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Ethnic self-identification and psychological well-being among adolescents with European mothers and Arab fathers in Israel
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International Journal of Intercultural Relations 30 (2006) 545–556 www.elsevier.com/locate/ijintrel
Ethnic self-identification and psychological well-being among adolescents with European mothers and Arab fathers in Israel Hisham Motkal Abu-Rayya Department of Social and Developmental Psychology, Cambridge University, Free School Lane, CB2 3RQ Cambridge, UK Received 23 June 2005; received in revised form 21 October 2005; accepted 22 October 2005
Abstract This study examined the relationship between Arab and/or European ethnic identification and psychological well-being among 127 mixed-parentage Arab–European adolescents (of between 13 and 18 years) in Israel. The study found Arab or European ethnic identity to be significantly positively correlated with self-esteem and quality of life scores and significantly negatively correlated with anxiety and depression scores. Mixed-ethnic adolescents of this study showed a significantly higher degree of Arab ethnic identification than European, whilst Arab and European ethnic identifications emerged as being formed independently among study participants. This independence of Arab and European dimensions in adolescents’ patterns of identification disproves the theory that dual-background adolescents assimilate into their dominant heritage, instead providing a basis on which four distinct identity styles may be hypothesised. r 2005 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. Keywords: Arab ethnic identity; European ethnic identity; Self-esteem; Quality of life; Anxiety; Depression
1. Introduction The Arab minority in Israel constitutes roughly 20% of the population of Israel, accounting for 1,263,900 out of a total population of 6,631,100 (Statistical Abstract of Fax: +441223334521.
E-mail addresses: [email protected], [email protected]. 0147-1767/$ - see front matter r 2005 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. doi:10.1016/j.ijintrel.2005.10.003
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Israel, 2003). This minority has seen over past decades an increase in the size of a subpopulation of Arab–European families living in its midst. European wives in these marriages were born in Western or Eastern European countries and immigrated to Israel with their Israeli Arab husbands after their partners finished studying in Europe. ArabEuropean unions and their issue among Israeli Arabs tend to be seen as representing a deviation away from ethnic harmony and identity of the Arab group. An emphasis on the collectivity of the Arab group and on the continuity of its ethnic and cultural structure (AlHaj, 1995; Al-Haj & Rosenfeld, 1990; Rouhana, 1997) may explain Israeli Arabs’ strong rejection of and tendency to exclude mixed-ethnic unions and their issue. At least three main factors can help explain Israeli Arabs’ emphasis on collectivism and solidarity. First, the history of ethnic tension between Arabs and Jews, in the course of which the so-called ‘historical collective-self’ of Arabs in Israel has come ever more sharply into focus in the wake of certain crisis-points or watershed moments in the country’s treatment of its minority (Farsoun & Zacharia, 1997; Khalidi, 1984; Scho¨lch, 1993). Second, the systematic deprivation visited on Arabs in Israel (Stephan, Hertz-Lazarowitz, Zelniker, & Stephan, 2004), which encourages them to construct and experience a sense of their own identity as in conflict with the state. Third, the perpetuation of Arabs’ disadvantage in Israel through legal and political forms of discrimination (Kretzmer, 1990; Stendel 1996; Zureik, 1993). Indicators in a range of fields—wealth, health, population and educational attainment—all suggest the pervasive and structural presence of this discrimination in Israel’s treatment of its resident Arabs (Abu-Rayya, 2004). In this context, children of Arab–European heritage, perceived as they are as a threat to the continuity of the Arab group’s ethnic structure, are likely to encounter a higher than usual degree of rejection and exclusion. It is commonly hypothesised that such experiences are liable to interrupt the attainment of ethnic identity and the psychological well-being of mixed-ethnic children (Falicov, 1995; Mwamwenda, 1998; Pinderhughes, 1995; Root, 2001; Wilson, 1987; Wilson & Jacobson, 1995). Findings relating to the effect of social rejection and exclusion on the identity and psychological well-being of mixed-ethnic children, while obtained in a less ethnically embattled context than the Israeli, pointed to problems in ethnic identity formation, low levels of self-esteem, poor experienced quality of life, and high levels of anxiety and depression among mixed-ethnic children compared to their mono-ethnic peers (Barnett, 1963; Brandell, 1988; Brown, 2001; McRoy & Freeman, 1986; Milan & Keiley, 2000). On the basis of this research and taking into account the severity of ethnic tension in Israel, it would be reasonable to hypothesise that Arab–European children in Israel would show more confusion in ethnic identity, low degrees of self-esteem and quality of life, and high levels of anxiety and depression in comparison to their Arab peers. Rather than adopting any variant on this hypothesis, this study sought to identify inter-individual variation in the outcomes of Arab–European mixed-marriages in Israel in terms of the psychological well-being of children offspring. This study focuses on variation in psychological adjustment within the mixed-ethnic children group, which tends to be obscured if psychological investigation of such individuals focuses only on comparisons between mixed- and mono-ethnic individuals. To achieve this goal, the study based itself on a theoretical perspective (Atkinson, Morten, & Sue, 1989; Cross, 1987, 1995; Phinney, 1993; Sue & Sue, 1999) which insists on the centrality of ethnic identity formation to the psychological well-being of children of minority groups (such as mixed-ethnic individuals), particularly during the developmental stage of adolescence. Within this theoretical
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perspective, many investigators suspect weak and insecure ethnic identity, in which adolescents neither properly understand nor actively explore their own ethnicity, to be involved in minority members’ internalisation of negative stereotypes as these are projected onto them by members of dominant groups. This process of harmful internalisation is understood as further exacerbating the psychological maladjustment of ethnic minority individuals (Phinney & Rosenthal, 1992). Studies on minority members have indeed shown that lower levels of ethnic identification associate with lower levels of psychological wellbeing, academic achievement, and self-esteem, and in general account for such problems as depression, suicidal episodes, delinquency, and substance abuse (Rotheram-Borus, 1990; Smith & Brookins, 1997; Verkuyten, Thijs, & Canatan, 2001). Yet, it is by no means the case that ethnic minority group members internalise negative or deleterious ethnic selfimages in all circumstances. On the contrary, an extensive body of research represents individuals as internalising strong and secure ethnic identities, attained through a process of exploring and committing to their ethnicity; these individuals are likely to be psychologically well-adjusted. Many studies have further claimed that strong ethnic identification seems to mitigate the negative effects of discrimination on well-being, lessening the impact of negative stereotypes and social denigration on ethnic minority adolescents, and serving as a buffer against dominant group prejudice, discrimination, and racism (Liebkind, 1996; Phinney, 1990; Phinney & Kohatsu, 1997). These studies demonstrated ethnic identity to relate positively to self-esteem, self-confidence, and purpose in life, as well as optimism, the lower incidence of behavioural problems, perceived self-efficacy, good academic performance and happiness; versions of these findings have been replicated across a variety of majority–minority situations and ethnic groups (Blash & Unger, 1995; DuBias & Tevendale, 1999; Lay & Verkuyten, 1999; Martinez & Dukes, 1997; Roberts et al., 1999; Smith, Walker, Fields, Brookins, & Seay, 1999; Verkuyten, 1990; Verkuyten et al., 2001). The study described in this paper thus