Ethnic discrimination predicting academic attitudes for Latinx students in middle childhood

Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology 65 (2019) 101061

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Ethnic discrimination predicting academic attitudes for Latinx students in middle childhood

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Christia Spears Brown , Michelle Tam University of Kentucky, United States of America

A R T I C LE I N FO

A B S T R A C T

Keywords: Discrimination Latino Ethnicity School context Academic attitudes

The current study is a two-year study examining perceptions of teacher and peer discrimination among Latinx children in middle childhood (n = 156). We examined the frequency and type of teacher and peer discrimination Latinx children perceive; whether perceptions of teacher and peer discrimination predict changes in children's academic attitudes over time (namely, their interest in academics, perceived importance of academic success, school belonging, and perceptions of Latinx peers' academic norms); and whether this influence is moderated by the school ethnic context. Results indicated that a majority of children perceived at least one instance of schoolbased discrimination, more often from teachers than peers. Further, controlling for academic performance, perceptions of discrimination from teachers, albeit infrequent, led to a lower school belonging and more negative perceptions of their Latino peers' academic norms. School context moderated the links between peer and teacher discrimination and perceived interest in and importance of academics.

Introduction According to the U.S. Census, Latinx children (most frequently from Mexico and Central America) represent the largest ethnic minority group in K-12 schools in the U.S. (Musu-Gillette et al., 2016). Notably, many of these children benefit from the manifold strengths of immigrant households, such as strong family ties, two-parent homes, and resolute work ethics (Hernandez & Curiel, 2012; Suárez-Orozco & Suárez-Orozco, 2009). Nevertheless, there is a persistent achievement gap between Latinx students compared to European American students (García & Miller, 2008). Substantial research documents this gap in achievement: Latinx youth are more likely to score lower on academic achievement tests, to be held back a grade, to drop out of high school, and to endorse lower educational aspirations than European American students (Hill & Torres, 2010; Kao & Thompson, 2003; Pew Research Center, 2011; Turcios-Cotto & Milan, 2013; U.S. Department of Education, 2018; Wong & Hughes, 2006). This achievement gap appears early in the lives of Latinx children, and is important to redress because early academic motivation and attitudes have been shown to be highly predictive of later academic trajectories, high school completion, and future socioeconomic success (Desimone, 1999; Ensminger & Slusarcick, 1992; Galindo & Sheldon, 2012; García & Miller, 2008). Although the causes of these academic gaps are complex and multidimensional, one important contributor may be negative interactions

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that are taking place at school. According to bioecological theories of development (Bronfenbrenner, 1994; Spencer, Dupree, & Hartmann, 1997), children develop within a complex series of embedded contexts. Specifically, children are influenced by the proximal, face-to-face interactions within their immediate environment. Importantly, these proximal processes are embedded within a broader cultural macro-context. For Latinx children in the U.S., the macro-context is imbued with cultural stereotypes and biases that associate their ethnic group with poor academic abilities. Thus, Latinx children's immediate proximal environment of school may be biased and negative because of the biased cultural context, and those biased proximal interactions, in turn, may influence their development. In the current study, we examined whether children's academic attitudes (particularly those related to academic engagement) are diminished by biased proximal interactions with teachers and classmates at school, and how this association differs across the ethnic context of the child's school. Although previous research has consistently shown that Latinx adolescents' academic attitudes are negatively impacted by experiences and perceptions of ethnic discrimination (Alfaro, Umaña-Taylor, Gonzales-Backen, Bámaca, & Zeiders, 2009; Benner et al., 2018; DeGarmo & Martinez, 2006), little research has examined whether discrimination is associated with academic attitudes of Latinx children, despite elementary school being a crucial time when the foundation for later academic outcomes and

Corresponding author at: University of Kentucky, 125 Kastle Hall, Lexington, KY 40506, United States of America. E-mail address: [email protected] (C.S. Brown).

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.appdev.2019.101061 Received 20 November 2018; Received in revised form 26 August 2019; Accepted 2 September 2019 0193-3973/ © 2019 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology 65 (2019) 101061

C.S. Brown and M. Tam

important to understand what children in elementary school are perceiving if we are to best help them cope with these negative experiences and provide interventions to reduce school-based discrimination. Thus, the first goal of the current study is to examine the specific types of peer and teacher discrimination perceived by Latinx children in elementary school.

future success is laid. Perceptions of ethnic discrimination among Latinx youth Discrimination is defined as negative behaviors toward someone because of their group membership (e.g., Aboud & Amato, 2001). The specific negative behaviors can range from passive to active, from subtle to overt, and may or may not be perceived by the target of discrimination. For example, individuals report perceiving discrimination that involves exclusion from social interactions (e.g., being left out of peer groups) or from opportunities; explicit verbal or nonverbal derogation that can include teasing or name-calling; unfair evaluations; and communications that exclude, negate, or nullify the thoughts and feelings of the target (e.g., Brown, 2017; Sue, 2010). There are many overlaps between ethnic discrimination and general peer victimization or harassment, as peer victimization or harassment can include teasing, name calling, physical assault, and social rejection, and is associated with a range of negative developmental outcomes (e.g., Eccles, Wong, & Peck, 2006; Graham, Bellmore, Nishina, & Juvonen, 2009). The primary difference is that ethnic discrimination is negative treatment because of ethnicity (an unchangeable characteristic) and occurs within a cultural context of stereotypes (and for Latinx children, those stereotypes include poor academic abilities; Brown, 2017). A large body of research has shown that ethnic discrimination is a part of the daily lives of Latinx adolescents (see Brown, 2017 for a review). For example, research on Latinx adolescents' perceptions of ethnic discrimination has repeatedly shown that adolescents most frequently perceive discrimination stemming from their peers (e.g., Benner & Graham, 2013; Fisher, Wallace, & Fenton, 2000; Romero & Roberts, 2003); followed by perceiving discrimination from teachers (Benner & Graham, 2011; Brody et al., 2006; Greene, Way, & Pahl, 2006; Grollman, 2012; Huynh & Fuligni, 2010; Rosenbloom & Way, 2004). For Latinx adolescents, these experiences are often based on language or immigration status (Fisher et al., 2000; Romero & Roberts, 2003; Rosenbloom & Way, 2004). Although understudied relative to adolescents, studies have found that elementary school-aged children can perceive ethnic discrimination (Brown, 2006), albeit likely at lower rates than adolescents. In an experimental study with children in middle childhood (Brown, 2006), when children were read vignettes about teachers, children as young as 6 would attribute teachers' behavior to discrimination, but only when the teacher showed favoritism to a White/European American student over a Latinx student, and had a history of preferring White/European American students. In correlational studies of actual experiences with perceived discrimination, Szalacha et al. (2003) found that 12% of primarily Puerto Rican children between the ages of 7 and 9 reported perceiving discrimination that they attributed to their ethnicity. Coker et al. (2009) found similar rates of perceiving discrimination among a sample of Latinx 10 and 11 year olds (see also White, Zeiders, Knight, Roosa, & Tein, 2014). These rates of perceiving discrimination are lower than those of adolescents, in which it is typical to find 60% of Latinx adolescents perceiving school-based discrimination (e.g., Huynh & Fuligni, 2010). Yet, while previous studies indicate that Latinx elementary school children can and do perceive school-based discrimination, the exact nature of those perceptions is still unclear. Notably, the few studies that have been conducted have only included two or three general yes/no questions about possible experiences with discrimination. For example, in Coker et al. (2009), children were asked, “Have you ever been treated badly because of your race or ethnicity?” and if yes, “Did this happen at school?;” and in Szalacha et al. (2003), children were asked, “Has any kid treated you badly because you are Puerto Rican?” and “Has any adult treated you badly because you are Puerto Rican?” Thus, although these studies represent important work in documenting children's experiences with discrimination, it is unclear exactly what discriminatory behaviors children in elementary school perceive. It is

