
0147-1767/87 $3 00 + 00 Copyright © 1987 Pergamon Journals Ltd
ETHNIC DIFFERENCES IN THE EVALUATION OF NEWSPAPER IMAGE
MICHAEL BURGOON and JUDEE K. BURGOON University of Arizona MILTON J. SHATZER University of Kentucky
ABSTRACT. This research examined two very different mterpretations o f why spectfic minority groups may not be loyal newspaper readers. The first, operating on many pejorattve stereotypes, portrays blacks and Hlspantcs as very crttical, disaffected people who see newspapers as racist, biased, and unfair. A n alternattve view suggested that factors such as product availabihty, demographics, and economic considerations, not negative evaluations o f sources o f information, were better explanations f o r nonreadership by dtfferent ethntc groups. Three masstve data sets (N= 14,378) were used to analyze dtfferences in newspaper image among different racial/ethntc groups in the United States. Across all analyses, race ts not a very meaningful predictor o f newspaper evaluation. Thts casts doubt on the assumpttons about alienated, unmvolved minortties. When race did add unique variance to the predictor models, tt was because mlnorittes were more positive about local media, an alternative not prevtously suggested. Results are dtscussed in terms o f their importance to academic researchers, medta managers, pohcy makers, and for those interested m mtercultural/interracial traming and educatton.
A review o f past research suggests highly stereotypical, negative assessments o f how minorities use and evaluate newspapers. Several myths abound portraying blacks and Hispanics as uninvolved and uniformed citizens in our culture, at least as indexed by their consumption of print media. For example, both blacks and Hispanics are reported as not only reading the newspaper less than whites, but spending less time reading as well (Carl J. Nelson Research Inc., 1971; Harris, 1981). Reputed lower newspaper readership a m o n g Hispanics has been attributed to their dependence upon an "oral" cultural tradition that relies on interpersonal channels o f communication as the prime sources of information. It has
Reprint requests should be sent to: Michael Burgoon, Department of Communicanon, University of Arizona, Tucson, AZ 85721, U.S.A 49
50
M. Burgoon, J. K. Burgoon, M. J. Shatzer
also been assumed that large numbers of Hispanics are not able to consume English language print media because of their dependence on the Spanish language. Black readership differences, when compared to whites, are said to have resulted from the lack of opportunities to read the newspaper and, thus, to develop readership habits (Bogart, 1978). Both blacks and Hispanics have been reported as being more depen~ dent on broadcast media than on print sources. Based on minimal evi~ dence, some researchers suggest the reason for this is that blacks identify more with the blacks (or a higher percentage of visible blacks) in the broadcast industries (Bogart, 1978). Hispanics, on the other hand, are a s s u m e d to depend on broadcast media because of their lack of literacy in English. Other interpretations suggest that Hispanics are not presented with the content most desired by Hispanic Americans in the Anglo-dominated press and, therefore, turn to alternative sources of information. The same line of reasoning suggests that newspapers tailor their content to the needs and desires of whites and do not meet the needs of blacks in their daily news presentations (Stevenson, 1977). Finally, Bogart (1978) goes so far as to suggest that the personal conception of what is "news" may depend upon one's ethnic identification. These stereotypes of black and Hispanic citizens extend further to suggest that these racial groups differ markedly from members of the majority culture in what uses and gratifications the print media provide. Hispanics are portrayed as using the newspaper primarily for non-breaking news, features, and advertisements. For blacks, the newspaper is said to be only a marginal source for information on current events and city government but the prime source of information on clothing and grocery information (Jackson, 1978). Bogart (1978) suggests a somewhat different utilitarian approach by reporting that blacks are more concerned with issues that affect them on a personal, day-to-day basis. All of these stereotypes paint a picture of these minority groups as less informed members of society who are unwilling or unable to expend the effort necessary to be informed on world, national, and local news. Given the premium placed on an informed citizenry in a pluralistic society, these myths place Hispanics and blacks in a very negative light. Such myths obviously affect how media policy makers relate to minority groups within their community. Unfortunately, operating on such myths might suggest to some newspaper managers that minorities are "unreachable," uninvolved citizens who do not participate in local or national affairs. With such beliefs, the next step is to design products that ignore the needs of blacks and Hispanics and specifically target whites, probably affluent and educated ones, and ignore others who are more difficult to reach. To the extent that such beliefs are widely held by whites in our society, the interpersonal interaction patterns between members of differing racial groups must be impacted. The assumption that someone is uninformed
Ethnic Differences
51
and uninterested in the issues of the day probably inhibits discussion about such issues. It has been assumed that one main reason why nonwhite ethnic groups (such as blacks and Hispanics) differ in newspaper readership in comparison to whites is their image of the newspaper. Blacks are said to view the newspaper as an extension of the white power structure or "Establishment" (Bogart, 1978). Greenberg, Burgoon, Burgoon, and Korzenny (1983) in a very extensive study of Mexican Americans and the mass media provide compelling evidence that Anglo newspaper executives and Mexican American community leaders are convinced that Mexican Americans see newspapers as biased and racially prejudiced against nonwhites. A review of the limited prior research suggests that ethnic minorities believe that newspaper coverage of their racial group is negative (Harris, 1981). These minorities are said to believe that they are portrayed as criminals or undesirables. They also supposedly believe that they are seldom pictured as positive members of society and that news items reporting their favorable achievements seldom get much play. Therefore, the image of newspapers typically attributed to blacks and Hispanics is one of being racially biased and unfair to minorities in this society. However, not everyone subscribes to these views. Some researchers have suggested that it is more fruitful to interpret differences in minority use and evaluations of the print media in terms of socioeconomic, educational, and geographic differences (Bogart, 1972, 1978; Carl J. Nelson, 1981; Sharon, 1972). Greenberg et al. (1983) sharply criticize earlier research which perpetuated many of the above myths based on weak or nonexistent empirical evidence. They suggest that reliance on community leaders to speak on behalf of ethnic minorities may be flawed. Their claim is that community leaders may be more interested in advancing their own political agenda than accurately representing the views of the minorities for whom they purport to speak. Moreover, they further suggest that many minority leaders may have more in common with their white counterparts than the ordinary citizen in the minority community. Greenberg, Burgoon, Burgoon, and Korzenny argue that lack of use of the daily newspaper may be more the result of lack of availability of Lhe newspaper in specific geographic neighborhoods, demographic differences, and economic variables than due to some generalized negative evaluation o f the local daily newspaper. In effect they argue that management decisions may result in Mexican Americans not having the same access to the newspaper as do many whites in the community. They claim that there are important First Amendment issues associated with planned strategies n o t to serve all of the members of a community and suggest that stereotypes and myths have produced undesirable results in a democratic society such as the one in which we live. Since the Greenberg et al. data were limited to comparisons of Mexi-
52
M. Burgoon, J. K. Burgoon, M. J. Shatzer
can Americans and Anglos living in one geographic area of the United States, additional research needs to determine whether their view has more generalizable empirical support. Clearly, two very different portraits of minority citizens and their use of the print media exist. One suggests a relatively uninformed, unconcerned segment of society who cannot be reached by local newspapers without great difficulty. This view suggests that very negative evaluations of newspapers have produced huge numbers of nonreaders in this culture. The other view suggests that minorities are not presently being reached, but that such a situation is unrelated to the image of the daily newspaper in minority communities. The second view holds that minority group members can be reached i f there is an attempt to circulate in minority communities, and content interests of minorities are included in the daily product. This research was conducted to provide evidence as to the relative validity of these two opposing viewpoints and to provide answers as to what image blacks and Hispanics have of available daily newspapers in their community.