set out to assess the legitimacy of extrapolating the finding associating strong ethnic identity and positive adjustment to children of mixedparentage during the developmental stage of adolescence. Arab–European adolescents living in the Israeli context are faced with two possible and asymmetrical forms of discrimination: that of the state against their minority Arab heritage, and that of their immediate community against their parental European background due to the threat they may cause to the ethnic structure of the Israeli Arab minority. It is at least possible that these forms of discrimination could disturb mixedethnic individuals’ formation of a sense of Arab or European ethnic identity, interrupting their psychological well-being. Supposing, however, that certain mixed-ethnic adolescents successfully achieve a strong Arab or European ethnic identity in this context, then these individuals could reasonably be supposed to have attained a high degree of well-being balance. On the basis of theory and research on minority adolescents the present study tested the hypothesis that: (1) mixed-ethnic Arab–European adolescents who manifest higher levels of Arab or European ethnic identification report higher levels of psychological well-being. In relation to this hypothesis, the study also explored the degree to which Arab ethnic identity implied, excluded or was independent of European ethnic identity in its relationship to measures of well-being. As Arab–European children develop ethnic and social awareness, specifically during the developmental stage of adolescence, they would realise that the Israeli Arab society often
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does not present Arab and European identities as equally desirable and might have no identification choice other than claiming Arab identity. Theorisation suggests that mixedethnic adolescents’ achievement of equal psychological identification with both of their heritages may be prompted or most easily facilitated in ethnically pluralistic or tolerant societies (Kich, 1992). This may be because such a ‘solution’ would be psychologically satisfying for mixed-ethnic individuals and socially approved or, paraphrasing Wilson (1987), it would maintain congruence between socially defined and the subjectively appropriated identities. Compared to ethnically pluralistic societies, the Israeli Arab context is often intolerant of its mixed-marriage unions due to Israeli Arabs’ emphasis on the collectivity of their group and on the continuity of its ethnic and cultural structure. The present study thus tested also the hypothesis that: (2) Arab–European adolescents would be more likely to manifest higher levels of Arab ethnic identification than European. 2. Methods 2.1. Participants The data for this research came from a self-report questionnaire administered to 127 mixed-ethnic European–Arab adolescents (64 males and 63 females) living in Israel. About 93% of the participants were born in Israel with the remainder in their mothers’ country; all, however, had lived in Israel from early childhood. About 38% of the mothers of those adolescents were born in West European countries (Britain, Germany, Holland, Norway, Finland, Italy, and Spain) and the remainder in East European countries (Hungary, Poland, Belarus, Romania, Russia, Ukraine, Yugoslavia, and Czech Republic). The average age of the participants was 15.63, with participants ranging from 13 to 18 years. In addition, as indicated by the adolescents’ self-reports of the socio-economic level of their families, all the participants ranked themselves in the middle (63.80%) and upper-middle classes (36.20%). 2.2. Procedure The participants were recruited via telephone from a list of 157 mixed-ethnic adolescents above the age of 13, with a refusal rate of about 20%. The list was prepared in two main ways: first, through seeking assistance from local authorities such as councils and welfare offices; and second, as ‘family introduced family’ and ‘adolescent introduced adolescent’ to the survey according to the method of so-called ‘snowball sampling’. About 70% of the participants were recruited from the official list and the remainder from snowballing. Participants were provided with basic information regarding the study, and approval for adolescents to participate was sought both from parties involved and their parents, leading to informed consent agreements being obtained at the time of delivering the study questionnaires. Adolescents were further assured that any information provided would be treated confidentially. In line with this assurance, this study did not report participants’ names and suppressed any distinguishing personal details. The participants were met in their homes and requested to fill out self-report questionnaire measures. In all cases, participants filled out questionnaires by themselves
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and after they had finished they were instructed to check or to answer any omitted questions and to restrict their answers to just one Likert-scale option to prohibit ambiguity. As a modest compensation for his or her input each participant was given a music CD. All respondents answered the Arabic version of all measures, ethnic and well-being. In the preparation of the questionnaire, an English version was developed first and translated into Arabic by two bilingual language specialists (native Arabic speakers proficient in English). An independent group of two further bilingually trained experts then backtranslated the Arabic version into English. Subsequently, a third group of two bilingual persons, together with myself, quality assured the translation, modifying the Arabic version to match the English precisely. Minor revisions were made in the course of a pilot study conducted on five Arab–European males and five females. 2.3. Measures Participants filled out questionnaire measures referring to ethnic identification and negative and positive indications of well-being. Mean scores for each measure, after reversing negative items, were used in the analyses, with a high score indicating a higher degree of the trait recorded by the measure. Ethnic identity: The study measured the Arab ethnic identity of the participants using a modified version of Phinney’s (1992) Multi-group Ethnic Identity Measure. This metric claims a universal applicability across different ethnic groups by virtue of focusing on supposedly common features of ethnic identity. The final modification excluded the word ‘ethnicity’ or ‘ethnic group’ from the question-items as the pilot-study had suggested that these terms created ambiguity or prompted different interpretations in the minds of mixedethnic adolescent respondents who might not be familiar with them (or who might attach to them widely different evaluative connotations). The revised measure consisted of 14 items measuring the Arab ethnic background; here, two items assessed ethnic behaviours, five items ethnic affirmation and belonging, and seven items ethnic identity achievement. Adolescents were instructed to respond to a similar set of items referring to their European ethnic backgrounds (Italian, Romanian, Russian, Spanish, etc.). All items were rated on a 4-point Likert scale from strongly disagree to strongly agree. The Chronbach’s alpha reliabilities of the modified Arab ethnic identity scale and subscales in the present study were reasonable, ranging from .75 to .88. The range was similar for reliabilities of the European identity scale and subscales. Anxiety: Anxiety was measured using Spielberger’s (1973) Trait Anxiety Inventory for Children. This ‘How I feel Questionnaire’ takes the form of a 20-item scale in which participants indicate how often they have experienced a variety of symptoms of anxiety. Item scores in this scale range from 1 (hardly ever) to 3 (often). The Chronbach’s alpha reliability of scale was .79 in the present study. Depression: The study used the 27-item self-report Children’s Depression Inventory proposed by Kovacs (1980). Items were scored on a 3-point Likert scale from 0 to 2, indicating the absence of depression, moderate depression, or severe depression. The scale had a Chronbach’s alpha reliability of .83 with the mixed-ethnic participants. Self-esteem: Self-esteem was measured by Rosenberg’s (1965) 10-item scale. Participants responded to a 5-point Likert scale running from strongly disagree to strongly agree. The measure had a Chronbach’s alpha reliability of .82 for the mixed-ethnic adolescents.