Academic values, school belonging, and perceived peer norms Beyond documenting what types of school-based discrimination Latinx children in elementary school perceive, it is critically important to examine how those perceptions influence children. Because the discrimination occurs at school, and children in academically stigmatized groups (such as Latinx children) show a documented gap in academic outcomes, it is important to examine whether perceiving discrimination negatively impacts attitudes about school and academics. Indeed, among adolescents, the perception of discrimination has been associated with lower academic self-concepts and academic values (Eccles et al., 2006), lower perceived academic competence (Hughes, Del Toro, Harding, Way, & Rarick, 2016; Oxman-Martinez et al., 2012), lower academic motivation, more academic disengagement (Alfaro et al., 2009; Hughes et al., 2016; Verkuyten & Brug, 2003; Verkuyten & Thijs, 2004), and lower grades (Eccles et al., 2006; Stone & Han, 2005; Umaña-Taylor, Wong, Gonzales, & Dumka, 2012). Faircloth and Hamm (2005) found that perceiving peer and teacher discrimination also contributed to Latinx students' reduced sense of belonging at school, and this was in turn associated with reduced academic performance. Previous research has not examined, however, whether perceptions of peer and teacher discrimination in elementary school are related to the academic attitudes of Latinx children. That is the second goal of the current study. Despite the limited research on the topic, it is critical to better understand discrimination and academic outcomes in middle childhood, as middle childhood may be a particularly vulnerable developmental period for children to experience ethnic discrimination. Children in elementary school spend most of the school day with a single teacher. Largely because of this, they also have closer attachments to their teachers than older children. These student-teacher relationships have been shown to shape children's academic attitudes (e.g., Davis, 2001; Lynch & Cicchetti, 1997). Thus, perceiving discrimination from a teacher – especially in elementary school when children only have a single teacher for the entire day– can be particularly harmful for children's attitudes about school. The current study examined elementary school children's subjective attitudes about academics and school, with a focus on: (a) interest in academics, (b) perceived importance of academic success, (c) perceived school belonging, and (d) perceived same-ethnicity peers' academic norms. We examined these academic attitudes because all of these constructs are related to academic engagement (the motivation to persist and stay engaged in academics) and often vary across ethnic groups (and thus may be influenced by ethnic-based discrimination). First, based on Eccles and Wigfield's expectancy-value model (for a review, see Wigfield & Cambria, 2010), we assessed two components of children's subjective academic task values, specifically their enjoyment of and interest in school and their beliefs about the importance of academic success (e.g., Eccles & Wigfield, 2000). Research has consistently shown that these motivational values (which are highly correlated with one another) are evident in children at the beginning of elementary school and are strong predictors of academic persistence and choices (see Eccles & Wigfield, 2000). Specifically, if children enjoy and value academics, they are more motivated to persist and stay engaged in academics over time. Discrimination, however, conveys to children that they are devalued because of their ethnicity (an unchangeable characteristic), and when this discrimination occurs in a school context, the devaluation messages can undermine a child's motivation at school (Wong, Eccles, & Sameroff, 2003). Further, it is likely 2

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School ethnic context moderating the impact of discrimination

difficult for children to affectively enjoy school and schoolwork when they have negative interpersonal interactions at school with teachers and peers (Wang & Degol, 2013). Not surprisingly, perceiving discrimination has been linked with more negative academic task values among adolescents (e.g., Eccles et al., 2006; Wong et al., 2003). Second, the study examined children's perceived school belonging, which is defined as the extent to which a student feels he or she is an important and valued member of the school. Perceived school belonging is related to positive academic outcomes, such as more positive academic expectations, stronger motivation, and better grades (Goodenow, 1993; Ibañez, Kuperminc, Jurkovic, & Perilla, 2004). Not feeling like a valued member of their school is cited as an influential reason that Latinx youth drop out of high school (Davison Aviles, Guerrero, Barajas Howarth, & Thomas, 1999). If children are excluded from activities and opportunities, and feel overlooked in the classroom, they are likely to feel unwanted and unseen, and thus have a reduced sense of belonging at school. Consistent with this, perceiving discrimination has been associated with reductions in school belonging among Latinx adolescents, and school belonging mediates the relationship between perceived discrimination and school achievement (Faircloth & Hamm, 2005; Roche & Kuperminc, 2012). Third, the study examined children's perceptions of their sameethnicity peers' academic norms. Research has consistently shown that peer groups and their associated norms are important for development (Brown, 2004). Perceived peer norms, also referred to as descriptive norms, are the perceived rules or expectations about what types of beliefs or behaviors are common within a particular peer group (Kincaid, 2004; Rivis & Sheeran, 2003). When individuals perceive their peers to strongly endorse a behavior, they are more likely to engage in that behavior (Rimal, 2008). Ironically, an individual's perception of peer norms may or may not reflect actual peer beliefs or behaviors, but they are still influential in shaping an individual's behavior (Berkowitz, 2003). Consistent with this, research has shown that peers' level of academic engagement predicted students' own academic engagement (Ryan, 2001). Further, research has shown that, for Latinx students specifically, the perception of their friends' academic values strongly predicted their own academic beliefs and values, school belonging, and school engagement (Azmitia & Cooper, 2001; Goodenow & Grady, 1993; Shin, Daly, & Vera, 2007). Because of this close association between students' own academic attitudes and their perceptions of their peers' academic attitudes, the current study examined whether perceiving discrimination at school predicts not only students' own academic attitudes, but their perceptions of their peers' academic attitudes. Previous research has shown Latinx adolescents who perceived discrimination perceived lower levels of peer support for academics, and this in turn was associated with more negative academic well-being (DeGarmo & Martinez, 2006). This suggests that, if children perceive ethnic discrimination, their own academic values may be impaired, and they may generalize from themselves to their ethnic group, and assume that their Latinx peers (who presumably are the target of the same discrimination) also have more negative academic values (Lawrence, Bachman, & Ruble, 2007). This implies two ways that discrimination may negatively influence academic attitudes: directly, by diminishing one's self-beliefs about academics, and indirectly, by diminishing perceptions of peers' academic beliefs, which may subsequently inform self-beliefs. Importantly, although perceptions of discrimination have been shown to be generally deleterious for academic outcomes, the source of discrimination may matter (Benner & Graham, 2013). Specifically, previous work has shown that perceptions of teacher discrimination, but not peer discrimination, are associated with more negative academic performance among adolescents (Benner & Graham, 2013), most likely because teachers are the typical authoritative source on a student's academic abilities.