METHOD Sample
The data for this research came from three data bases. The original research was completed as part of omnibus surveys on media use, content preferences, and media evaluation. Thus, different items were used in questionnaires in each of the research projects. From this massive combined data set, secondary analyses on race as a predictor of newspaper image were completed for this research effort. The following is a brief summary of the characteristics of the three data bases used. The first data set contained image data from 6,111 adults (18 years of age or older) living in the 21 largest standard metropolitan statistical areas in the country. This large urban sample provided the highest probability of obtaining a large sample of black Americans and provides profiles of the image judgments of all of the most well-known local daily newspapers in this country. The sample yielded 4,819 whites, 857 blacks, 179 Hispanics, and 256 people categorized as "other." Data Set 2 came from medium-sized towns and cities across the United States. These locations span the continuum from semi-urban to rural, industrial to agricultural, downscale on education and income to very affluent and educated, youthful to aging, growing to declining, and optimistic to pessimistic in their view of the community, as well as representing a full geographic spectrum from Eastern to Midwestern to Western. In some cases the market had a single dominant newspaper; in others,
Ethnic Differences
53
more newspaper competition was evident. The total sample size in this data set was 6,564 with 3,476 completing the image module of the larger survey. Of those, 3,004 were white, 136 were black, 81 were Hispanic, and 255 were in the other category. The third data set was obtained to assess media habits primarily among Hispanic Americans. All cities in this survey had a Hispanic population of at least 25 percent of its total. Of the 1,703 people in this omnibus survey, 423 completed the image module: 202 whites, 192 Hispanics, and 29 blacks, with the rest not categorized. Data Set 1: Urban Areas
Data Set 2Medmm S~ze Cities
Data Set 3: Southwestern Towns
N=6,111
N = 6,564
N = 1,703
Locations
Locatmns
Locations
Los Angeles, CA Orange County, CA Dallas, TX Houston, TX Atlanta, GA New Orleans, LA Boston, MA Northern New Jersey Minneapolis, MN Washington, DC New York, NY Baltimore, MD Denver, CO Phoenix, AZ Seattle, WA Philadelphia, PA Pittsburgh, PA Cleveland, OH Portland, OR Miami, FL Chicago, IL
Niagara, NY Binghamton, NY Rockland, NY Bridgewater, NJ Lansing, MI Lafayette, IN Rockford, IL Sioux Falls, SD Sahnas, CA Stockton, CA Fort Collins, CO Knoxville, TN Honolulu, HI
Tucson, AZ Sante Fe, NM San Bernardlno, CA Salinas, CA Stockton, CA Visalia, CA E1 Paso, TX
Data Collection Procedures Within individual markets, respondents were initially selected through random-digit-dialing procedures. Five- or six-digit telephone prefixes were systematically selected in proportion to the number of households in each community. To these numbers, one or two randomly generated digits were added to produce the final sample of numbers to be called. This process insures that the sample will include the more transient elements of society whose telephone numbers are not yet listed as well as those who
54
M. Burgoon, J. K. Burgoon, M. J. Shatzer
have unlisted numbers. In some subgroups (blacks, for instance) the percentage of families with unlisted and nonlisted numbers approaches 40°7o. Therefore, a random-digit procedure is essential to obtain a sample with the correct demographic balance. Trained interviewers who had extensive previous experience conducted all interviews long-distance from a centralized location where they were subject to continuing supervision and silent monitoring. In the Southwestern sample, subjects were given the choice of being interviewed in Spanish or English. Interviews were conducted over a three- to four-week period in each city to minimize the effects of specific news events on the results. A system of three call-backs was used to increase sample representativeness. In Data Set 3, an insufficient number of Hispanics were reached using the random-digit-dialing procedures. Thus, a quota system using Hispanic surnames was used to complete the sample of Hispanic Americans in this specialized survey. Across all surveys, approximately 30°70 of the people contacted refused to participate; another 3°70 terminated the interview before it was completed. Image Measurement Procedures
Because of the nature of the larger omnibus surveys, different image items were used in different parts of the research project. It was also expected that the difference in the sample sites, from the largest urban areas in the country to small rural-type communities, would produce large variances in evaluations of local newspapers. Previous research (Buller, Burgoon, & Burgoon, 1986; Burgoon, Burgoon, & Wilkinson, 1981) demonstrated that the pool of image items used across these projects can form reliable factor structures. However, that research also makes it clear that more precision will be added to predictor models if separate factor solutions are obtained for specific data sets. Thus, the appropriate procedure required separate factor analyses for each data set, To ensure comparability, identical procedures were used in all analyses. In each data set, newspaper image was assessed with five-point semantic differential items bounded by bipolar adjectives. Principal components factor analyses with varimax rotation were used to form the dimensions of image. Criteria for retention of items on a factor were (a) having a primary loading of .50 or better, and (b) no secondary loadings within .20 of the primary loadings. In addition, each factor to be retained had to have at least two items with a primary loading on it or have a very strong loading with a single item in the case in which very few image items were measured. Number of rotations were governed by examination of eigenvalues, within a minimum set at 1.0, and use of the Scree test. The following is a summary of the instruments created to measure image in each data set:
Ethnic Dtfferences
55
Data Set 1 Factor 1" Competence and Bias
Data Set 2 Factor 1: Competence and Timehness
Data Set 3 Factor 1: Local Involvement and Concern
accurate can be trusted unbiased
hvely can be trusted cares what reader thinks has latest news accurate competent
concern for community courageous powerful community watchdog latest news cares what reader thinks accurate
Factor 2: Timeliness and Surveillance
Factor 2 Personalism and Surveillance
acts as community watchdog has the latest news hvely
concerned about the community's well-being cares what reader thinks
can be trusted personal accurate cares what reader thinks
Factor 3: Sensatlonahsm and Bias
Factor 3: Objectivity and Fairness
bias does not sensationahze courageous was an isolate
is unbiased is not racist does not sensatxonalize influential was an ~solate
Factor 3: Sensatlonahsm does not sensatlonahze
Factor 2: Credibdlty
Although there were similarities in the image dimensions across the large number of cities surveyed in the three data sets, the factor analyses provide evidence that unique dimensions of newspaper image exist in each of the data sets used in this secondary analysis. Thus, each analysis was done using the appropriate, unique factor solution for each data set.
RESULTS Data Set 1: The Largest Urban Areas
The seven newspaper image items in this data set were first subjected to one-way analyses of variance across four racial categories (white, black, Hispanic, and other). This analysis marked a departure from earlier analytic procedures (Buller, Burgoon, & Burgoon, 1986) using only dichotomous breaks (white-nonwhite) on race. Five items yielded significant differences among racial groups. They were accurate (F=3.69, df=3/6107, p<.01), lively (F= 10.99, df=3/6107, p<.01), acts as a community watchdog (F= 8.60, d f = 3/6107, p < .01), has the latest news (F= 4.77, d f = 3/6107, p<.01), and does not sensationalize (F= 6.43, d f = 3/6107, p < .01). A pattern emerged in which blacks and whites gave higher ratings than did Hispanics and other minorities. However, examination of the total variance accounted for by race indicated that in no case was as much as one percent of the variance attributable to this
56
M. Burgoon, J. K. Burgoon, M. J. Shatzer
variable. Thus, these differences were probably due to the large sample size and not to meaningful differences across racial groups. The mean ratings for all image items used in the three data sets are presented in Table 1. While individual items may show weak ethnicity (race) effects, it is possible that when examined by dimension, clusters of image items may show stronger relationships with race. To explore this possibility and to examine the importance of race relative to other demographic and media use variables, stepwise multiple regression analyses were used. Continuing with more precision in identifying the race variable, these analyses used four categories (black, white, Hispanic, and other) to identify racial groups. Separate analyses were performed on the three criterion variables of competence/bias, timeliness~surveillance, and sensationalism. The predictor variables were sex, age, race, education, annual household income, employment status, method of obtaining the newspaper (subscription, street purchase), satisfaction with the newspaper, TV news viewing, frequency of reading the newspaper, length of residence in the community, and location. Results are reported in Table 2. In this analysis, 12 variables emerged as significant predictors of competence/bias, including five location vectors. The predictors which were significant as they entered the equation were (listed in order of entry) education, sex, age, race, employment status, newspaper satisfaction, method of obtaining the newspaper, and location. It should be noted that while race was a significant predictor of this image dimension with a stepwise entry into the equation, it was not significant in the final step. The same was true for age and employment status. Simply stated, that means that race (as well as age and employment status) did not add significantly to the total variance in the final step when compared to other variables such as sex and education. Thus, race does not appear to be an important or unique predictor of the competence/bias image of newspaper ratings in the large urban centers of this country. What slight difference does exist is in the direction o f blacks being more favorable toward newspaper accuracy, trustworthiness, and lack of bias. Fourteen items emerged as significant predictors o f timeliness/surveillance. These were (in order of entry) sex, age, race, method o f obtaining the newspaper, education, newspaper satisfaction, location, frequency o f reading the newspaper, and location vectors. Race was a significant predictor o f this image factor. In general, whites gave higher ratings than the other three groups, especially on the item acts as a community watchdog. An exception, blacks reported the highest ratings on lively. Ten significant predictors emerged as predictors o f sensationalism (listed again in order of entry): how the newspaper was obtained, race, education, length o f residence, newspaper satisfaction, TV news viewing, and
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M. Burgoon, J. K. Burgoon, M. J. Shatzer
TABLE 2 Multiple Regression Analyses for Data Set 1 Variables
S t a n d a r d i z e d Betas
F to Enter
R2
121 45 11 7 5 1927 5 12 7 6 4 4
15"* 19"* 03" * 16" * 52* 18* * 36* 05** 55" * 65" 79" 09"
021 029 031 032 033 278 279 281 282 282 283 284
05* * 04** 05** 02 02 35* * 04** 04** 04** 03" 04" * 02* 03* 03*
60 21 * * 21 8 7 * * 1702"* 9 01 * * 10 3 9 * * 770 74* * 9.55** 9 85** 9 34** 4 01 * * 7,38" * 5,16" 4,48* 4 41 *
011 014 017 019 021 138 140 141 143 143 144 145 146 146
- 05* * - 07** 07* * 03* 12" * - 03* - 05** 03* - 03* - 03*
34 62* * 17 8 8 * * 14 61 * * 6 67* 70 9 5 " * 5 65* 10 8 8 * * 7 05* * 5 52* 4 29*
006 009 012 013 025 026 028 029 030 031
I Competence~bias Education Sex Age Race E m p l o y m e n t status N e w s p a p e r satisfaction H o w t h e n e w s p a p e r is obtained Location 1 Location 2 Location 3 Location 4 Location 5 II
Ttmelmess/surve#lance Sex Age Race How the n e w s p a p e r is obtained Education N e w s p a p e r satisfaction Location 1 Location 2 Location 3 F r e q u e n c y of reading the n e w s p a p e r Location 4 Location 5 Location 6 Location 7
III
- 04** 04** 00 02 01 51 * * 03* - 04** 03** 03* - 02" 02"
-
-
-