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Quality of life: The study adopted Andrew and Withey’s (1976) 17-item quality-of-life scale. The scale employs a 7-point response format running from terrible to delighted. The Chronbach’s alpha reliability of the measure in this study was .86. 2.4. Analysis of data Statistical analyses of responses of respondents were conducted using the statistical package of SPSS 12.0 for Windows. Before analysing the relationships between the central variables of this study—ethnic identification and well-being— it was important for the study to examine relationships between these and demographic variables. As shown in the first part of the results section, regression and multivariate analyses (MANOVA) were carried out to examine these relationships. Then, correlational and regression analyses were carried out to test the relationships between Arab and/or European ethnic identification and well-being. Lastly, differences in levels of Arab and European ethnic identification were tested using a paired t-test. 3. Results 3.1. Differences in ethnic identity and well-being by demographic variables Preliminary regression analysis revealed non-significant relationships between age and Arab or European ethnic identification, and age and each of the measures of well-being. Likewise, MANOVA, in which respondents’ gender, socio-economic class, and ethnic origin of participants’ mothers (Western or Eastern European countries) were posited as independent factors, while Arab ethnic identity, European ethnic identity, anxiety, depression, self-esteem, and quality of life were the dependent variables, yielded non-significant relationships between the main factors—gender, socio-economic class, ethnic origin of participants’ mothers—or any of their interaction and each of the tested dependent variables. These analyses provided a reason that demographic variables were not controlled for in further analyses, which looked for relationships between ethnic identification and measures of well-being. Means and standard deviations for the total sample in each of the ethnic identity measures and well-being scales are presented in Table 1.
Table 1 Means and standard deviations of the scales Scale
Mean
SD
Arab identity European identity Anxiety Depression Self-esteem Quality of life
3.07 2.37 2.34 1.58 4.36 4.87
.60 .63 .59 .40 .74 1.30
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3.2. Ethnic identity and well-being: correlation and regression analyses Correlation analyses for the relationships among ethnic identity and well-being scales are provided in Table 2. Arab ethnic identity was statistically significantly negatively correlated with the measures of anxiety, r ¼ :58, po:001, and depression, r ¼ :44, po:001, and positively correlated with scores of self-esteem, r ¼ :61, po:001, and quality of life, r ¼ :32, po:01. Similarly, European ethnic identity showed statistically significant negative correlations with scores of anxiety, r ¼ :49, po:001, and depression, r ¼ :42, po:001, and positive correlations with self-esteem scores, r ¼ .41, po.01, and quality-oflife scores, r ¼ :46, po:01. Arab and European ethnic identity scores were statistically nonsignificantly correlated. To test the predictability of Arab and European ethnic identities in their relationship to measures of well-being, four models with the equation of ‘Y ¼ b0 þ b1 X 1 þ b2 X 2 ’ were fed into multiple regression analyses. In all models, X1 designated Arab ethnic identity scores and X2 European ethnic identity scores. In models 1, 2, 3 and 4, Y represented scores of anxiety, depression, self-esteem, and quality of life, respectively. The results of these analyses, as shown in Table 3, revealed that all models yielded significant relationships, and that Arab and European ethnic identity scores explained 36% of anxiety variance, 24% of depression variance, 44% of self-esteem variance, and 23% of quality-of-life variance, respectively. Moreover, in line with the correlation analyses equations in (1) and (2), b1 and b2 coefficients were both significantly different from zero and negative in sign, while in equations (3) and (4) coefficients were significantly different from zero and positive in sign. These analyses suggest that an identifiable relationship holds consistently between the achievement of Arab or European ethnic identity and psychological well-being.
Table 2 Correlations among ethnic identity and well-being Variable
Arab ethnic identity
European ethnic identity
Arab identity Anxiety Depression Self-esteem Quality of life
.58** .44** .61** .32*
.17 .49** .42** .41* .46*
*po:01, **po:001.
Table 3 Results of multiple regression analyses
Equation Equation Equation Equation
(1) (2) (3) (4)
R
R2
b0
b1
b2
F(2, 124)
.60 .49 .66 .48
.36 .24 .44 .23
.15 .43*** .92* 1.38*
.51*** .23** .54*** .33***
.34*** .21** .29*** .41***
22.30*** 20.01*** 49.95*** 19.94***
*po:02, **po:005, ***po:001.