According to bioecological theories (Bronfenbrenner, 1994; Spencer et al., 1997), proximal processes, such as discrimination within the child's immediate school environment, shape children's development; the influence, however, of those proximal processes depends on the broader structure of the environment. In other words, the environment either buffers or exacerbates the proximal processes. Because the current study is focused on school-based ethnic discrimination, it is critical to examine the school context when assessing the impact of discrimination on academic outcomes (Suárez-Orozco & Suárez-Orozco, 2009). Previous research has shown that the ethnic context of the school is an important factor in assessing the impact of children's perceptions of discrimination (Seaton & Yip, 2009; Stone & Han, 2005; Thijs & Verkuyten, 2014). Although school context can predict how much discrimination children perceive (Thijs, Verkuyten, & Grundel, 2014), some evidence suggests that school context can also moderate the associations between discrimination and academic outcomes, such that school contexts in which immigrant children are the most isolated and devalued are associated with stronger links between discrimination and negative academic outcomes. One factor that contributes to an isolated and devalued school ethnic context is the numerical representation of same-ethnicity peers at the individual school (e.g., Benner, Graham, & Mistry, 2008; Thijs & Verkuyten, 2014; Verkuyten & Thijs, 2002). For example, Latinx students who attend schools in which Latinx students are only 5% of the student population are situated within a very different context than students at schools with 50% Latinx students. In many ways, children at schools with at least a moderate representation of their ethnic group have a more equal balance of power than children at schools in which they are in an extreme numerical minority (Graham & Juvonen, 2002; Juvonen, Nishina, & Graham, 2006). Indeed, previous research has shown that having greater contact with same-ethnicity peers is associated with less anxiety for youth (Douglass, Yip, & Shelton, 2014). On the other hand, some research suggests that children may be more vulnerable to the effects of discrimination at schools in which their ethnic group is equally represented than schools in which they are in the numerical majority or the minority. For example, Seaton and Yip (2009) found that African American youth in highly diverse schools (based on the relative probability that two randomly selected students are from different racial/ethnic groups, see Juvonen et al., 2006) showed the strongest association between perceived institutional discrimination and negative self-esteem. They argued that higher diversity school contexts may exacerbate the negative effects of perceiving discrimination, because they provide more opportunities to assess and compare the negative treatment directed toward their ethnic in-group (because there are more in-group members) than if they were in low diversity contexts. Having a substantial numerical representation of same-ethnicity peers is only one part of the school ethnic context that can lead a student to feel isolated and devalued. Regardless of ethnic composition of the school, schools differ in how much they value diversity and how they convey attitudes about inclusion and multiculturalism. Even schools with equivalent numerical representation of different ethnic groups can take a “color-blind” approach and ignore the ethnic diversity of their students (Thijs & Verkuyten, 2014). Further, the teachers could lack cultural sensitivity or proficiency and simply exacerbate societal inequalities. Although schools cannot control the ethnicity of the children who attend the school, they can control the messages they convey about the importance of inclusion and the value of diversity. For example, schools can construct a context that acknowledges and highlights the importance of multiculturalism via the posters on the walls, displays within the library, and bulletin board messages. Previous experimental research has shown that children attend to these types of implicit messages in schools and form attitudes consistent with 3

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numerical representation of Latinx students and the schools' valuing of multiculturalism and inclusion, would moderate the association between discrimination and academic attitudes. It was predicted that discrimination would be less predictive of academic attitudes in school contexts with more quantitative and qualitative ethnic representation.

these messages (Brown & Bigler, 2002). Previous research has also shown that schools' positive perspectives on multiculturalism can enhance the academic engagement of Latinx students (Bryan & Atwater, 2002; Richards, Brown, & Forde, 2007). Taken together, these two components of school ethnic context likely moderate the impact of discrimination on academic attitudes. Although not a perfect analogy, the numerical representation of sameethnicity peers at a school represents the “quantitative” nature of representation, and the school's valuing of diversity and inclusion represent the “qualitative” nature of representation. We predict that schools with at least a moderate representation of same-ethnicity peers (i.e., in which there is at least a large minority of Latinx students) and schools that also present an environment highlighting the importance of inclusion will have students who feel a sense of belonging at their school, and thus are able to maintain positive academic attitudes and school engagement in the face of discrimination.

Method Participants At Time 1, participants were 216 children (105 girls, 111 boys), consisting of 120 third graders and 96 fourth graders (ages 8–11, M = 9.06 years, SD = 10 months) from 19 elementary schools. At Time 2, collected the following school year, there were 173 students (ages 9–12, M = 9.98 years, SD = 10 months), with 93 fourth graders (M age = 9.42, SD = 6 months) and 80 fifth graders (M age = 10.64, SD = 7 months). The difference between 216 at Time 1 and 173 at Time 2 was due to 16 students who moved too far away to interview, 12 who declined to participate in the second wave, and 15 who were unable to be located at Time 2. In addition, 17 students changed schools between Time 1 and Time 2. Examining school context as a moderator was a key research question, and for clarity, we wanted the school context to be constant across both time points. Therefore, although students who changed schools remained in the overall study, only participants who had data for both years and who did not change schools were included in the current analyses. Thus, the current sample included 156 students. All children were identified by the school as “Hispanic,” and included 37% first-, 55% second-, and 8% third- generation immigrants primarily from Mexico (all except 11, who were from Central and South America). Following a brief introduction about the general goals of the study, consent forms (printed in Spanish and English) were passed out to qualifying students. Several follow-up visits were made to schools to remind students about returning their forms. Only children who returned a signed parental consent form, and who themselves gave assent, participated in the study. More than 75% of eligible students at each school returned affirmative, signed consent forms. Upon completion of each wave of data collection, participants were given a $15 gift card to a national discount store. Of the 19 participating schools, 1 was predominantly Latinx, 4 were predominantly African American, 13 were predominantly European American, and 1 was ethnically diverse (with roughly equal proportions of European American, African American, and Latinx students). The school with the lowest percentage of Latinx students (3%) was also the least diverse, as based on the Diversity Index of 0.33 (the relative probability that two randomly selected students are from different racial/ethnic groups; for calculations, see Juvonen et al., 2006). Ten schools ranged from 5% - 9% Latinx students, each with a Diversity Index between 0.55 and 0.67; five schools ranged from 10% - 16% Latinx, each with a Diversity Index between 0.60 and 0.69; two schools ranged from 22% - 25% Latinx, each with a Diversity Index between 0.62 and 0.67. The school with the highest percentage of Latinx students (59%) was moderately diverse, as based on the Diversity Index of 0.47. Across the 19 schools, there was a range (from 17% to 94%) in the percentage of children at each school who qualified for free/reduced lunch (FRL): 25% of children attended a school with fewer than 50% of children on FRL, 25% of children attended a school with between 52 and 70% of children on FRL, 25% of children attended a school with between 62 and 84% of children on FRL, and 25% of children attended a school with more than 89% of children on FRL. There was a high correlation between the percentage of children at each school who qualified for free/reduced lunch and the percentage of Latinx students at the school (r = 0.73, p < .01). At the predominantly Latinx school, 94% of children qualified for free/reduced lunch. The sample was drawn from a moderate-sized suburban city in the Upper South that is 81% European American, 14% African American, and 5% Latinx. The community is in a state that has seen a 235%