Sensatlonaltsm H o w the n e w s p a p e r ~s obtained Race Education Length of residence in the c o m m u m t y N e w s p a p e r satisfaction TV news viewing Location 1 Location 2 Location 3 Location 4
Variables are listed as t h e y entered the equation *p< 05.**p<01
Ethmc Differences
59
location. Whites were more positive than blacks who were in turn more positive than Hispanics and other minorities. In sum, race meaningfully related to image judgment on two dimensions in the urban centers. It explained additional variance beyond such demographic variables as sex, age, and education for the second dimension and preceded all such demographics on the third dimension. However, in each case, the amount of variance accounted for was very small. What marginal differences that did exist showed whites and blacks to be more generally favorable toward newspapers than other minorities. Given that this sample was mostly comprised of whites and blacks, it is important to note that both racial groups are very similar in their perception of big city dailies. Thus, earlier discussed stereotypes of critical, disaffected blacks seem unsupported by these analyses. The small sample of Hispanics points to the wisdom of postponing discussion of this ethnic group until larger numbers can be examined in the specialized sample available in Data Set 3. Data Set 2: The Sm al l to M e d i u m Cities an d Towns The second data set ( N = 6,111) used 12 image items which were subjected to one-way analyses of variance with four race categories as the independent variable of interest. Only four items had significant differences among racial groups. These were lively (F=5.75, d f = 3 / 3 4 7 2 , p < .01), acts as a community watchdog (F--3.66, d r = 3/3467, p < .05), courageous ( F = 2 . 9 7 , d f = 3 / 3 4 7 0 , p < . 0 5 ) , and competent (F=2.87, d f = 3/3470, p < .05). On two items (lively and courageous), blacks were the most positive racial group. On the competent item, both blacks and Hispanics were more positive than whites. The acts as a community watchdog item was scored most positively by "other minorities." Thus, on every single significant difference, one or more of the minority groups had the most positive image evaluation o f the local newspaper(s). However, the amount of variance accounted for was quite small, accounting for less than one percent o f the variance on each item. Therefore, once again these significant differences are probably not meaningful, but rather the result of the extremely large sample sizes obtained in this research effort. The same stepwise multiple regression procedure used in Data Set 1 was used to probe race as a predictor of the cluster scores on the three factors: competence~timeliness, personahsm/surveillance, and bias~sensationalism. Race was not a significant predictor in any of the three regression analyses. Again, age, sex, and annual household income were more significant predictors of these three dimensions of newspaper image than the four-category race variable. Thus, in the small- to medium-sized towns, newspapers were judged in the same general way by all racial
60
M. Burgoon, J. K. Burgoon, M. J. Shatzer
groups. When there were very small differences, all were in the direction that minorities were more positive, not negative, about local print news sources. This, of course, contradicts many earlier myths and interpretations about minorities. D a t a Set 3: The S o u t h w e s t e r n ~ M e x i c a n A m e r i c a n P r o j e c t This data set was specifically designed to carefully examine the media habits of the fastest growing minority group in the United States: Mexican Americans. The quota sampling methods assured the largest, most complete survey of Mexican Americans completed to date. Because of the nature of this audience, additional image items were initially included in the questionnaire to attempt to detect any perceptions of racism, neglect, or bias on the part of the white-controlled press in these cities with large minority populations. Seventeen image items were analyzed across three racial categories (white, Mexican American, and black). The "other" category was dropped because of an insufficient number of respondents to make any analyses meaningful on this residual category. Six items demonstrated significant differences with the one-way analyses of variance. These were competent ( F = 12.98, d f = 2 / 4 2 0 , p < . 0 1 ) , lively (F=12.99, d f = 2 / 4 1 9 , p < . 0 1 ) , has the latest news ( F = 3 . 5 8 , d r = 2/420, p < .05), powerful ( F = 5.97, d f = 2/419, p < .01), influential (F--3.38, d f - - 2 / 4 1 9 , p < . 0 5 ) , and courageous (/:=6.57, d f = 2 / 4 1 9 , p < . 0 1 ) . On every item, Mexican Americans gave higher ratings than blacks and whites. On three items (competent, lively, and powerful), blacks gave higher ratings than whites. On the other three, blacks and whites gave equal ratings. The variance accounted for by race does not exceed six percent of the variance on any item. The multiple regression analyses on the three factors of local involvement and concern, credibility, and objectivity~fairness yielded one finding of interest. Race was not a predictor of local involvement~concern or objectivity~fairness. Education was an important predictor of newspaper image with the more educated being more critical; but race did not account for unique differences above and beyond differences in formal education on the first two dimensions of image. All three racial groups saw the many local daily newspapers studied as equally involved, concerned, and fair. Race did predict credibdity but not in the manner suggested by some earlier researchers. Mexican Americans saw the local paper as more credible than did blacks, who were more positive about local newspapers than whites. Although the variance-accounted-for again did not exceed six percent, it is important to note that the results are in the opposite direction that would be predicted by those espousing the "minorities as alienated citizens" position.
Ethnic Dtfferences
61
DISCUSSION The present research examined two very different interpretations o f why specific minority groups may not be loyal newspaper readers. The first, operating on many pejorative stereotypes, portrays blacks and Hispanics as very critical, often unreasonably so, disaffected people who see newspapers as "racist, biased, unfair, and neglectful of their specific racial/ethnic group." From this line of reasoning, some have suggested that minorities simply do not use daily newspapers for the same reasons that whites do. Blacks and Hispanics have been pictured as using the newspaper for advertisements and entertainment rather than information and education because they do not trust the white-owned print media. The alternative view suggested that factors such as product availability, demographics, and economic considerations, not negative evaluations of sources of information, were better explanations for lack of regular reading by many members of minority groups. Prior to the start of these research projects, no one suggested that minorities might actually be more favorable than whites about local daily newspapers. In many communities, local media management had simply assumed that minorities were very negative about the newspaper, and little could be done to change such opinions. Thus, local newspapers have more and more seen affluent whites as the target group that could be reached, and many editorial decisions are made based upon such strategy. This research should cause people interested in intercultural/interracial communication and policy makers in charge of local print media operations to carefully examine the validity of much prior research and some unsupportable assumptions that have reached the status of myth. The results o f this very large research project clearly demonstrate that race is not a very meaningful predictor of newspaper evaluations across the United States. In some cases, race did add unique variance above and beyond that accounted for by other demographic variables. However, in no case was the variance accounted for by racial group membership very large. Moreover, a pattern emerged across the analyses conducted on all three data sets that suggests that when differences do exist, it is likely to be attributable to some minority group being significantly more positive about local newspapers than are their white counterparts in the same community. The findings of these combined research efforts have significance for many groups. First, academic researchers have been operating on some conceptual assumptions about sources of information among different racial groups that demand revision. Minorities do not seem to be avoiding white-owned media because of negative feelings about racism and bias. Second, data often gained from interviews with community leaders about
62
M. Burgoon, J. K. Burgoon, M. J. Shatzer
the attitudes, feelings, and behaviors of specific minority groups must be viewed with some skepticism. Whether the community leader is a member of the minority group or a member of the majority community might make little difference in the accuracy of his or her report about the average minority member or the feelings of the community minority group as a collection. Too much research has relied on such secondhand reports because of the often prohibitive expense associated with directly collecting data from large samples of minorities. Third, media managers and policy makers should examine these data closely to determine if changes in present operations are warranted. Instead of having to deal with a large group of perceived hostile, disaffected citizens, many local media managers could be dealing with large numbers of minority members who have a reservoir of goodwill about the local daily newspaper. Obviously, if such goodwill exists, circulation opportunities in the minority community might be much greater than presently believed. Such bottom-line considerations might suggest a look at the present product to see if minorities are really getting the kind of coverage warranted by their numbers in many communities. Fourth, people interested in applied concerns of minority members of this culture can profitably use these data to rethink the potential uses of the print media to bring about specific pro-social outcomes for blacks and Hispanics. An important issue in the next decade will be how to design communication campaigns to promote wellness and prevent disease. Given a great deal of credible evidence that minority group members are disproportionately suffering the terrible effects of serious diseases, like all forms of cancer, because of late diagnosis and lack of information, questions about how practitioners can better communicate with members of minority groups are going to be high on the agenda of health care professionals in the future. Relying on stereotypes suggesting the local press is not trusted a n d / o r believed and therefore cannot be used to deliver health information is dangerous. These data would suggest that local print media can be effectively used to reach minorities, who have a great deal of trust for information appearing in the local newspaper. Finally, people with a general interest in intercultural/interracial training and education should be very interested in research that dispels myths about specific groups as uninvolved and often unreasonably negative. Whites, blacks, and Hispanics tend to view sources of information in much the same way. They can tell a good newspaper from a bad one; one group is not significantly more sophisticated than another in making such judgments. Moreover, they tend to agree on the basis for judging local media. When there are significant differences, it is usually because members of the minority community are more, not less, positive about local newspapers. Minority group members do not tend to claim racism or bias at every turn o f the printing press. They do not believe that they are
Ethmc Differences
63
abused by the white-owned media establishment. They give credit where credit is due and are often more lenient in their evaluations than are members of the white community. Like whites, they are concerned with accuracy, competence, and timeliness of information that helps them better understand the world around them. Thus, instead of operating on myths and misinformation, this research provides evidence of cross-racial group similarities that people should know and appreciate. Although people interested in intercultural communication should be keenly interested in intergroup differences, they must also incorporate evidence of similarity as an important part of their training and teaching.