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3.3. Differences between Arab and European ethnic identity scores Differences between Arab and European ethnic identity scores were examined using a paired t-test. Mixed-ethnic adolescents scored significantly higher on the Arab ethnic identity scale than they did on the European scale, t (126) ¼ 10.55, MD ¼ .70, po:001. 4. Discussion In view of the potentially ‘doubled’ experiences of prejudice, discrimination, and constant ethnic stress to which Arab–European adolescents in Israel are potentially subjected, by both the Israeli state and the Arab community, it would be reasonable to suggest that Arab–European mixed-marriages in Israel would incur unpleasant psychological implications for their children. Arab–European adolescents in the Israeli context do not represent a one uniform ‘victim’ group of their context and therefore there are necessarily differences within this group in psychological functioning. The current study sought to reveal variation in psychological adjustment within the Israeli Arab–European adolescents’ group, which tends to be obscured if psychological investigation of such individuals would focus only on comparisons between them and Arab peers. Findings of this study confirmed the first hypothesis of a correlation between ethnic identity and psychological well-being. Specifically, the results demonstrated a significant positive relationship between Arab or European ethnic identity and self-esteem and quality of life among Arab–European mixed-ethnic adolescents living in Israel. In other words, mixed-ethnic adolescents who participated socially in the traditions and activities of their Arab or European group, displayed Arab or European ethnic pride and attachment, and were aware of or reflected upon their Arab or European ethnic membership, seemed to record high degrees of self-esteem and quality of life. By contrast, those individuals manifesting lower levels of Arab or European ethnic identification or who expressed confusion, or a lack of awareness of their Arab or European membership reported lower degrees of self-esteem and quality of life. Research results also showed a negative and significant relationship between the attainment of Arab or European ethnic identity and anxiety and depression for mixed-ethnic adolescents. Thus mixed-ethnic adolescents who manifested lower levels of Arab or European ethnic identification, being apparently less attached to their Arab or European membership, showed higher degrees of anxiety and depression. In relation to the first hypothesis, findings revealed also that Arab and European ethnic identifications were independently correlated with each of the measures of well-being. These findings suggest that the acquisition of a strong sense of Arab or European ethnic identity may play an important role in mixed-ethnic adolescents’ well-being in the Israeli context. In this way, the results confirm certain propositions put forward by previous works of developmental and cross-cultural psychology concerning the relevance of ethnic identity to the psychological well-being or adjustment of adolescents from a variety of ethnic minority backgrounds (Blash & Unger, 1995; DuBias & Tevendale, 1999; Martinez & Dukes, 1997; Smith, Walker, Fields, Brooking, & Seay, 1999). Developmental and crosscultural psychological models of ethnic identity formation contend that the search for ethnic identity, during early adolescence in particular, leads individuals to value their ethnic membership, with this mode of identity resolution carrying positive psychological
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implications for ethnic minority members (Atkinson et al., 1989; Phinney, 1990, 1992, 1993; Sue & Sue, 1999). This study’s findings broadly accorded with such a hypothesis in showing that the attainment of a positive sense of Arab or European membership associates positively with mixed-ethnic adolescents’ psychological welfare and negatively with parameters of maladjustment. Predicting the psychological well-being of the study’s mixed-ethnic adolescents in the Israeli context on account of Arab or European ethnic identification, hence, differentiates between adjusted and maladjusted adolescents, a matter that might not be disclosed by a study comparing them as a group against others of mono-ethnic Arab heritage. This study’s findings also confirmed the second hypothesis. It was found that mixedethnic Arab–European adolescents reported significantly higher levels of Arab ethnic identification than they did European. It might be inferred that factors peculiar to these individuals’ Israeli context, such as the patterns of discrimination to which Arabs and Arab–Europeans are subjected at different levels, Israeli Arabs’ emphasis on the continuity of the ethnic structure of their group, and the suspicion with which non-Arabs may be regarded in individuals’ Arab social setting, have led at least some mixed-ethnic adolescents to explore their Arab ethnicity more intensively and reflectively than their European. This has led to their affiliating and expressing a stronger sense of belonging to their Arab membership than to their European membership. Effects of Arab–European marriages on ethnic affiliation of the children seem to be similar to those in other contexts where the surrounding ethnic context tends to insist on ethnic purity, rejecting mixedethnic identities (Fatimilehin, 1999; Spickard, 1989, 1992; Tizard & Phoenix, 1995). In the early decades of the previous century, according to Spickard (1989, 1992), for example dual- or multiple-ethnic identification was not accepted or socially recognised in any consistent manner in the USA. Accordingly, a small percentage of individuals from Japanese–American mixed-ethnic parentages in the USA identified with their Japanese heritage and the majority tended to identify predominantly as Americans. However, in his view, in the more relaxed ethnic atmosphere of the 1980’s and afterwards, a significant percentage began to claim both parts of their bi-ethnic identity (Spickard, 1989, 1992). Likewise, while in previous decades adolescents from such mixed parentage origins as Black–White or Asian–White in the UK tended to identify with their ethnically dominant heritage, research has suggested that only in recent years they tended to claim dual identification in view of the relative ethnic tolerance of the UK context (Fatimilehin, 1999; Tizard & Phoenix, 1995; Wilson, 1987). Though it might be the case that ethnic pluralism may promote dual-ethnic identification among mixed-ethnic individuals in any context, the quantitative difference between Arab and European ethnic identification in favour of an Arab identity among the study’s participants should be treated with some caution. The difference between scores for Arab and European identification by no means indicates that mixed-ethnic Arab–European adolescents in Israel are exclusively assimilated into their Arab heritage. Indeed, the independence between the two dimensions of ethnic identification, reported above, may be said conceptually to prompt a definition of four ethnic identification styles. This might be best understood by dichotomising two dimensions of identification as ‘high’ and ‘low’. Mixed-ethnic adolescents showing a high level of identification with both of their heritages may be defined as having a mixed-ethnic identification style; those showing a high identification with one of their heritages and low identification with the other may be defined as having assimilated one of their two Arab or European heritages; and adolescents
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showing at a same time a low degree of low identification with both of their heritages may be defined as showing a style of ethnic marginalisation. This range of variation in individuals’ styles of ethnic identification disproves the hypotheses first that mixed-ethnic adolescents assimilate into their ethnicity perceived as dominant, and second, that in so doing, they risk subordinating the other ethnic identity characteristics. The variation implies also that integrative identities could be resolved and prevail in mixed-ethnic adolescents’ development even in the context of background ethnic friction and intolerance. It is worth noting that in all statistical analyses pertaining to the reported findings, participants’ gender, socio-economic class, and age and their mothers’ ethnic origin (Western or Eastern Europe) were not partialled out as these failed to show any relationship with each of the ethnic identity and well-being measures. The relative homogeneity of the Arab–European sample may have obscured some of the relationships between demographic and ethnic identification or well-being variables. Other samples with a wider range of particularly age and socio-economic class would be helpful in finding out the interference or interaction of demographic variables with findings of this study. A number of limitations of this study should be noted. First, respondents’ data were all based on self-report, which might in itself lead to many of the measures being highly correlated. Second, it is possible that respondents ‘played up’ their Arab membership because of researcher bias, given the visible Arab ethnicity of the study administrator. Third, the questionnaires for the current study were delivered in Arabic, which represented only one language background and might have affected responses. Lastly, it is likely that respondents were motivated to participate for personal reasons and hence that the results of this study might not apply to all mixed-ethnic Arab–European adolescents in Israel. Acknowledgements I gratefully acknowledge Gates Cambridge University Trust, the Overseas Research Student Award Scheme, the Department of Social and Developmental Psychology at the University of Cambridge, and Wolfson College, who made funds available towards the accomplishment of this study. References Abu-Rayya, H. M. (2004). Ethnic identity and psychological well-being among adolescents born to European mothers and Arab fathers in Israel. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Cambridge, England. Al-Haj, M. (1995). Education, empowerment, and control: The case of the Arabs in Israel. Albany: State University of New York Press. Al-Haj, M., & Rosenfeld, H. (1990). Arab local government in Israel. Blouder, CO: Westview Press. Andrew, F. M., & Withey, S. B. (1976). Social indicators of well-being. New Work: Plenum. Atkinson, D. R., Morten, G., & Sue, D. W. (1989). A minority identity development model. In D. R. Atkinson, G. Morten, & D. W. Sue (Eds.), Counselling American minorities (pp. 35–52). Dubuque, IA: W. C. Brown. Barnett, L. D. (1963). Research on international and interracial marriages. Marriage and Family Living, 105–108. Blash, R. R., & Unger, D. G. (1995). Self-concept of African–American male youth: Self-esteem and ethnic identity. Journal of Child and Family Studies, 4, 359–373. Brandell, J. R. (1988). Treatment of the biracial child: Theoretical and clinical issues. Journal of Multicultural Counselling and Development, 16, 176–187. Brown, U. M. (2001). The interracial experience: Growing up Black/White/racially mixed in the United States. Westport Connecticut: London.