Current study and hypotheses The current study examined perceptions of teacher and peer schoolbased discrimination among Latinx children in elementary schools in a predominantly European American community. There were two key research questions. The first research question examined how much teacher and peer discrimination Latinx children perceive, and whether they perceive some types of discrimination more than others. The second research question examined whether perceptions of teacher and peer discrimination predict changes in children's academic attitudes over time, and whether this influence is moderated by school context. The study began when children were in third and fourth grades, and followed them into fourth and fifth grades. The study of children from Latinx families in a predominantly European American community is important because researchers often pay most attention to the experiences of newcomer children in areas with the heaviest immigrant population (Hernandez, Denton, & Macartney, 2008). However, regions with previously small immigrant populations are seeing rapid changes in the ethnicity of their residents, and children in these regions face unique challenges, such as less welldeveloped instrumental support networks and less ethnic diversity compared to areas with large ethnic enclaves. For these reasons, Hernandez et al. (2008) points out that it is important to study children from immigrant families (in this case, typically first- and second-generation immigrant families from Mexico) in every region of the country. First, consistent with research with adolescents (see Brown, 2017), it was predicted that children would perceive more peer discrimination than teacher discrimination. This likely occurs because peer discrimination is often more overt (e.g., name-calling) and because it is easier for children to understand unfairness coming from other children than adults (Brown & Bigler, 2004). There were no a priori predictions about which specific instances of discrimination would be perceived most often. Second, it was predicted that children who perceived themselves to be targets of school-based discrimination would, over time, (a) show less interest in school, (b) perceive academic success to be less important, (c) feel a less positive sense of school belonging, and (d) perceive same-ethnicity peers to hold more negative academic norms, compared to children who did not perceive school-based discrimination, and that this link would persist regardless of earlier levels of actual school performance. It was hypothesized that source of discrimination would moderate the effects, such that teacher discrimination would be associated with academic attitudes more than peer discrimination (consistent with Benner & Graham, 2013). We controlled for earlier levels of academic performance to examine whether children's academic attitudes are shaped as much (or more) by the negative treatment from their teachers and peers as by their objective academic performance history. Finally, it was predicted that school ethnic context, specifically the 4

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increase in the Latinx population since 1990, the tenth largest increase in the U.S. The school district consists of 35,429 students from 49 schools (32 elementary schools, 12 middle schools, and 5 high schools), with 2137 students enrolled in English as a Second Language. Thirteen schools in the district were not asked to participate because they had fewer than five Latinx third or fourth graders.

Table 1 Percentage of children who perceived each specific type of discrimination. Frequency of perceived discrimination

Peer Discrimination Treated unfairly Ignored Made fun of Bullied Left out of activities Combined Teacher Discrimination Not called on Thought of as not smart Get in trouble Graded unfairly Treated unfairly Combined

Procedures and measures During normal school hours, trained bilingual research assistants read questionnaires to individual participants in English and recorded their answers (clarifying in Spanish if necessary). School ethnic context To assess the ethnic context of the schools, two variables were assessed. Data were collected at both time points, but as we only included children in the analyses who did not change schools, these numbers did not change over the course of the study. First, the percentage of sameethnicity (Latinx) peers at each school was collected from the school records. Schools ranged in their Latinx student population from 3% of the student body to 59% (M = 23.23%, Md. = 12.0% SD = 20.46). For the primary analyses, this variable was treated as a continuous variable. For follow-up analyses, this variable was recoded into three categories: (1) schools with few Latinx students (between 3 and 10% of student population), (2) schools with a large minority of Latinx students (between 12 and 25% of student population), and (3) schools with a slight majority of Latinx students (59% of student population). These categories are conceptually distinct, representing one context in which children are in the extreme numerical minority, one context in which they are in the minority but have moderate representation, and one context in which they are in the majority. Second, to assess how the school environment reflected the school's valuing of multiculturalism, two research assistants observed each participating school using an adaption of the School-Wide Cultural Competence Observation Checklist (Nelson, Bustamante, Wilson, & Onwuegbuzie, 2008). Specifically, the research assistants independently rated the school's (a) front office, (b) public spaces (e.g., front lobby), and (c) library (e.g., books on display), with a focus on whether the school displayed ethnically or culturally diverse images or messages. Observations included Japanese dolls in a library, a poster about the importance of tolerance, and images of children from around the world. Research assistants coded each of the three spaces, ranging from 0 (no diverse message or image; e.g., all European American faces) to 2 (several representations of multiculturalism). Cohen's kappas were high (front office: 1.00; public spaces: 0.92; library: 0.75). Discrepancies were discussed with the first author (who was not involved in the initial coding) until consensus was reached. Scores were summed for a range of 0 to 6, with higher scores indicating greater valuing of multiculturalism (M = 2.99, SD = 1.60). For the primary analyses, this variable was treated as a continuous variable. For follow-up analyses, this variable was recoded into two categories: low levels of multiculturalism displayed (ratings 0–3) and high levels of multiculturalism displayed (ratings 4–6).

Never

At least once

A lot

47.4% 61.5% 57.1% 59% 62.6% 26.9%

39.7% 25.6% 33.3% 27.6% 23.2% 45.5%

12.8% 12.8% 9.6% 13.5% 14.2% 27.6%

70.3% 74.0% 74.8% 80.4% 85.1% 51.9%

23.2% 21.4% 20.6% 16.3% 9.7% 33.8%

6.5% 4.5% 4.5% 3.3% 5.2% 14.3%

Note: %s represent the percentage of all children who indicated perceiving each type of discrimination. “Never” indicates child answered “never;” “At least once” indicates the child answered “once or twice” or “sometimes;” “A lot” indicates the child answered “a lot.”