REFERENCES BOGART, L. (1972). Negro and white media exposure: New evidence. Journahsm Quarterly, 49, 21-51. BOGART, L. (1978, January). News sources and interests o f blacks and whites. (Available from Newspaper Advertising Bureau, Inc., 485 Lexington Avenue, New York, NY 10017). BULLER, D. B., BURGOON, J. K., & BURGOON, M. (1986). Demographic Correlates of Newspaper Image. Journalism Quarterly. BURGOON, J. K., BURGOON, M., & WILKINSON, M. (1981). Writing style as a predictor of newspaper readership, satisfaction, and image. Journahsm Quarterly, 58,225-231. CARL J. NELSON RESEARCH, INCORPORATED. (1971, March). Negro, white readerships compared: Parallel surveys. In C. R. Bush (Ed.), News research f o r better newspapers (Vol. 5, pp. 53-64). New York: American Newspaper Publication Association. GREENBERG, B. S., BURGOON, M., BURGOON, J. K., & KORZENNY, E (1983). Mexican Amertcans and the mass media. Norwood, N J: Ablex. HARRIS, J. T. (1981, December). Newspaper readership project: Issues workshop on blacks and newspapers. Unpublished Manuscript, The Medill School of Journalism, Northwestern University, Evanston, IL. JACKSON, M. M. (1978, May 24). A compartson o f newspaper use by lowerincome and middle- and upper-income blacks. (Research Rep. No. 15). Washington, DC: ANPA News Research Center. SHARON, A. T. (1972, August). Racial dtfferences m newspaper readership. Princeton, N J: Educational Testing Service. STEVENSON, R. L. (1977, October). The frequency o f newspaper readershtp. (Research Rep. No. 7). Washington, DC: ANPA News Research Center.
ABSTRACT T R A N S L A T I O N S Cette recherche a examln~ deux interpr~tetatlons tr~s d l f f ~ r e n t e s pour s a v o l r p o u r q u o l c e r ~ a l n e s g r o u p e s b . mlnorltaires s p ~ c l f l q u e s n e t a l e n t pas de lecteurs f l d ~ l e s de j o u r n a u x . La p r e m x ~ r e , se b a s a n t sur p l u s l e u r s stereotypes p~joratifs, d ~ p e l n t les n o i r s et les H 1 s p a n l q u e s
64
M. Burgoon, J. K. Burgoon, M. J. Shatzer
c o m m e ~ t a n t des g e n s c r l t l q u e s et d ~ s a f f e c t l o n ~ s qul c o n s l d & r e n t les 3 o u r n a u x c o m m e une m a n i f e s t a t i o n de raclsme, I n j ~ s t l c e et de p r ~ j u g ~ . Une vue a l t e r n a t i v e a s u g g ~ r ~ que les f a c t e u r s t e l l e s que la d l s p o n l b l l l t ~ de prodult, la d g m o g r a p h l e et les c o n s l d @ r a t l o n s @ c o n o m l q u e s , et non pas les ~ v a l u a t l o n s n ~ g a t l v e s des s o u r c e s d' i n f o r m a t l o n ~ t a l e n t de m e 1 1 1 e u r e s e x p l l c a t l o n s pour le m a n q u e de l e c t e u r s chez dlff~rents groupes ethnlques. On s' est servl de trols e n s e m b l e s ~ n o r m e s de d o n n ~ e s ( N = 1 4 . 3 7 8 ) pour a n a l y s e r les d l f f @ r e n c e s d a n s i' Image des J o u r n a u x parml les d l f f ~ r e n t s g r o u p e s r a c l a u x / e t h n l q u e s aux E t a t s - U n i s . Dans r o u t e s les a n a l y s e s , la race ne se p r ~ s e n t e pas c o m m e p r ~ d i s e u r tr~s v a l a b l e dan l ° ~ v a l u a t l o n des J o u r n a u x . C e l a s o u l ~ v e des d o u t e s en ce qul c o n c e r n e les h y p o t h e s e s sur les m l n o r i t ~ s d e t a c h e e s et d ~ s ~ n t ~ r e s s ~ e s . Q u a n d la q u e s t i o n de race a a s o u t ~ v r a ~ m e n t une v a r l a n c e u n l q u e aux m o d u l e s de p r ~ d ~ c t l o n , c ' ~ t a i t p a r c e que les m ~ n o r ~ t ~ s ~ t a ~ e n t plus p o s i t i v e s e n v e r s les m & d ~ a s locaux, une a l t e r n a t l v e 3ama~s avant sugg@r~e. Les r ~ s u l t a t s sont d i s c u t g s en t e r m e s de leur x m p o r t a n c e pour les c h e r c h e u r s a c a d ~ m l q u e s , les d l r e c t e u r s de m ~ d l a et c e u x qul ~ t a b l ~ s s e n t la p o l l t l q u e et pour c e u x q~l s' i n t ~ r e s s e n t ~ la f o r m a t l o n et ~ l ' ~ d ~ c a t l o n interculturelles/Interrac~ales. (Author-supplled abstract)
E s t a i n v e s t l g a c 1 6 n e x a m l n a dos i n t e r p r e t a c 1 6 n e s de las r a z o n e s por la que los g r ~ p o s e x p e c l f l c o s de las m l n o r f a s no e x t a n l e y e r o n de los p e r l S d l c o s pot Io regular. Prlmera i n t e r p r e t a c l 6 n d e p e n d e de los e s t e r e o t l p o s que r e p r e s e n t a n los n e g r o s y los h l s p a n o s c o m o las g e n r e s c r l t l c a s y descontentas. La c o n s i d e r a n los p e r 1 6 d l c o s como s e s g a d o s y lnjustos. S e g u n d a I n t e r p r e t a c 1 6 n i n d l c a que los p r o d u c t o s o b t e n l b l e , las c a r a c t e r l s t l c a s de la p o b l a c 1 6 n , y c o n s l d e r a c l ~ n e c o n o m l c o , en lugar de los a v a l % o s n e g a t l v o s del o r i g e n de la I n f o r m a c l 6 n , f~eron las e x p l l c a c 1 ~ n e s p a r a no l e y e r o n por los g r ~ p o s & t n i c o s . T r e s c o l e c c l S n e s del d a t o s ( N = 1 4 , 3 7 8 ) a n a l l z i a n por las d l f e r e n c i a s en la imagen del p e r l 6 d l c o e n t r e los g r u p o s r a c i a l e s / ~ t n l c o s en de los E s t a d o s Unldos. La r a z a no f u e r a la p r e d l c c l o n s l g n l f l c a t l v a del a v a l ~ o del p e r 1 6 d l c o . La I n d l c a que de las s u p o s l c l S n e s a c e r c a de las m l n o r [ a s como no e n v o l v e r y a p a r t a r son d u d o s o s ° C u a n d o que la r a z a i n d l c a la v a r l a c 1 5 n unlco, la f u e r a p o r q u e las m l n o r [ a s f u e r o n mas p o s l t l v o a c e r c a de los p e r l 6 d l c o s locales, una a l t e r n a t l v a no i n d l c a prevlamente. Las r e u l t a s e s t a n d l s c u t l r con c o n 3 i d e r a r pot la i m p o r t a n c l a a l a s i n v e s t l g a c 1 6 n e s a c a d e m i c a s , los d i r e c t o r e s de los m e d i o s de c o m u n i c a r s e con el publlco, y los h a c e d o r e s de las p o l l t l c a s . La es por e s Z o s que e s t a n i n t e r e s a r en la d * s c i p l i n a y la e d u c a c l S n e n t r e las c u l t u r a s y las razas. (Author-supplled abstract)
0147-1767/87 $3 00 + 00 Copyright © 1987 Pergamon Journals Ltd
ETHNIC DIFFERENCES IN THE EVALUATION OF NEWSPAPER IMAGE
MICHAEL BURGOON and JUDEE K. BURGOON University of Arizona MILTON J. SHATZER University of Kentucky
ABSTRACT. This research examined two very different mterpretations o f why spectfic minority groups may not be loyal newspaper readers. The first, operating on many pejorattve stereotypes, portrays blacks and Hlspantcs as very crttical, disaffected people who see newspapers as racist, biased, and unfair. A n alternattve view suggested that factors such as product availabihty, demographics, and economic considerations, not negative evaluations o f sources o f information, were better explanations f o r nonreadership by dtfferent ethntc groups. Three masstve data sets (N= 14,378) were used to analyze dtfferences in newspaper image among different racial/ethntc groups in the United States. Across all analyses, race ts not a very meaningful predictor o f newspaper evaluation. Thts casts doubt on the assumpttons about alienated, unmvolved minortties. When race did add unique variance to the predictor models, tt was because mlnorittes were more positive about local media, an alternative not prevtously suggested. Results are dtscussed in terms o f their importance to academic researchers, medta managers, pohcy makers, and for those interested m mtercultural/interracial traming and educatton.