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International Journal of Intercultural Relations 30 (2006) 545–556 www.elsevier.com/locate/ijintrel
Ethnic self-identification and psychological well-being among adolescents with European mothers and Arab fathers in Israel Hisham Motkal Abu-Rayya Department of Social and Developmental Psychology, Cambridge University, Free School Lane, CB2 3RQ Cambridge, UK Received 23 June 2005; received in revised form 21 October 2005; accepted 22 October 2005
Abstract This study examined the relationship between Arab and/or European ethnic identification and psychological well-being among 127 mixed-parentage Arab–European adolescents (of between 13 and 18 years) in Israel. The study found Arab or European ethnic identity to be significantly positively correlated with self-esteem and quality of life scores and significantly negatively correlated with anxiety and depression scores. Mixed-ethnic adolescents of this study showed a significantly higher degree of Arab ethnic identification than European, whilst Arab and European ethnic identifications emerged as being formed independently among study participants. This independence of Arab and European dimensions in adolescents’ patterns of identification disproves the theory that dual-background adolescents assimilate into their dominant heritage, instead providing a basis on which four distinct identity styles may be hypothesised. r 2005 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. Keywords: Arab ethnic identity; European ethnic identity; Self-esteem; Quality of life; Anxiety; Depression
1. Introduction The Arab minority in Israel constitutes roughly 20% of the population of Israel, accounting for 1,263,900 out of a total population of 6,631,100 (Statistical Abstract of Fax: +441223334521.
E-mail addresses: [email protected], [email protected]. 0147-1767/$ - see front matter r 2005 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. doi:10.1016/j.ijintrel.2005.10.003
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Israel, 2003). This minority has seen over past decades an increase in the size of a subpopulation of Arab–European families living in its midst. European wives in these marriages were born in Western or Eastern European countries and immigrated to Israel with their Israeli Arab husbands after their partners finished studying in Europe. ArabEuropean unions and their issue among Israeli Arabs tend to be seen as representing a deviation away from ethnic harmony and identity of the Arab group. An emphasis on the collectivity of the Arab group and on the continuity of its ethnic and cultural structure (AlHaj, 1995; Al-Haj & Rosenfeld, 1990; Rouhana, 1997) may explain Israeli Arabs’ strong rejection of and tendency to exclude mixed-ethnic unions and their issue. At least three main factors can help explain Israeli Arabs’ emphasis on collectivism and solidarity. First, the history of ethnic tension between Arabs and Jews, in the course of which the so-called ‘historical collective-self’ of Arabs in Israel has come ever more sharply into focus in the wake of certain crisis-points or watershed moments in the country’s treatment of its minority (Farsoun & Zacharia, 1997; Khalidi, 1984; Scho¨lch, 1993). Second, the systematic deprivation visited on Arabs in Israel (Stephan, Hertz-Lazarowitz, Zelniker, & Stephan, 2004), which encourages them to construct and experience a sense of their own identity as in conflict with the state. Third, the perpetuation of Arabs’ disadvantage in Israel through legal and political forms of discrimination (Kretzmer, 1990; Stendel 1996; Zureik, 1993). Indicators in a range of fields—wealth, health, population and educational attainment—all suggest the pervasive and structural presence of this discrimination in Israel’s treatment of its resident Arabs (Abu-Rayya, 2004). In this context, children of Arab–European heritage, perceived as they are as a threat to the continuity of the Arab group’s ethnic structure, are likely to encounter a higher than usual degree of rejection and exclusion. It is commonly hypothesised that such experiences are liable to interrupt the attainment of ethnic identity and the psychological well-being of mixed-ethnic children (Falicov, 1995; Mwamwenda, 1998; Pinderhughes, 1995; Root, 2001; Wilson, 1987; Wilson & Jacobson, 1995). Findings relating to the effect of social rejection and exclusion on the identity and psychological well-being of mixed-ethnic children, while obtained in a less ethnically embattled context than the Israeli, pointed to problems in ethnic identity formation, low levels of self-esteem, poor experienced quality of life, and high levels of anxiety and depression among mixed-ethnic children compared to their mono-ethnic peers (Barnett, 1963; Brandell, 1988; Brown, 2001; McRoy & Freeman, 1986; Milan & Keiley, 2000). On the basis of this research and taking into account the severity of ethnic tension in Israel, it would be reasonable to hypothesise that Arab–European children in Israel would show more confusion in ethnic identity, low degrees of self-esteem and quality of life, and high levels of anxiety and depression in comparison to their Arab peers. Rather than adopting any variant on this hypothesis, this study sought to identify inter-individual variation in the outcomes of Arab–European mixed-marriages in Israel in terms of the psychological well-being of children offspring. This study focuses on variation in psychological adjustment within the mixed-ethnic children group, which tends to be obscured if psychological investigation of such individuals focuses only on comparisons between mixed- and mono-ethnic individuals. To achieve this goal, the study based itself on a theoretical perspective (Atkinson, Morten, & Sue, 1989; Cross, 1987, 1995; Phinney, 1993; Sue & Sue, 1999) which insists on the centrality of ethnic identity formation to the psychological well-being of children of minority groups (such as mixed-ethnic individuals), particularly during the developmental stage of adolescence. Within this theoretical
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perspective, many investigators suspect weak and insecure ethnic identity, in which adolescents neither properly understand nor actively explore their own ethnicity, to be involved in minority members’ internalisation of negative stereotypes as these are projected onto them by members of dominant groups. This process of harmful internalisation is understood as further exacerbating the psychological maladjustment of ethnic minority individuals (Phinney & Rosenthal, 1992). Studies on minority members have indeed shown that lower levels of ethnic identification associate with lower levels of psychological wellbeing, academic achievement, and self-esteem, and in general account for such problems as depression, suicidal episodes, delinquency, and substance abuse (Rotheram-Borus, 1990; Smith & Brookins, 1997; Verkuyten, Thijs, & Canatan, 2001). Yet, it is by no means the case that ethnic minority group members internalise negative or deleterious ethnic selfimages in all circumstances. On the contrary, an extensive body of research represents individuals as internalising strong and secure ethnic identities, attained through a process of exploring and committing to their ethnicity; these individuals are likely to be psychologically well-adjusted. Many studies have further claimed that strong ethnic identification seems to mitigate the negative effects of discrimination on well-being, lessening the impact of negative stereotypes and social denigration on ethnic minority adolescents, and serving as a buffer against dominant group prejudice, discrimination, and racism (Liebkind, 1996; Phinney, 1990; Phinney & Kohatsu, 1997). These studies demonstrated ethnic identity to relate positively to self-esteem, self-confidence, and purpose in life, as well as optimism, the lower incidence of behavioural problems, perceived self-efficacy, good academic performance and happiness; versions of these findings have been replicated across a variety of majority–minority situations and ethnic groups (Blash & Unger, 1995; DuBias & Tevendale, 1999; Lay & Verkuyten, 1999; Martinez & Dukes, 1997; Roberts et al., 1999; Smith, Walker, Fields, Brookins, & Seay, 1999; Verkuyten, 1990; Verkuyten et al., 2001). The study described in this paper thus set out to assess the legitimacy of extrapolating the finding associating strong ethnic