of, or called names by kids in your school because you are [ethnicity]?,” “How often do kids in your school not pay attention to you because you are [ethnicity]?”). Children also rated how often in the past year they experienced differential treatment from their teachers in the classroom (e.g., “How often do you get in trouble from your teachers because you are [ethnicity]?,” “How often do you get graded unfairly because you are [ethnicity]?”). For the complete list of questions, see Table 1. Children responded to five items each about peer discrimination and teacher discrimination, with higher numbers indicating greater perceived discrimination (M peer = 1.51, SD = 0.56; M teacher = 1.24, SD = 0.38). Internal consistency was good (α peer = 0.82; α teacher = 0.78). Academic attitudes To assess children's academic attitudes, four conceptually-distinct variables were assessed at each time point: academic interest, academic importance, school belonging, and perceived Latinx peers' academic norms. First, as used by Fuligni, Witkow, and Garcia (2005), children were asked two questions about their interest in and enjoyment of school (e.g., “Do you find doing school work interesting?” “Do you like working on school work?”). Scores ranging from 1 (not at all true or not much) to 4 (very true or very much). The two items were highly correlated (r = 0.50), and averaged so that higher scores indicated greater interest in school (M = 3.51, SD = 0.27). As in Fuligni et al. (2005), children were also asked four questions about their beliefs about the importance of academic success, for now and in the future (e.g., “How true is this for you: It is important that I do well in school.,” Doing well in school is the best way for me to do well in life.” “Doing well in school is important.”). Scores ranging from 1 (not at all true or not much) to 4 (very true or very much), with higher scores indicated more positive beliefs about the value and importance of academic success. (M = 3.51, SD = 0.27). Internal consistency was good (α = 0.80). Third, children were asked about their perceptions of school belonging. Based on Fuligni et al. (2005), school belonging was assessed with six items (e.g., “I feel like a valued member of my school.” and “I feel like I belong at school.”). Scores ranged from 1 (not at all true) to 4 (very true), with higher numbers indicating perceptions of greater school belonging (M = 3.73, SD = 0.41). Internal consistency was good (α = 0.83). Finally, children were asked about their perceptions of their Latinx peers' academic norms. These questions were adapted from the Perceived Social Norms for Schoolwork and Achievement During

Perceptions of teacher and peer discrimination At each time point, children were asked how often peers and teachers treat them unfairly or negatively because of their ethnic background. First, as in Brown, Alabi, Huynh, and Masten (2011), children were read a paragraph describing ethnicity and asked to provide a selflabel of their own ethnicity. For the following questions on discrimination, their own ethnic label was used (most common: Mexican [41%], Mexican American [18%], Hispanic [18%], Latinx [12%]). Based on Greene et al. (2006) and Rivas-Drake, Hughes, and Way (2008), children then rated how often in the past year they experienced (ranging from 1 [never] to 4 [a lot]) instances of peer teasing and/or peer-based exclusion from activities (e.g., “How often are you made fun 5

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Adolescence Scale (Witkow, 2006). Specifically, they were asked, “Do you think that other Latinx kids think getting good grades is important?” and “Do you think that other Latinx kids work hard to do well at school?” Scores ranged from 1 (not at all) to 4 (very much). The two items were significantly correlated (r = 0.40), and averaged, with higher numbers indicating perceiving more positive peer academic norms (M = 3.44, SD = 0.80).

discrimination (i.e., they responded to at least one question about peer discrimination with a response of “once or twice” or greater) and 48.1% of children perceived at least one instance of teacher discrimination (i.e., they responded to at least one question about teacher discrimination with a response of “once or twice” or greater). Most children who perceived teacher discrimination also perceived peer discrimination (only 3.2% of children perceived teacher discrimination but not peer discrimination). Overall, 44.8% of the sample perceived at least one instance of both peer and teacher discrimination, whereas 24.0% of the sample did not perceive any instance of either teacher or peer discrimination. Taken together, the majority of children perceived at least one type of peer or teacher discrimination at least once (76.0%). The percentage of children who perceived specific instances of discrimination is listed in Table 1.

Previous academic performance To assess academic performance as a control variable from Time 1, children reported their grades in their core courses of language arts, math, and science (the three courses that every student took). In their meta-analysis, Kuncel, Crede, and Thomas (2005) indicated high average correlations between self-reported grades and school records. Grades were averaged across the three subjects, and scores ranged from 1 (Below C-) to 10 (A+), with higher numbers indicating higher grades (M = 7.46, SD = 1.59).

Perceptions of peer discrimination To examine whether children perceived specific types of discrimination more than other types, two parallel Friedman tests were conducted, one for perceptions of peer discrimination and one for perceptions of teacher discrimination. Friedman tests (yielding a chi square statistic) are similar to repeated measures one-way analyses of variance, but for nonparametric or categorical data, and do not assume that the data are normally distributed (this is necessary because of the skewed nature of the perceptions of discrimination variables). Specifically, to examine whether there were significant differences in the types of peer discrimination perceived, the 5 individual types of peer discrimination were compared. The Friedman test indicated that there was a statistically significant difference in perceptions of peer discrimination depending on the type of discrimination, χ2(4) = 11.77, p = .019. Post hoc analyses with Wilcoxon signed-rank tests were conducted. There were statistically significant differences in perceived peer discrimination in comparing (a) how many children felt that their peers treated them unfairly versus how many children felt left out of activities because of their ethnicity (Z = −2.31, p = .021), and (b) how many children felt that their peers treated them unfairly versus how many children felt made fun of because of their ethnicity (Z = −2.18, p = .029). In both comparisons, perceiving peers to treat them unfairly because of their ethnicity was ranked higher (i.e., perceived more frequently) than feeling left out of activities or being made fun of. No other comparisons were significant.

Results Overview and preliminary analyses Analyses first examined the research question regarding the types of peer and teacher discrimination perceived by elementary school children. The percentage of children who perceived each type of discrimination across both time points are described, as well as nonparametric analyses that examined whether children perceive some types of discrimination more than other types. Because the purpose of this research question was to fully capture elementary school children's perceptions of discrimination, their perceptions across both time points were combined in this analysis to examine their overall experiences. Analyses then examined the second research question about whether perceptions of discrimination at Time 1 specifically predicted more negative academic attitudes over time, and whether this was moderated by school ethnic context. To answer this question, parallel hierarchical multiple regression analyses were conducted on the four academic attitude variables, controlling for earlier academic attitudes. Preliminary analyses indicated that perceptions of peer and teacher discrimination were correlated with one another, such that children who perceived more peer discrimination also perceived more teacher discrimination (r = 0.66, p < .001). There were no significant gender differences in any variable, and thus to preserve power, gender was not included in further analyses. Because of significant negative correlations between grade level and some of the academic attitudes, it was included as a control variable in all of the regression analyses involving academic attitudes. Finally, preliminary analyses indicated that the data for perceptions of discrimination were skewed (mean peer discrimination: skewness = 1.26 [SE = 0.20], kurtosis = 0.77 [SE = 0.39]; mean teacher discrimination: skewness = 2.38 [SE = 0.20], kurtosis = 5.85 [SE = 0.39]). Although ordinary least squares regression analyses do not require normally distributed independent variables, for those analyses, the perceptions of discrimination variables were log transformed to improve their skewness levels (mean peer discriminationLOG: skewness = 0.83 [SE = 0.16], kurtosis = −0.08 [SE = 0.32]; mean teacher discriminationLOG: skewness = 1.32 [SE = 0.16], kurtosis = 0.99 [SE = 0.32]).

Perceptions of teacher discrimination To examine whether there were significant differences in the types of teacher discrimination perceived, the 5 individual types of teacher discrimination were compared. There was a statistically significant difference in perceptions of teacher discrimination depending on the type of discrimination, χ2(4) = 15.94, p = .003. Post hoc analyses with Wilcoxon signed-rank tests were conducted. There were statistically significant differences in perceived teacher discrimination in comparing (a) how many children felt that their teacher did not call on them versus how many children felt that their teacher treated them unfairly because of their ethnicity (Z = −3.18, p = .001), (b) how many children felt that their teacher did not call on them versus how many children felt that their teacher graded them unfairly because of their ethnicity (Z = −2.48, p = .013), and (c) how many children felt that they got in trouble in class versus how many children felt that their teacher treated them unfairly because of their ethnicity (Z = −2.47, p = .014). Perceiving teachers as not calling on them because of their ethnicity was ranked higher (i.e., perceived more frequently) than believing teachers treated them unfairly or graded them unfairly. Feeling that they got in trouble in class because of their ethnicity was also ranked higher than perceiving teachers to treat them unfairly. No other comparisons were significant.