A review o f past research suggests highly stereotypical, negative assessments o f how minorities use and evaluate newspapers. Several myths abound portraying blacks and Hispanics as uninvolved and uniformed citizens in our culture, at least as indexed by their consumption of print media. For example, both blacks and Hispanics are reported as not only reading the newspaper less than whites, but spending less time reading as well (Carl J. Nelson Research Inc., 1971; Harris, 1981). Reputed lower newspaper readership a m o n g Hispanics has been attributed to their dependence upon an "oral" cultural tradition that relies on interpersonal channels o f communication as the prime sources of information. It has
Reprint requests should be sent to: Michael Burgoon, Department of Communicanon, University of Arizona, Tucson, AZ 85721, U.S.A 49
50
M. Burgoon, J. K. Burgoon, M. J. Shatzer
also been assumed that large numbers of Hispanics are not able to consume English language print media because of their dependence on the Spanish language. Black readership differences, when compared to whites, are said to have resulted from the lack of opportunities to read the newspaper and, thus, to develop readership habits (Bogart, 1978). Both blacks and Hispanics have been reported as being more depen~ dent on broadcast media than on print sources. Based on minimal evi~ dence, some researchers suggest the reason for this is that blacks identify more with the blacks (or a higher percentage of visible blacks) in the broadcast industries (Bogart, 1978). Hispanics, on the other hand, are a s s u m e d to depend on broadcast media because of their lack of literacy in English. Other interpretations suggest that Hispanics are not presented with the content most desired by Hispanic Americans in the Anglo-dominated press and, therefore, turn to alternative sources of information. The same line of reasoning suggests that newspapers tailor their content to the needs and desires of whites and do not meet the needs of blacks in their daily news presentations (Stevenson, 1977). Finally, Bogart (1978) goes so far as to suggest that the personal conception of what is "news" may depend upon one's ethnic identification. These stereotypes of black and Hispanic citizens extend further to suggest that these racial groups differ markedly from members of the majority culture in what uses and gratifications the print media provide. Hispanics are portrayed as using the newspaper primarily for non-breaking news, features, and advertisements. For blacks, the newspaper is said to be only a marginal source for information on current events and city government but the prime source of information on clothing and grocery information (Jackson, 1978). Bogart (1978) suggests a somewhat different utilitarian approach by reporting that blacks are more concerned with issues that affect them on a personal, day-to-day basis. All of these stereotypes paint a picture of these minority groups as less informed members of society who are unwilling or unable to expend the effort necessary to be informed on world, national, and local news. Given the premium placed on an informed citizenry in a pluralistic society, these myths place Hispanics and blacks in a very negative light. Such myths obviously affect how media policy makers relate to minority groups within their community. Unfortunately, operating on such myths might suggest to some newspaper managers that minorities are "unreachable," uninvolved citizens who do not participate in local or national affairs. With such beliefs, the next step is to design products that ignore the needs of blacks and Hispanics and specifically target whites, probably affluent and educated ones, and ignore others who are more difficult to reach. To the extent that such beliefs are widely held by whites in our society, the interpersonal interaction patterns between members of differing racial groups must be impacted. The assumption that someone is uninformed
Ethnic Differences
51
and uninterested in the issues of the day probably inhibits discussion about such issues. It has been assumed that one main reason why nonwhite ethnic groups (such as blacks and Hispanics) differ in newspaper readership in comparison to whites is their image of the newspaper. Blacks are said to view the newspaper as an extension of the white power structure or "Establishment" (Bogart, 1978). Greenberg, Burgoon, Burgoon, and Korzenny (1983) in a very extensive study of Mexican Americans and the mass media provide compelling evidence that Anglo newspaper executives and Mexican American community leaders are convinced that Mexican Americans see newspapers as biased and racially prejudiced against nonwhites. A review of the limited prior research suggests that ethnic minorities believe that newspaper coverage of their racial group is negative (Harris, 1981). These minorities are said to believe that they are portrayed as criminals or undesirables. They also supposedly believe that they are seldom pictured as positive members of society and that news items reporting their favorable achievements seldom get much play. Therefore, the image of newspapers typically attributed to blacks and Hispanics is one of being racially biased and unfair to minorities in this society. However, not everyone subscribes to these views. Some researchers have suggested that it is more fruitful to interpret differences in minority use and evaluations of the print media in terms of socioeconomic, educational, and geographic differences (Bogart, 1972, 1978; Carl J. Nelson, 1981; Sharon, 1972). Greenberg et al. (1983) sharply criticize earlier research which perpetuated many of the above myths based on weak or nonexistent empirical evidence. They suggest that reliance on community leaders to speak on behalf of ethnic minorities may be flawed. Their claim is that community leaders may be more interested in advancing their own political agenda than accurately representing the views of the minorities for whom they purport to speak. Moreover, they further suggest that many minority leaders may have more in common with their white counterparts than the ordinary citizen in the minority community. Greenberg, Burgoon, Burgoon, and Korzenny argue that lack of use of the daily newspaper may be more the result of lack of availability of Lhe newspaper in specific geographic neighborhoods, demographic differences, and economic variables than due to some generalized negative evaluation o f the local daily newspaper. In effect they argue that management decisions may result in Mexican Americans not having the same access to the newspaper as do many whites in the community. They claim that there are important First Amendment issues associated with planned strategies n o t to serve all of the members of a community and suggest that stereotypes and myths have produced undesirable results in a democratic society such as the one in which we live. Since the Greenberg et al. data were limited to comparisons of Mexi-
52
M. Burgoon, J. K. Burgoon, M. J. Shatzer
can Americans and Anglos living in one geographic area of the United States, additional research needs to determine whether their view has more generalizable empirical support. Clearly, two very different portraits of minority citizens and their use of the print media exist. One suggests a relatively uninformed, unconcerned segment of society who cannot be reached by local newspapers without great difficulty. This view suggests that very negative evaluations of newspapers have produced huge numbers of nonreaders in this culture. The other view suggests that minorities are not presently being reached, but that such a situation is unrelated to the image of the daily newspaper in minority communities. The second view holds that minority group members can be reached i f there is an attempt to circulate in minority communities, and content interests of minorities are included in the daily product. This research was conducted to provide evidence as to the relative validity of these two opposing viewpoints and to provide answers as to what image blacks and Hispanics have of available daily newspapers in their community.