identity and positive adjustment to children of mixedparentage during the developmental stage of adolescence. Arab–European adolescents living in the Israeli context are faced with two possible and asymmetrical forms of discrimination: that of the state against their minority Arab heritage, and that of their immediate community against their parental European background due to the threat they may cause to the ethnic structure of the Israeli Arab minority. It is at least possible that these forms of discrimination could disturb mixedethnic individuals’ formation of a sense of Arab or European ethnic identity, interrupting their psychological well-being. Supposing, however, that certain mixed-ethnic adolescents successfully achieve a strong Arab or European ethnic identity in this context, then these individuals could reasonably be supposed to have attained a high degree of well-being balance. On the basis of theory and research on minority adolescents the present study tested the hypothesis that: (1) mixed-ethnic Arab–European adolescents who manifest higher levels of Arab or European ethnic identification report higher levels of psychological well-being. In relation to this hypothesis, the study also explored the degree to which Arab ethnic identity implied, excluded or was independent of European ethnic identity in its relationship to measures of well-being. As Arab–European children develop ethnic and social awareness, specifically during the developmental stage of adolescence, they would realise that the Israeli Arab society often
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does not present Arab and European identities as equally desirable and might have no identification choice other than claiming Arab identity. Theorisation suggests that mixedethnic adolescents’ achievement of equal psychological identification with both of their heritages may be prompted or most easily facilitated in ethnically pluralistic or tolerant societies (Kich, 1992). This may be because such a ‘solution’ would be psychologically satisfying for mixed-ethnic individuals and socially approved or, paraphrasing Wilson (1987), it would maintain congruence between socially defined and the subjectively appropriated identities. Compared to ethnically pluralistic societies, the Israeli Arab context is often intolerant of its mixed-marriage unions due to Israeli Arabs’ emphasis on the collectivity of their group and on the continuity of its ethnic and cultural structure. The present study thus tested also the hypothesis that: (2) Arab–European adolescents would be more likely to manifest higher levels of Arab ethnic identification than European. 2. Methods 2.1. Participants The data for this research came from a self-report questionnaire administered to 127 mixed-ethnic European–Arab adolescents (64 males and 63 females) living in Israel. About 93% of the participants were born in Israel with the remainder in their mothers’ country; all, however, had lived in Israel from early childhood. About 38% of the mothers of those adolescents were born in West European countries (Britain, Germany, Holland, Norway, Finland, Italy, and Spain) and the remainder in East European countries (Hungary, Poland, Belarus, Romania, Russia, Ukraine, Yugoslavia, and Czech Republic). The average age of the participants was 15.63, with participants ranging from 13 to 18 years. In addition, as indicated by the adolescents’ self-reports of the socio-economic level of their families, all the participants ranked themselves in the middle (63.80%) and upper-middle classes (36.20%). 2.2. Procedure The participants were recruited via telephone from a list of 157 mixed-ethnic adolescents above the age of 13, with a refusal rate of about 20%. The list was prepared in two main ways: first, through seeking assistance from local authorities such as councils and welfare offices; and second, as ‘family introduced family’ and ‘adolescent introduced adolescent’ to the survey according to the method of so-called ‘snowball sampling’. About 70% of the participants were recruited from the official list and the remainder from snowballing. Participants were provided with basic information regarding the study, and approval for adolescents to participate was sought both from parties involved and their parents, leading to informed consent agreements being obtained at the time of delivering the study questionnaires. Adolescents were further assured that any information provided would be treated confidentially. In line with this assurance, this study did not report participants’ names and suppressed any distinguishing personal details. The participants were met in their homes and requested to fill out self-report questionnaire measures. In all cases, participants filled out questionnaires by themselves
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and after they had finished they were instructed to check or to answer any omitted questions and to restrict their answers to just one Likert-scale option to prohibit ambiguity. As a modest compensation for his or her input each participant was given a music CD. All respondents answered the Arabic version of all measures, ethnic and well-being. In the preparation of the questionnaire, an English version was developed first and translated into Arabic by two bilingual language specialists (native Arabic speakers proficient in English). An independent group of two further bilingually trained experts then backtranslated the Arabic version into English. Subsequently, a third group of two bilingual persons, together with myself, quality assured the translation, modifying the Arabic version to match the English precisely. Minor revisions were made in the course of a pilot study conducted on five Arab–European males and five females. 2.3. Measures Participants filled out questionnaire measures referring to ethnic identification and negative and positive indications of well-being. Mean scores for each measure, after reversing negative items, were used in the analyses, with a high score indicating a higher degree of the trait recorded by the measure. Ethnic identity: The study measured the Arab ethnic identity of the participants using a modified version of Phinney’s (1992) Multi-group Ethnic Identity Measure. This metric claims a universal applicability across different ethnic groups by virtue of focusing on supposedly common features of ethnic identity. The final modification excluded the word ‘ethnicity’ or ‘ethnic group’ from the question-items as the pilot-study had suggested that these terms created ambiguity or prompted different interpretations in the minds of mixedethnic adolescent respondents who might not be familiar with them (or who might attach to them widely different evaluative connotations). The revised measure consisted of 14 items measuring the Arab ethnic background; here, two items assessed ethnic behaviours, five items ethnic affirmation and belonging, and seven items ethnic identity achievement. Adolescents were instructed to respond to a similar set of items referring to their European ethnic backgrounds (Italian, Romanian, Russian, Spanish, etc.). All items were rated on a 4-point Likert scale from strongly disagree to strongly agree. The Chronbach’s alpha reliabilities of the modified Arab ethnic identity scale and subscales in the present study were reasonable, ranging from .75 to .88. The range was similar for reliabilities of the European identity scale and subscales. Anxiety: Anxiety was measured using Spielberger’s (1973) Trait Anxiety Inventory for Children. This ‘How I feel Questionnaire’ takes the form of a 20-item scale in which participants indicate how often they have experienced a variety of symptoms of anxiety. Item scores in this scale range from 1 (hardly ever) to 3 (often). The Chronbach’s alpha reliability of scale was .79 in the present study. Depression: The study used the 27-item self-report Children’s Depression Inventory proposed by Kovacs (1980). Items were scored on a 3-point Likert scale from 0 to 2, indicating the absence of depression, moderate depression, or severe depression. The scale had a Chronbach’s alpha reliability of .83 with the mixed-ethnic participants. Self-esteem: Self-esteem was measured by Rosenberg’s (1965) 10-item scale. Participants responded to a 5-point Likert scale running from strongly disagree to strongly agree. The measure had a Chronbach’s alpha reliability of .82 for the mixed-ethnic adolescents.