What types of peer and teacher discrimination do elementary school children perceive? Overall perceptions of discrimination Collapsing across both time points, the overall means of perceiving discrimination were low (M peer = 1.51, SD = 0.56; M teacher = 1.24, SD = 0.38). The majority of children, however, across the course of the study perceived at least one instance of ethnic discrimination. Specifically, 73.1% of children perceived at least one instance of peer 6

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Table 2 Hierarchical multiple regression predicting academic interest. Model 1 1: Controls Grade 0.13 Acad. Performance 0.05 0.33⁎⁎+ DVT1 2: School Context % Latinx at School Multicultural Rating 3: Perception of T1 Discrim.a Peer Discrim. T1 Teacher Discrim. T1 4: Perception of T2 Discrim.a Peer Discrim. T2 Teacher Discrim. T2 5: School X Discrim. Interactions %Latinx x PDT2 F 7.70⁎⁎ 2 R (Sig. of FΔ) 0.13⁎⁎

Table 4 Hierarchical multiple regression predicting academic belonging.

Model 2

Model 3

Model 4

Model 5

0.12 0.04 0.33⁎⁎

0.11 0.04 0.31⁎⁎

0.10 0.04 0.30⁎⁎

0.10 0.08 0.30⁎⁎

0.04 −0.08

0.07 −0.09

0.06 −0.09

0.01 −0.07

−0.03 −0.06

−0.00 −0.06

−0.01 −0.03

−0.05 −0.01

−0.06 −0.04

2.73⁎ 0.15

−0.22⁎ 2.83⁎⁎ 0.21⁎

4.76⁎⁎ 0.14

3.50⁎⁎ 0.14

Model 1 1: Controls Grade −0.11 Acad. Performance −0.01 DVT1 0.38⁎⁎ 2: School Context % Latinx at School Multicultural Rating 3: Perception of T1 Discrim.a Peer Discrim. T1 Teacher Discrim. T1 4: Perception of T2 Discrim.a Peer Discrim. T2 Teacher Discrim. T2 F 8.84⁎⁎ R2(Sig. of FΔ) 0.15⁎⁎

Model 1 1: Controls Grade −0.09 Acad. Performance −0.10 DVT1 0.27⁎⁎ 2: School Context % Latinx at School Multicultural Rating 3: Perception of T1 Discrim.a Peer Discrim. T1 Teacher Discrim. T1 4: Perception of T2 Discrim.a Peer Discrim. T2 Teacher Discrim. T2 6: Three-way School X Discrim. Interactions Multicultural x %Latinx x TDT2 F 4.08⁎⁎ R2(Sig. of FΔ) 0.08⁎⁎

Overview To examine whether children's perceptions of peer and teacher discrimination predicted changes in (a) interest in academics (see Table 2), (b) perceived importance of academics (see Table 3), (c) sense of school belonging (see Table 4), and (d) perceived Latinx peers' academic norms (see Table 5), four hierarchical multiple regression models were analyzed. Variables were entered into the models in five steps. The first step included: (a) grade level, (b) average academic performance from Time 1, and (c) dependent variable from Time 1. The second step included the mean-centered school ethnic context variables: (a)

Table 3 Hierarchical multiple regression predicting academic importance.

1: Controls Grade 0.11 Acad. Performance −0.04 DVT1 0.17⁎ 2: School Context % Latinx at School Multicultural Rating 3: Perception of T1 Discrim.a Peer Discrim. T1 Teacher Discrim. T1 4: Perception of T2 Discrim.a Peer Discrim. T2 Teacher Discrim. T2 5: School X Discrim. Interactions %Latinx x PDT2 %Latinx x TDT2 Multicultural x TDT2 F 2.23+ R2(Sig. of FΔ) 0.04+

Model 3

Model 4

Model 5

0.09 −0.04 0.17⁎

0.08 −0.05 0.16⁎

0.07 −0.07 0.12

0.08 −0.08 0.07

0.07 −0.14

0.10 −0.14

0.03 −0.13

−0.12 −0.13

−0.06 −0.03

0.02 0.01

0.01 0.06

−0.14 −0.10

−0.16+ −0.38⁎⁎

1.67 0.10

−0.25⁎⁎ −0.45⁎⁎ 0.14+ 5.46⁎⁎ 0.34⁎⁎

1.81 0.06

1.43 0.06

Model 4

−0.12 0.01 0.38⁎⁎

−0.16⁎ 0.00 0.35⁎⁎

−0.18⁎ −0.02 0.32⁎⁎

−0.11 −0.03

−0.06 −0.03

−0.14 −0.01

0.07 −0.23⁎

0.12 −0.18+

5.12⁎⁎ 0.20+

−0.08 −0.18⁎ 4.93⁎⁎ 0.24⁎

5.89⁎⁎ 0.17

Table 5 Hierarchical multiple regression predicting perceptions of academic norms.

Do perceptions of discrimination predict more negative academic attitudes over time? Is this moderated by school ethnic context?

Model 2

Model 3

Note: Numbers are standardized betas. ⁎ p < .05 and bolded. ⁎⁎ p < .01 and bolded. + p < .08 and bolded. a Perceptions of discrimination are mean-centered log transformations.

Note: Numbers are standardized betas. ⁎ p < .05 and bolded. ⁎⁎ p < .01 and bolded. + p < .08 and bolded. a Perceptions of discrimination are mean-centered log transformations. Because of space constraints, only significant interactions are presented.

Model 1

Model 2

Model 2

Model 3

Model 4

Model 6

−0.09 −0.09 0.27⁎⁎

−0.15+ −0.12 0.27⁎⁎

−0.16⁎ −0.15+ 0.27⁎⁎

−0.10 −0.12 0.26⁎⁎

−0.12 0.01

−0.03 −0.003

−0.06 −0.01

−0.12 −0.03

−0.06 −0.26⁎

−0.08 −0.22⁎

−0.06 −0.17

0.09 −0.18⁎

0.38 −0.93⁎⁎

3.78⁎⁎ 0.19

0.87⁎⁎ 3.63⁎⁎ 0.28⁎⁎

2.88⁎ 0.09

4.23⁎⁎ 0.17⁎⁎

Note: Numbers are standardized betas. ⁎ p < .05 and bolded. ⁎⁎ p < .01 and bolded. + p < .08 and bolded. a Perceptions of discrimination are mean-centered log transformation. Because of space constraints, only significant interactions are presented.

percentage of Latinx students and (b) school multiculturalism rating. The third step included log-transformed perceptions of Time 1 peer and teacher discrimination that have been mean centered. To examine whether concurrent perceptions of discrimination predicted unique variance over and above prior perceptions of discrimination, the fourth step included log-transformed perceptions of Time 2 peer and teacher discrimination that have been mean centered. In the fifth step, to assess moderation of school ethnic context, the two-way interaction terms between the school context variables and perceived peer and teacher discrimination variables were entered (% Latinx X PD2, Multicultural rating X PD2, % Latinx X TD2, Multicultural rating X TD2). In the sixth and final step, the three-way interaction terms between the two school context variable and perceived peer and teacher discrimination variables (% Latinx X Multicultural rating X PD2, % Latinx X Multicultural rating X TD2).