METHOD Sample
The data for this research came from three data bases. The original research was completed as part of omnibus surveys on media use, content preferences, and media evaluation. Thus, different items were used in questionnaires in each of the research projects. From this massive combined data set, secondary analyses on race as a predictor of newspaper image were completed for this research effort. The following is a brief summary of the characteristics of the three data bases used. The first data set contained image data from 6,111 adults (18 years of age or older) living in the 21 largest standard metropolitan statistical areas in the country. This large urban sample provided the highest probability of obtaining a large sample of black Americans and provides profiles of the image judgments of all of the most well-known local daily newspapers in this country. The sample yielded 4,819 whites, 857 blacks, 179 Hispanics, and 256 people categorized as "other." Data Set 2 came from medium-sized towns and cities across the United States. These locations span the continuum from semi-urban to rural, industrial to agricultural, downscale on education and income to very affluent and educated, youthful to aging, growing to declining, and optimistic to pessimistic in their view of the community, as well as representing a full geographic spectrum from Eastern to Midwestern to Western. In some cases the market had a single dominant newspaper; in others,
Ethnic Differences
53
more newspaper competition was evident. The total sample size in this data set was 6,564 with 3,476 completing the image module of the larger survey. Of those, 3,004 were white, 136 were black, 81 were Hispanic, and 255 were in the other category. The third data set was obtained to assess media habits primarily among Hispanic Americans. All cities in this survey had a Hispanic population of at least 25 percent of its total. Of the 1,703 people in this omnibus survey, 423 completed the image module: 202 whites, 192 Hispanics, and 29 blacks, with the rest not categorized. Data Set 1: Urban Areas
Data Set 2Medmm S~ze Cities
Data Set 3: Southwestern Towns
N=6,111
N = 6,564
N = 1,703
Locations
Locatmns
Locations
Los Angeles, CA Orange County, CA Dallas, TX Houston, TX Atlanta, GA New Orleans, LA Boston, MA Northern New Jersey Minneapolis, MN Washington, DC New York, NY Baltimore, MD Denver, CO Phoenix, AZ Seattle, WA Philadelphia, PA Pittsburgh, PA Cleveland, OH Portland, OR Miami, FL Chicago, IL
Niagara, NY Binghamton, NY Rockland, NY Bridgewater, NJ Lansing, MI Lafayette, IN Rockford, IL Sioux Falls, SD Sahnas, CA Stockton, CA Fort Collins, CO Knoxville, TN Honolulu, HI
Tucson, AZ Sante Fe, NM San Bernardlno, CA Salinas, CA Stockton, CA Visalia, CA E1 Paso, TX
Data Collection Procedures Within individual markets, respondents were initially selected through random-digit-dialing procedures. Five- or six-digit telephone prefixes were systematically selected in proportion to the number of households in each community. To these numbers, one or two randomly generated digits were added to produce the final sample of numbers to be called. This process insures that the sample will include the more transient elements of society whose telephone numbers are not yet listed as well as those who
54
M. Burgoon, J. K. Burgoon, M. J. Shatzer
have unlisted numbers. In some subgroups (blacks, for instance) the percentage of families with unlisted and nonlisted numbers approaches 40°7o. Therefore, a random-digit procedure is essential to obtain a sample with the correct demographic balance. Trained interviewers who had extensive previous experience conducted all interviews long-distance from a centralized location where they were subject to continuing supervision and silent monitoring. In the Southwestern sample, subjects were given the choice of being interviewed in Spanish or English. Interviews were conducted over a three- to four-week period in each city to minimize the effects of specific news events on the results. A system of three call-backs was used to increase sample representativeness. In Data Set 3, an insufficient number of Hispanics were reached using the random-digit-dialing procedures. Thus, a quota system using Hispanic surnames was used to complete the sample of Hispanic Americans in this specialized survey. Across all surveys, approximately 30°70 of the people contacted refused to participate; another 3°70 terminated the interview before it was completed. Image Measurement Procedures
Because of the nature of the larger omnibus surveys, different image items were used in different parts of the research project. It was also expected that the difference in the sample sites, from the largest urban areas in the country to small rural-type communities, would produce large variances in evaluations of local newspapers. Previous research (Buller, Burgoon, & Burgoon, 1986; Burgoon, Burgoon, & Wilkinson, 1981) demonstrated that the pool of image items used across these projects can form reliable factor structures. However, that research also makes it clear that more precision will be added to predictor models if separate factor solutions are obtained for specific data sets. Thus, the appropriate procedure required separate factor analyses for each data set, To ensure comparability, identical procedures were used in all analyses. In each data set, newspaper image was assessed with five-point semantic differential items bounded by bipolar adjectives. Principal components factor analyses with varimax rotation were used to form the dimensions of image. Criteria for retention of items on a factor were (a) having a primary loading of .50 or better, and (b) no secondary loadings within .20 of the primary loadings. In addition, each factor to be retained had to have at least two items with a primary loading on it or have a very strong loading with a single item in the case in which very few image items were measured. Number of rotations were governed by examination of eigenvalues, within a minimum set at 1.0, and use of the Scree test. The following is a summary of the instruments created to measure image in each data set:
Ethnic Dtfferences
55
Data Set 1 Factor 1" Competence and Bias
Data Set 2 Factor 1: Competence and Timehness
Data Set 3 Factor 1: Local Involvement and Concern
accurate can be trusted unbiased
hvely can be trusted cares what reader thinks has latest news accurate competent
concern for community courageous powerful community watchdog latest news cares what reader thinks accurate
Factor 2: Timeliness and Surveillance
Factor 2 Personalism and Surveillance
acts as community watchdog has the latest news hvely
concerned about the community's well-being cares what reader thinks
can be trusted personal accurate cares what reader thinks
Factor 3: Sensatlonahsm and Bias
Factor 3: Objectivity and Fairness
bias does not sensationahze courageous was an isolate
is unbiased is not racist does not sensatxonalize influential was an ~solate
Factor 3: Sensatlonahsm does not sensatlonahze
Factor 2: Credibdlty
Although there were similarities in the image dimensions across the large number of cities surveyed in the three data sets, the factor analyses provide evidence that unique dimensions of newspaper image exist in each of the data sets used in this secondary analysis. Thus, each analysis was done using the appropriate, unique factor solution for each data set.
RESULTS Data Set 1: The Largest Urban Areas
The seven newspaper image items in this data set were first subjected to one-way analyses of variance across four racial categories (white, black, Hispanic, and other). This analysis marked a departure from earlier analytic procedures (Buller, Burgoon, & Burgoon, 1986) using only dichotomous breaks (white-nonwhite) on race. Five items yielded significant differences among racial groups. They were accurate (F=3.69, df=3/6107, p<.01), lively (F= 10.99, df=3/6107, p<.01), acts as a community watchdog (F= 8.60, d f = 3/6107, p < .01), has the latest news (F= 4.77, d f = 3/6107, p<.01), and does not sensationalize (F= 6.43, d f = 3/6107, p < .01). A pattern emerged in which blacks and whites gave higher ratings than did Hispanics and other minorities. However, examination of the total variance accounted for by race indicated that in no case was as much as one percent of the variance attributable to this
56
M. Burgoon, J. K. Burgoon, M. J. Shatzer
variable. Thus, these differences were probably due to the large sample size and not to meaningful differences across racial groups. The mean ratings for all image items used in the three data sets are presented in Table 1. While individual items may show weak ethnicity (race) effects, it is possible that when examined by dimension, clusters of image items may show stronger relationships with race. To explore this possibility and to examine the importance of race relative to other demographic and media use variables, stepwise multiple regression analyses were used. Continuing with more precision in identifying the race variable, these analyses used four categories (black, white, Hispanic, and other) to identify racial groups. Separate analyses were performed on the three criterion variables of competence/bias, timeliness~surveillance, and sensationalism. The predictor variables were sex, age, race, education, annual household income, employment status, method of obtaining the newspaper (subscription, street purchase), satisfaction with the newspaper, TV news viewing, frequency of reading the newspaper, length of residence in the community, and location. Results are reported in Table 2. In this analysis, 12 variables emerged as significant predictors of competence/bias, including five location vectors. The predictors which were significant as they entered the equation were (listed in order of entry) education, sex, age, race, employment status, newspaper satisfaction, method of obtaining the newspaper, and location. It should be noted that while race was a significant predictor of this image dimension with a stepwise entry into the equation, it was not significant in the final step. The same was true for age and employment status. Simply stated, that means that race (as well as age and employment status) did not add significantly to the total variance in the final step when compared to other variables such as sex and education. Thus, race does not appear to be an important or unique predictor of the competence/bias image of newspaper ratings in the large urban centers of this country. What slight difference does exist is in the direction o f blacks being more favorable toward newspaper accuracy, trustworthiness, and lack of bias. Fourteen items emerged as significant predictors o f timeliness/surveillance. These were (in order of entry) sex, age, race, method o f obtaining the newspaper, education, newspaper satisfaction, location, frequency o f reading the newspaper, and location vectors. Race was a significant predictor o f this image factor. In general, whites gave higher ratings than the other three groups, especially on the item acts as a community watchdog. An exception, blacks reported the highest ratings on lively. Ten significant predictors emerged as predictors o f sensationalism (listed again in order of entry): how the newspaper was obtained, race, education, length o f residence, newspaper satisfaction, TV news viewing, and
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58
M. Burgoon, J. K. Burgoon, M. J. Shatzer
TABLE 2 Multiple Regression Analyses for Data Set 1 Variables
S t a n d a r d i z e d Betas
F to Enter
R2
121 45 11 7 5 1927 5 12 7 6 4 4
15"* 19"* 03" * 16" * 52* 18* * 36* 05** 55" * 65" 79" 09"
021 029 031 032 033 278 279 281 282 282 283 284
05* * 04** 05** 02 02 35* * 04** 04** 04** 03" 04" * 02* 03* 03*
60 21 * * 21 8 7 * * 1702"* 9 01 * * 10 3 9 * * 770 74* * 9.55** 9 85** 9 34** 4 01 * * 7,38" * 5,16" 4,48* 4 41 *
011 014 017 019 021 138 140 141 143 143 144 145 146 146
- 05* * - 07** 07* * 03* 12" * - 03* - 05** 03* - 03* - 03*
34 62* * 17 8 8 * * 14 61 * * 6 67* 70 9 5 " * 5 65* 10 8 8 * * 7 05* * 5 52* 4 29*
006 009 012 013 025 026 028 029 030 031
I Competence~bias Education Sex Age Race E m p l o y m e n t status N e w s p a p e r satisfaction H o w t h e n e w s p a p e r is obtained Location 1 Location 2 Location 3 Location 4 Location 5 II
Ttmelmess/surve#lance Sex Age Race How the n e w s p a p e r is obtained Education N e w s p a p e r satisfaction Location 1 Location 2 Location 3 F r e q u e n c y of reading the n e w s p a p e r Location 4 Location 5 Location 6 Location 7
III
- 04** 04** 00 02 01 51 * * 03* - 04** 03** 03* - 02" 02"
-
-
-