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Quality of life: The study adopted Andrew and Withey’s (1976) 17-item quality-of-life scale. The scale employs a 7-point response format running from terrible to delighted. The Chronbach’s alpha reliability of the measure in this study was .86. 2.4. Analysis of data Statistical analyses of responses of respondents were conducted using the statistical package of SPSS 12.0 for Windows. Before analysing the relationships between the central variables of this study—ethnic identification and well-being— it was important for the study to examine relationships between these and demographic variables. As shown in the first part of the results section, regression and multivariate analyses (MANOVA) were carried out to examine these relationships. Then, correlational and regression analyses were carried out to test the relationships between Arab and/or European ethnic identification and well-being. Lastly, differences in levels of Arab and European ethnic identification were tested using a paired t-test. 3. Results 3.1. Differences in ethnic identity and well-being by demographic variables Preliminary regression analysis revealed non-significant relationships between age and Arab or European ethnic identification, and age and each of the measures of well-being. Likewise, MANOVA, in which respondents’ gender, socio-economic class, and ethnic origin of participants’ mothers (Western or Eastern European countries) were posited as independent factors, while Arab ethnic identity, European ethnic identity, anxiety, depression, self-esteem, and quality of life were the dependent variables, yielded non-significant relationships between the main factors—gender, socio-economic class, ethnic origin of participants’ mothers—or any of their interaction and each of the tested dependent variables. These analyses provided a reason that demographic variables were not controlled for in further analyses, which looked for relationships between ethnic identification and measures of well-being. Means and standard deviations for the total sample in each of the ethnic identity measures and well-being scales are presented in Table 1.
Table 1 Means and standard deviations of the scales Scale
Mean
SD
Arab identity European identity Anxiety Depression Self-esteem Quality of life
3.07 2.37 2.34 1.58 4.36 4.87
.60 .63 .59 .40 .74 1.30
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3.2. Ethnic identity and well-being: correlation and regression analyses Correlation analyses for the relationships among ethnic identity and well-being scales are provided in Table 2. Arab ethnic identity was statistically significantly negatively correlated with the measures of anxiety, r ¼ :58, po:001, and depression, r ¼ :44, po:001, and positively correlated with scores of self-esteem, r ¼ :61, po:001, and quality of life, r ¼ :32, po:01. Similarly, European ethnic identity showed statistically significant negative correlations with scores of anxiety, r ¼ :49, po:001, and depression, r ¼ :42, po:001, and positive correlations with self-esteem scores, r ¼ .41, po.01, and quality-oflife scores, r ¼ :46, po:01. Arab and European ethnic identity scores were statistically nonsignificantly correlated. To test the predictability of Arab and European ethnic identities in their relationship to measures of well-being, four models with the equation of ‘Y ¼ b0 þ b1 X 1 þ b2 X 2 ’ were fed into multiple regression analyses. In all models, X1 designated Arab ethnic identity scores and X2 European ethnic identity scores. In models 1, 2, 3 and 4, Y represented scores of anxiety, depression, self-esteem, and quality of life, respectively. The results of these analyses, as shown in Table 3, revealed that all models yielded significant relationships, and that Arab and European ethnic identity scores explained 36% of anxiety variance, 24% of depression variance, 44% of self-esteem variance, and 23% of quality-of-life variance, respectively. Moreover, in line with the correlation analyses equations in (1) and (2), b1 and b2 coefficients were both significantly different from zero and negative in sign, while in equations (3) and (4) coefficients were significantly different from zero and positive in sign. These analyses suggest that an identifiable relationship holds consistently between the achievement of Arab or European ethnic identity and psychological well-being.
Table 2 Correlations among ethnic identity and well-being Variable
Arab ethnic identity
European ethnic identity
Arab identity Anxiety Depression Self-esteem Quality of life
.58** .44** .61** .32*
.17 .49** .42** .41* .46*
*po:01, **po:001.
Table 3 Results of multiple regression analyses
Equation Equation Equation Equation
(1) (2) (3) (4)
R
R2
b0
b1
b2
F(2, 124)
.60 .49 .66 .48
.36 .24 .44 .23
.15 .43*** .92* 1.38*
.51*** .23** .54*** .33***
.34*** .21** .29*** .41***
22.30*** 20.01*** 49.95*** 19.94***
*po:02, **po:005, ***po:001.