Note: Numbers are standardized betas ⁎ p < .05 and bolded. ⁎⁎ p < .01 and bolded. + p < .08 and bolded. a Perceptions of discrimination are mean-centered log transformations. Because of space constraints, only significant interactions are presented. 7

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152) = 4.93, p < .001. Earlier level of school belonging was a significant predictor of later school belonging. As hypothesized, perceptions of teacher discrimination at Time 1 significantly predicted lower levels of school belonging at Time 2. In addition, perceptions of teacher discrimination at Time 2 further predicted lower levels of contemporaneous school belonging. Once Time 2 perceptions of teacher discrimination were added to the model, Time 1 perceptions were only marginally significant. Overall, as hypothesized, children who perceived more teacher discrimination felt like they belonged at school less, compared to children who perceived less teacher discrimination. This was not moderated by school context.

Academic interest When predicting interest in academics at Time 2, as can be seen in Table 2, the fifth model was selected as the final model, F(13, 153) = 2.83, p < .001. Earlier level of academic interest was a significant predictor of later academic interest. Neither school ethnic context nor perceptions of peer and teacher discrimination at either time point predicted academic interest as main effects (models 2–4). However, as can be seen in the fifth model, the percentage of Latinx students by peer discrimination at Time 2 interaction was significant. Analysis of simple slopes indicated that, among children who attended schools with few Latinx students (between 3 and 10% of student population), perceptions of peer discrimination did not predict academic interest (β = 0.17, p = .14). However, among children who attended schools with a large minority of Latinx students (between 12 and 25% of student population), perceptions of peer discrimination negatively predicted academic interest (β = −0.33, p = .03); similarly, among children who attended schools with a slight majority of Latinx students (59% of student population), perceptions of peer discrimination negatively predicted academic interest (β = −0.40, p = .03). For these students, perceiving peer discrimination was associated with less academic interest over time, controlling for earlier levels of academic interest and performance.

Perceived peer norms When predicting perceived Latinx peers' academic norms, as can be seen in Table 5, the sixth model was selected as the final model, F(15, 152) = 3.63, p < .001. Earlier level of perceived academic norms was a significant predictor of later perceived academic norms. As hypothesized, perceptions of teacher discrimination at Time 1 significantly predicted lower perceived Latinx peers' academic norms at Time 2. In addition, perceptions of teacher discrimination at Time 2 predicted lower contemporaneous perceived academic norms. Interestingly, Time 1 perceptions of teacher discrimination remained significant even after Time 2 perceptions were entered. In other words, children who perceived more teacher discrimination believed their Latinx peers valued academics less, compared to children who perceived less teacher discrimination. Finally, there was a significant three-way interaction between the two school context variables and perceptions of teacher discrimination. Analyses of simple slopes, using the same distinctions as in previous analyses, found that the three-way interaction was driven by children who attended schools with a large minority of Latinx students (between 12 and 25% of student population). Of those children, among children who attended schools with low levels of multiculturalism displayed, perceptions of teacher discrimination very heavily predicted their negative perceptions of Latinx peers' academic norms (β = −0.88, p < .001). Among children who attended large-minority schools with high levels of multiculturalism displayed, perceptions of teacher discrimination did not significantly predict perceptions of Latinx peers' academic norms (β = −0.44, p = .07). Among students who attended schools with few Latinx students, the schools' multicultural rating did not moderate children's perceptions of teacher discrimination and perceptions of academic norms.

Academic importance When predicting perceived importance of academics at Time 2, as can be seen in Table 3, the fifth model was selected as the final model, F (13, 152) = 5.46, p < .001. Earlier importance of academics was only a significant predictor of later importance of academics in models 1–3 and not in the final model; neither school ethnic context nor perceptions of peer and teacher discrimination at either time point predicted academic importance as main effects (models 2–4). However, as can be seen in the fifth model, the interaction between school ethnic context variables and peer discrimination at Time 2 and teacher discrimination at Time 2 were significant. Analysis of simple slopes indicated that, among children who attended schools with few Latinx students (between 3 and 10% of student population), neither perceptions of peer discrimination (β = 0.12, p = .30) nor perceptions of teacher discrimination (β = 0.06, p = .65) predicted the perceived importance of academics. However, among children who attended schools with a large minority of Latinx students (between 12 and 25% of student population), both perceptions of peer discrimination (β = −0.49, p = .001) and perceptions of teacher discrimination (β = −0.44, p = .005) negatively predicted the perceived importance of academics; similarly, among children who attended schools with a slight majority of Latinx students (59% of student population), both perceptions of peer discrimination (β = −0.57, p = .001) and perceptions of teacher discrimination (β = −0.65, p = .005) negatively predicted the perceived importance of academics. For these students, perceiving peer discrimination and teacher discrimination was associated with perceiving academics as less important over time, controlling for earlier levels of academic interest and performance. There was also a marginally significant interaction between the schools' ratings of multiculturalism and perceptions of teacher discrimination in predicting perceived importance of academics. Analysis of simple slopes indicated that, among children who attended schools with low levels of multiculturalism displayed (ratings 0–3, n = 85), perceptions of teacher discrimination negatively predicted the perceived importance of academics (β = −0.24, p = .04). Among children who attended schools with high levels of multiculturalism displayed (ratings 4–6, n = 71), perceptions of teacher discrimination did not predict the perceived importance of academics (β = −0.16, p = .21).

Discussion The current study addressed a gap in the existing literature regarding perceptions of school-based discrimination among Latinx children in elementary school. The first research question assessed how much teacher and peer discrimination Latinx children perceived, and whether they perceived specific types of discrimination more than others. The results revealed that, even in a predominantly European American community, children perceived few instances of peer and teacher discrimination. Overall, a large proportion of children perceived themselves to have been the target of some form of school-based discrimination at least once (73% perceiving peer discrimination and 48% perceiving teacher discrimination). Yet, they typically perceived discrimination happening only once or twice across the two years of the study. Most frequently, children perceived their peers to treat them unfairly because of their ethnicity, an experience reported by more than half of the sample. It is important to note, because it represents an extreme form of negative treatment, almost 13% of children reported that they were bullied “a lot” because of their ethnicity. The most commonly perceived form of teacher discrimination was not being called on because of one's ethnicity, which was perceived by almost one-third of children. Although this was the most common type of teacher discrimination perceived by children, this was perceived less

School belonging When predicting sense of school belonging, as can be seen in Table 4, the fourth model was selected as the final model, F(9, 8