Sensatlonaltsm H o w the n e w s p a p e r ~s obtained Race Education Length of residence in the c o m m u m t y N e w s p a p e r satisfaction TV news viewing Location 1 Location 2 Location 3 Location 4
Variables are listed as t h e y entered the equation *p< 05.**p<01
Ethmc Differences
59
location. Whites were more positive than blacks who were in turn more positive than Hispanics and other minorities. In sum, race meaningfully related to image judgment on two dimensions in the urban centers. It explained additional variance beyond such demographic variables as sex, age, and education for the second dimension and preceded all such demographics on the third dimension. However, in each case, the amount of variance accounted for was very small. What marginal differences that did exist showed whites and blacks to be more generally favorable toward newspapers than other minorities. Given that this sample was mostly comprised of whites and blacks, it is important to note that both racial groups are very similar in their perception of big city dailies. Thus, earlier discussed stereotypes of critical, disaffected blacks seem unsupported by these analyses. The small sample of Hispanics points to the wisdom of postponing discussion of this ethnic group until larger numbers can be examined in the specialized sample available in Data Set 3. Data Set 2: The Sm al l to M e d i u m Cities an d Towns The second data set ( N = 6,111) used 12 image items which were subjected to one-way analyses of variance with four race categories as the independent variable of interest. Only four items had significant differences among racial groups. These were lively (F=5.75, d f = 3 / 3 4 7 2 , p < .01), acts as a community watchdog (F--3.66, d r = 3/3467, p < .05), courageous ( F = 2 . 9 7 , d f = 3 / 3 4 7 0 , p < . 0 5 ) , and competent (F=2.87, d f = 3/3470, p < .05). On two items (lively and courageous), blacks were the most positive racial group. On the competent item, both blacks and Hispanics were more positive than whites. The acts as a community watchdog item was scored most positively by "other minorities." Thus, on every single significant difference, one or more of the minority groups had the most positive image evaluation o f the local newspaper(s). However, the amount of variance accounted for was quite small, accounting for less than one percent o f the variance on each item. Therefore, once again these significant differences are probably not meaningful, but rather the result of the extremely large sample sizes obtained in this research effort. The same stepwise multiple regression procedure used in Data Set 1 was used to probe race as a predictor of the cluster scores on the three factors: competence~timeliness, personahsm/surveillance, and bias~sensationalism. Race was not a significant predictor in any of the three regression analyses. Again, age, sex, and annual household income were more significant predictors of these three dimensions of newspaper image than the four-category race variable. Thus, in the small- to medium-sized towns, newspapers were judged in the same general way by all racial
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groups. When there were very small differences, all were in the direction that minorities were more positive, not negative, about local print news sources. This, of course, contradicts many earlier myths and interpretations about minorities. D a t a Set 3: The S o u t h w e s t e r n ~ M e x i c a n A m e r i c a n P r o j e c t This data set was specifically designed to carefully examine the media habits of the fastest growing minority group in the United States: Mexican Americans. The quota sampling methods assured the largest, most complete survey of Mexican Americans completed to date. Because of the nature of this audience, additional image items were initially included in the questionnaire to attempt to detect any perceptions of racism, neglect, or bias on the part of the white-controlled press in these cities with large minority populations. Seventeen image items were analyzed across three racial categories (white, Mexican American, and black). The "other" category was dropped because of an insufficient number of respondents to make any analyses meaningful on this residual category. Six items demonstrated significant differences with the one-way analyses of variance. These were competent ( F = 12.98, d f = 2 / 4 2 0 , p < . 0 1 ) , lively (F=12.99, d f = 2 / 4 1 9 , p < . 0 1 ) , has the latest news ( F = 3 . 5 8 , d r = 2/420, p < .05), powerful ( F = 5.97, d f = 2/419, p < .01), influential (F--3.38, d f - - 2 / 4 1 9 , p < . 0 5 ) , and courageous (/:=6.57, d f = 2 / 4 1 9 , p < . 0 1 ) . On every item, Mexican Americans gave higher ratings than blacks and whites. On three items (competent, lively, and powerful), blacks gave higher ratings than whites. On the other three, blacks and whites gave equal ratings. The variance accounted for by race does not exceed six percent of the variance on any item. The multiple regression analyses on the three factors of local involvement and concern, credibility, and objectivity~fairness yielded one finding of interest. Race was not a predictor of local involvement~concern or objectivity~fairness. Education was an important predictor of newspaper image with the more educated being more critical; but race did not account for unique differences above and beyond differences in formal education on the first two dimensions of image. All three racial groups saw the many local daily newspapers studied as equally involved, concerned, and fair. Race did predict credibdity but not in the manner suggested by some earlier researchers. Mexican Americans saw the local paper as more credible than did blacks, who were more positive about local newspapers than whites. Although the variance-accounted-for again did not exceed six percent, it is important to note that the results are in the opposite direction that would be predicted by those espousing the "minorities as alienated citizens" position.
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DISCUSSION The present research examined two very different interpretations o f why specific minority groups may not be loyal newspaper readers. The first, operating on many pejorative stereotypes, portrays blacks and Hispanics as very critical, often unreasonably so, disaffected people who see newspapers as "racist, biased, unfair, and neglectful of their specific racial/ethnic group." From this line of reasoning, some have suggested that minorities simply do not use daily newspapers for the same reasons that whites do. Blacks and Hispanics have been pictured as using the newspaper for advertisements and entertainment rather than information and education because they do not trust the white-owned print media. The alternative view suggested that factors such as product availability, demographics, and economic considerations, not negative evaluations of sources of information, were better explanations for lack of regular reading by many members of minority groups. Prior to the start of these research projects, no one suggested that minorities might actually be more favorable than whites about local daily newspapers. In many communities, local media management had simply assumed that minorities were very negative about the newspaper, and little could be done to change such opinions. Thus, local newspapers have more and more seen affluent whites as the target group that could be reached, and many editorial decisions are made based upon such strategy. This research should cause people interested in intercultural/interracial communication and policy makers in charge of local print media operations to carefully examine the validity of much prior research and some unsupportable assumptions that have reached the status of myth. The results o f this very large research project clearly demonstrate that race is not a very meaningful predictor of newspaper evaluations across the United States. In some cases, race did add unique variance above and beyond that accounted for by other demographic variables. However, in no case was the variance accounted for by racial group membership very large. Moreover, a pattern emerged across the analyses conducted on all three data sets that suggests that when differences do exist, it is likely to be attributable to some minority group being significantly more positive about local newspapers than are their white counterparts in the same community. The findings of these combined research efforts have significance for many groups. First, academic researchers have been operating on some conceptual assumptions about sources of information among different racial groups that demand revision. Minorities do not seem to be avoiding white-owned media because of negative feelings about racism and bias. Second, data often gained from interviews with community leaders about
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the attitudes, feelings, and behaviors of specific minority groups must be viewed with some skepticism. Whether the community leader is a member of the minority group or a member of the majority community might make little difference in the accuracy of his or her report about the average minority member or the feelings of the community minority group as a collection. Too much research has relied on such secondhand reports because of the often prohibitive expense associated with directly collecting data from large samples of minorities. Third, media managers and policy makers should examine these data closely to determine if changes in present operations are warranted. Instead of having to deal with a large group of perceived hostile, disaffected citizens, many local media managers could be dealing with large numbers of minority members who have a reservoir of goodwill about the local daily newspaper. Obviously, if such goodwill exists, circulation opportunities in the minority community might be much greater than presently believed. Such bottom-line considerations might suggest a look at the present product to see if minorities are really getting the kind of coverage warranted by their numbers in many communities. Fourth, people interested in applied concerns of minority members of this culture can profitably use these data to rethink the potential uses of the print media to bring about specific pro-social outcomes for blacks and Hispanics. An important issue in the next decade will be how to design communication campaigns to promote wellness and prevent disease. Given a great deal of credible evidence that minority group members are disproportionately suffering the terrible effects of serious diseases, like all forms of cancer, because of late diagnosis and lack of information, questions about how practitioners can better communicate with members of minority groups are going to be high on the agenda of health care professionals in the future. Relying on stereotypes suggesting the local press is not trusted a n d / o r believed and therefore cannot be used to deliver health information is dangerous. These data would suggest that local print media can be effectively used to reach minorities, who have a great deal of trust for information appearing in the local newspaper. Finally, people with a general interest in intercultural/interracial training and education should be very interested in research that dispels myths about specific groups as uninvolved and often unreasonably negative. Whites, blacks, and Hispanics tend to view sources of information in much the same way. They can tell a good newspaper from a bad one; one group is not significantly more sophisticated than another in making such judgments. Moreover, they tend to agree on the basis for judging local media. When there are significant differences, it is usually because members of the minority community are more, not less, positive about local newspapers. Minority group members do not tend to claim racism or bias at every turn o f the printing press. They do not believe that they are
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abused by the white-owned media establishment. They give credit where credit is due and are often more lenient in their evaluations than are members of the white community. Like whites, they are concerned with accuracy, competence, and timeliness of information that helps them better understand the world around them. Thus, instead of operating on myths and misinformation, this research provides evidence of cross-racial group similarities that people should know and appreciate. Although people interested in intercultural communication should be keenly interested in intergroup differences, they must also incorporate evidence of similarity as an important part of their training and teaching.
REFERENCES BOGART, L. (1972). Negro and white media exposure: New evidence. Journahsm Quarterly, 49, 21-51. BOGART, L. (1978, January). News sources and interests o f blacks and whites. (Available from Newspaper Advertising Bureau, Inc., 485 Lexington Avenue, New York, NY 10017). BULLER, D. B., BURGOON, J. K., & BURGOON, M. (1986). Demographic Correlates of Newspaper Image. Journalism Quarterly. BURGOON, J. K., BURGOON, M., & WILKINSON, M. (1981). Writing style as a predictor of newspaper readership, satisfaction, and image. Journahsm Quarterly, 58,225-231. CARL J. NELSON RESEARCH, INCORPORATED. (1971, March). Negro, white readerships compared: Parallel surveys. In C. R. Bush (Ed.), News research f o r better newspapers (Vol. 5, pp. 53-64). New York: American Newspaper Publication Association. GREENBERG, B. S., BURGOON, M., BURGOON, J. K., & KORZENNY, E (1983). Mexican Amertcans and the mass media. Norwood, N J: Ablex. HARRIS, J. T. (1981, December). Newspaper readership project: Issues workshop on blacks and newspapers. Unpublished Manuscript, The Medill School of Journalism, Northwestern University, Evanston, IL. JACKSON, M. M. (1978, May 24). A compartson o f newspaper use by lowerincome and middle- and upper-income blacks. (Research Rep. No. 15). Washington, DC: ANPA News Research Center. SHARON, A. T. (1972, August). Racial dtfferences m newspaper readership. Princeton, N J: Educational Testing Service. STEVENSON, R. L. (1977, October). The frequency o f newspaper readershtp. (Research Rep. No. 7). Washington, DC: ANPA News Research Center.
ABSTRACT T R A N S L A T I O N S Cette recherche a examln~ deux interpr~tetatlons tr~s d l f f ~ r e n t e s pour s a v o l r p o u r q u o l c e r ~ a l n e s g r o u p e s b . mlnorltaires s p ~ c l f l q u e s n e t a l e n t pas de lecteurs f l d ~ l e s de j o u r n a u x . La p r e m x ~ r e , se b a s a n t sur p l u s l e u r s stereotypes p~joratifs, d ~ p e l n t les n o i r s et les H 1 s p a n l q u e s
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M. Burgoon, J. K. Burgoon, M. J. Shatzer
c o m m e ~ t a n t des g e n s c r l t l q u e s et d ~ s a f f e c t l o n ~ s qul c o n s l d & r e n t les 3 o u r n a u x c o m m e une m a n i f e s t a t i o n de raclsme, I n j ~ s t l c e et de p r ~ j u g ~ . Une vue a l t e r n a t i v e a s u g g ~ r ~ que les f a c t e u r s t e l l e s que la d l s p o n l b l l l t ~ de prodult, la d g m o g r a p h l e et les c o n s l d @ r a t l o n s @ c o n o m l q u e s , et non pas les ~ v a l u a t l o n s n ~ g a t l v e s des s o u r c e s d' i n f o r m a t l o n ~ t a l e n t de m e 1 1 1 e u r e s e x p l l c a t l o n s pour le m a n q u e de l e c t e u r s chez dlff~rents groupes ethnlques. On s' est servl de trols e n s e m b l e s ~ n o r m e s de d o n n ~ e s ( N = 1 4 . 3 7 8 ) pour a n a l y s e r les d l f f @ r e n c e s d a n s i' Image des J o u r n a u x parml les d l f f ~ r e n t s g r o u p e s r a c l a u x / e t h n l q u e s aux E t a t s - U n i s . Dans r o u t e s les a n a l y s e s , la race ne se p r ~ s e n t e pas c o m m e p r ~ d i s e u r tr~s v a l a b l e dan l ° ~ v a l u a t l o n des J o u r n a u x . C e l a s o u l ~ v e des d o u t e s en ce qul c o n c e r n e les h y p o t h e s e s sur les m l n o r i t ~ s d e t a c h e e s et d ~ s ~ n t ~ r e s s ~ e s . Q u a n d la q u e s t i o n de race a a s o u t ~ v r a ~ m e n t une v a r l a n c e u n l q u e aux m o d u l e s de p r ~ d ~ c t l o n , c ' ~ t a i t p a r c e que les m ~ n o r ~ t ~ s ~ t a ~ e n t plus p o s i t i v e s e n v e r s les m & d ~ a s locaux, une a l t e r n a t l v e 3ama~s avant sugg@r~e. Les r ~ s u l t a t s sont d i s c u t g s en t e r m e s de leur x m p o r t a n c e pour les c h e r c h e u r s a c a d ~ m l q u e s , les d l r e c t e u r s de m ~ d l a et c e u x qul ~ t a b l ~ s s e n t la p o l l t l q u e et pour c e u x q~l s' i n t ~ r e s s e n t ~ la f o r m a t l o n et ~ l ' ~ d ~ c a t l o n interculturelles/Interrac~ales. (Author-supplled abstract)
E s t a i n v e s t l g a c 1 6 n e x a m l n a dos i n t e r p r e t a c 1 6 n e s de las r a z o n e s por la que los g r ~ p o s e x p e c l f l c o s de las m l n o r f a s no e x t a n l e y e r o n de los p e r l S d l c o s pot Io regular. Prlmera i n t e r p r e t a c l 6 n d e p e n d e de los e s t e r e o t l p o s que r e p r e s e n t a n los n e g r o s y los h l s p a n o s c o m o las g e n r e s c r l t l c a s y descontentas. La c o n s i d e r a n los p e r 1 6 d l c o s como s e s g a d o s y lnjustos. S e g u n d a I n t e r p r e t a c 1 6 n i n d l c a que los p r o d u c t o s o b t e n l b l e , las c a r a c t e r l s t l c a s de la p o b l a c 1 6 n , y c o n s l d e r a c l ~ n e c o n o m l c o , en lugar de los a v a l % o s n e g a t l v o s del o r i g e n de la I n f o r m a c l 6 n , f~eron las e x p l l c a c 1 ~ n e s p a r a no l e y e r o n por los g r ~ p o s & t n i c o s . T r e s c o l e c c l S n e s del d a t o s ( N = 1 4 , 3 7 8 ) a n a l l z i a n por las d l f e r e n c i a s en la imagen del p e r l 6 d l c o e n t r e los g r u p o s r a c i a l e s / ~ t n l c o s en de los E s t a d o s Unldos. La r a z a no f u e r a la p r e d l c c l o n s l g n l f l c a t l v a del a v a l ~ o del p e r 1 6 d l c o . La I n d l c a que de las s u p o s l c l S n e s a c e r c a de las m l n o r [ a s como no e n v o l v e r y a p a r t a r son d u d o s o s ° C u a n d o que la r a z a i n d l c a la v a r l a c 1 5 n unlco, la f u e r a p o r q u e las m l n o r [ a s f u e r o n mas p o s l t l v o a c e r c a de los p e r l 6 d l c o s locales, una a l t e r n a t l v a no i n d l c a prevlamente. Las r e u l t a s e s t a n d l s c u t l r con c o n 3 i d e r a r pot la i m p o r t a n c l a a l a s i n v e s t l g a c 1 6 n e s a c a d e m i c a s , los d i r e c t o r e s de los m e d i o s de c o m u n i c a r s e con el publlco, y los h a c e d o r e s de las p o l l t l c a s . La es por e s Z o s que e s t a n i n t e r e s a r en la d * s c i p l i n a y la e d u c a c l S n e n t r e las c u l t u r a s y las razas. (Author-supplled abstract)