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academic success to be less important. The results again suggest that both the ethnic composition of the school and the schools' valuing of multiculturalism matter. Specifically, when children attended schools in which they were in the extreme numerical minority, their perceptions of teacher discrimination were not associated with devaluing academic success. In contrast, when children attended schools in which there were considerably more Latinx students (between 12% and 59% of the school), their perceptions of teacher discrimination were significantly associated with devaluing academic success. Further, over and above the importance of the ethnic composition of the school, if the schools valued multiculturalism in their public spaces, children seemed protected from teacher discrimination, such that their perceptions were unrelated to their academic values. Taken together with the previous finding, this suggests that schools with at least a moderate representation of Latinx students should be especially aware of the importance of conveying that their Latinx and other ethnic minority students are valued and welcome at their school. Results also indicated that the school ethnic context is particularly important in moderating the effects of peer discrimination on academic values. Although previous research has shown that peer discrimination was not associated with more negative academic outcomes (Benner & Graham, 2013), the current results indicate that students were academically vulnerable to perceptions of discrimination from their peers when they attended schools in which there was a sizeable number of same-ethnicity peers (between 12 and 59%). Specifically, in schools where children are well-represented quantitively, perceiving greater peer discrimination was associated with children reporting less interest and enjoyment of academics, and reporting less importance placed on academic success. It seems as though, when attending schools in which a sizeable percentage of the peer group belongs to the ethnic in-group, perceiving unfair or negative interactions with peers makes it difficult to enjoy and value school and school work. These findings are consistent with some previous research. For example, Seaton and Yip (2009) found that perceptions of discrimination were most predictive of negative psychological well-being for children in high diversity settings rather than low diversity settings. The schools in which children were more quantitatively represented may have exacerbated the negative effects of peer discrimination on academic interests and importance because it is easier, and thus more impactful, to make comparisons between the treatment of ethnic in-group students and ethnic out-group students when there are more in-group students present (Seaton & Yip, 2009).

frequently than all forms of peer discrimination. These findings suggest that children are less inclined to perceive that their teachers are biased compared to their peers. This pattern could reflect several (non-exclusive) possibilities: teachers' greater fairness in interacting with their students; the subtler nature of teacher discrimination relative to peer discrimination; elementary school children's (cognitively limited) belief that authority figures are generally fair; the greater number of opportunities for discrimination from many peers versus only one teacher; or under-reporting because of fear of teacher retribution (Brown & Bigler, 2005). Future research, using experimental methods that vary the type of discrimination, should examine the conditions under which children perceive teachers versus peers to be discriminatory. The second research question examined whether perceptions of teacher and peer discrimination negatively predicted children's academic attitudes over the course of the year, and whether this influence was moderated by school ethnic context. Results indicated that perceiving discrimination from their teacher in the first year was associated with a decrease in feeling like a valued member of school in the second year. This was consistent across school contexts. This is important because not feeling like a valued member of their school is cited as an influential reason that Latinx youth drop out of high school (Davison Aviles et al., 1999), and school belonging has been shown to mediate the association between perceived discrimination and school achievement (Faircloth & Hamm, 2005; Roche & Kuperminc, 2012). The current results indicate that this process of perceiving discrimination, and then feeling less valued at school, may be beginning in elementary school. Although feelings of school belonging were consistent across schools, school ethnic context was important in either buffering or exacerbating the effects of discrimination on children's other academic attitudes and beliefs. First, perceiving discrimination from their teacher negatively predicted students' beliefs that their Latinx peers value academics and work hard at school. This finding hints at an indirect way that perceiving teacher discrimination may, over time, impact Latinx students' academic outcomes. Previous research has shown that perceived peer norms for beliefs and behaviors shape individuals' beliefs and behaviors (e.g., Rimal, 2008). These perceived norms are influential in shaping an individual's behavior regardless of whether they reflect actual peer behaviors (Berkowitz, 2003). This suggests that students who perceive discrimination from their teachers seem to make more negative inferences about other Latinx students' academic norms. Those increasingly negative perceptions about their peers' academic attitudes may ultimately diminish their own academic attitudes, regardless of their peers' actual academic attitudes. This effect was moderated, however, by school context, and results suggest that both the ethnic composition of the school and the schools' valuing of multiculturalism are important. Specifically, students were most susceptible to perceptions of teacher discrimination when there were more Latinx peers at their school. For students with very few Latinx peers (i.e., fewer than 10% of the school), perceptions of teacher discrimination were not associated with perceiving peers to devalue academics. However, when their Latinx peers constituted between 12 and 59% of the student body, their perceptions of teacher discrimination were related to their beliefs about their peers. Importantly, this was further moderated by the school's valuing of multiculturalism. When the school valued multiculturalism in their public spaces, students' discrimination perceptions were less relevant to their beliefs. In contrast, students were most vulnerable to teacher discrimination when they had an ample number of same-ethnicity peers in the school building, but they were not represented by the school's values. School ethnic context was also important in either buffering or exacerbating the effects of discrimination on children's subjective task values, namely their concurrent interest in and perceived importance of academics. For example, in some school contexts, children who perceived their teachers to discriminate against them also perceived

Limitations and conclusions As with all research, the findings should be interpreted in light of study limitations. First, this is a unique sample of primarily first- and second-generation Mexican immigrant children in a predominantly White, European American community. Caution should be made in generalizing to other ethnic minority groups, other immigrant groups, or other communities. Second, perceptions of discrimination are just that, self-reported perceptions. Future observational research and research relying on multiple reporters should be conducted within classrooms to examine how and when teachers are showing differential treatment of students. In addition, although academic performance is typically predictive of subjective task values (e.g., Eccles & Wigfield, 2000), it is not related in the current study. This may be due to relatively little variability in grades among our students, or it may be an association that emerges over time. Indeed, caution should be taken in interpreting any null effects, as the low case-to-predictor ratio limits statistical power and robustness. Lastly, the school's valuing of multiculturalism included representations of diverse images or messages from any non-white ethnicity/culture, not just Latinx. It is possible that the schools could have no Latinx representations or represent only one minoritized group, and still be considered culturally diverse. Future research using this measure should also account for which and how 9

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many ethnicities/cultures are represented. Research should also examine the additional ways that teachers and school staff can convey attitudes about multiculturalism in the classroom and how training and cultural background contributes to that. Taken together, these findings are important because they indicate that, in elementary school, children's academic attitudes are partially shaped by the perceived negative treatment by their teachers and peers, above and beyond their actual academic performance history. Thus, it is not simply poorly performing students who perceive their teachers to be biased against them, but children who perceive bias become more negative about school over time. Clearly teachers are playing an important role in shaping the academic attitudes and beliefs of the Latinx children in their classrooms in subtle ways. As such, teachers' training should be mindful of addressing ethnic-based biases and the ways that may be influencing the classroom. Finally, this study suggests that Latinx students who represent a large ethnic minority within their school may be most vulnerable to the negative effects of discrimination on their academic attitudes and beliefs, but that schools can play an important buffering role by implicitly and explicitly demonstrating to students that diversity and multiculturalism are respected and valued.

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