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3.3. Differences between Arab and European ethnic identity scores Differences between Arab and European ethnic identity scores were examined using a paired t-test. Mixed-ethnic adolescents scored significantly higher on the Arab ethnic identity scale than they did on the European scale, t (126) ¼ 10.55, MD ¼ .70, po:001. 4. Discussion In view of the potentially ‘doubled’ experiences of prejudice, discrimination, and constant ethnic stress to which Arab–European adolescents in Israel are potentially subjected, by both the Israeli state and the Arab community, it would be reasonable to suggest that Arab–European mixed-marriages in Israel would incur unpleasant psychological implications for their children. Arab–European adolescents in the Israeli context do not represent a one uniform ‘victim’ group of their context and therefore there are necessarily differences within this group in psychological functioning. The current study sought to reveal variation in psychological adjustment within the Israeli Arab–European adolescents’ group, which tends to be obscured if psychological investigation of such individuals would focus only on comparisons between them and Arab peers. Findings of this study confirmed the first hypothesis of a correlation between ethnic identity and psychological well-being. Specifically, the results demonstrated a significant positive relationship between Arab or European ethnic identity and self-esteem and quality of life among Arab–European mixed-ethnic adolescents living in Israel. In other words, mixed-ethnic adolescents who participated socially in the traditions and activities of their Arab or European group, displayed Arab or European ethnic pride and attachment, and were aware of or reflected upon their Arab or European ethnic membership, seemed to record high degrees of self-esteem and quality of life. By contrast, those individuals manifesting lower levels of Arab or European ethnic identification or who expressed confusion, or a lack of awareness of their Arab or European membership reported lower degrees of self-esteem and quality of life. Research results also showed a negative and significant relationship between the attainment of Arab or European ethnic identity and anxiety and depression for mixed-ethnic adolescents. Thus mixed-ethnic adolescents who manifested lower levels of Arab or European ethnic identification, being apparently less attached to their Arab or European membership, showed higher degrees of anxiety and depression. In relation to the first hypothesis, findings revealed also that Arab and European ethnic identifications were independently correlated with each of the measures of well-being. These findings suggest that the acquisition of a strong sense of Arab or European ethnic identity may play an important role in mixed-ethnic adolescents’ well-being in the Israeli context. In this way, the results confirm certain propositions put forward by previous works of developmental and cross-cultural psychology concerning the relevance of ethnic identity to the psychological well-being or adjustment of adolescents from a variety of ethnic minority backgrounds (Blash & Unger, 1995; DuBias & Tevendale, 1999; Martinez & Dukes, 1997; Smith, Walker, Fields, Brooking, & Seay, 1999). Developmental and crosscultural psychological models of ethnic identity formation contend that the search for ethnic identity, during early adolescence in particular, leads individuals to value their ethnic membership, with this mode of identity resolution carrying positive psychological
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implications for ethnic minority members (Atkinson et al., 1989; Phinney, 1990, 1992, 1993; Sue & Sue, 1999). This study’s findings broadly accorded with such a hypothesis in showing that the attainment of a positive sense of Arab or European membership associates positively with mixed-ethnic adolescents’ psychological welfare and negatively with parameters of maladjustment. Predicting the psychological well-being of the study’s mixed-ethnic adolescents in the Israeli context on account of Arab or European ethnic identification, hence, differentiates between adjusted and maladjusted adolescents, a matter that might not be disclosed by a study comparing them as a group against others of mono-ethnic Arab heritage. This study’s findings also confirmed the second hypothesis. It was found that mixedethnic Arab–European adolescents reported significantly higher levels of Arab ethnic identification than they did European. It might be inferred that factors peculiar to these individuals’ Israeli context, such as the patterns of discrimination to which Arabs and Arab–Europeans are subjected at different levels, Israeli Arabs’ emphasis on the continuity of the ethnic structure of their group, and the suspicion with which non-Arabs may be regarded in individuals’ Arab social setting, have led at least some mixed-ethnic adolescents to explore their Arab ethnicity more intensively and reflectively than their European. This has led to their affiliating and expressing a stronger sense of belonging to their Arab membership than to their European membership. Effects of Arab–European marriages on ethnic affiliation of the children seem to be similar to those in other contexts where the surrounding ethnic context tends to insist on ethnic purity, rejecting mixedethnic identities (Fatimilehin, 1999; Spickard, 1989, 1992; Tizard & Phoenix, 1995). In the early decades of the previous century, according to Spickard (1989, 1992), for example dual- or multiple-ethnic identification was not accepted or socially recognised in any consistent manner in the USA. Accordingly, a small percentage of individuals from Japanese–American mixed-ethnic parentages in the USA identified with their Japanese heritage and the majority tended to identify predominantly as Americans. However, in his view, in the more relaxed ethnic atmosphere of the 1980’s and afterwards, a significant percentage began to claim both parts of their bi-ethnic identity (Spickard, 1989, 1992). Likewise, while in previous decades adolescents from such mixed parentage origins as Black–White or Asian–White in the UK tended to identify with their ethnically dominant heritage, research has suggested that only in recent years they tended to claim dual identification in view of the relative ethnic tolerance of the UK context (Fatimilehin, 1999; Tizard & Phoenix, 1995; Wilson, 1987). Though it might be the case that ethnic pluralism may promote dual-ethnic identification among mixed-ethnic individuals in any context, the quantitative difference between Arab and European ethnic identification in favour of an Arab identity among the study’s participants should be treated with some caution. The difference between scores for Arab and European identification by no means indicates that mixed-ethnic Arab–European adolescents in Israel are exclusively assimilated into their Arab heritage. Indeed, the independence between the two dimensions of ethnic identification, reported above, may be said conceptually to prompt a definition of four ethnic identification styles. This might be best understood by dichotomising two dimensions of identification as ‘high’ and ‘low’. Mixed-ethnic adolescents showing a high level of identification with both of their heritages may be defined as having a mixed-ethnic identification style; those showing a high identification with one of their heritages and low identification with the other may be defined as having assimilated one of their two Arab or European heritages; and adolescents
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showing at a same time a low degree of low identification with both of their heritages may be defined as showing a style of ethnic marginalisation. This range of variation in individuals’ styles of ethnic identification disproves the hypotheses first that mixed-ethnic adolescents assimilate into their ethnicity perceived as dominant, and second, that in so doing, they risk subordinating the other ethnic identity characteristics. The variation implies also that integrative identities could be resolved and prevail in mixed-ethnic adolescents’ development even in the context of background ethnic friction and intolerance. It is worth noting that in all statistical analyses pertaining to the reported findings, participants’ gender, socio-economic class, and age and their mothers’ ethnic origin (Western or Eastern Europe) were not partialled out as these failed to show any relationship with each of the ethnic identity and well-being measures. The relative homogeneity of the Arab–European sample may have obscured some of the relationships between demographic and ethnic identification or well-being variables. Other samples with a wider range of particularly age and socio-economic class would be helpful in finding out the interference or interaction of demographic variables with findings of this study. A number of limitations of this study should be noted. First, respondents’ data were all based on self-report, which might in itself lead to many of the measures being highly correlated. Second, it is possible that respondents ‘played up’ their Arab membership because of researcher bias, given the visible Arab ethnicity of the study administrator. Third, the questionnaires for the current study were delivered in Arabic, which represented only one language background and might have affected responses. Lastly, it is likely that respondents were motivated to participate for personal reasons and hence that the results of this study might not apply to all mixed-ethnic Arab–European adolescents in Israel. Acknowledgements I gratefully acknowledge Gates Cambridge University Trust, the Overseas Research Student Award Scheme, the Department of Social and Developmental Psychology at the University of Cambridge, and Wolfson College, who made funds available towards the accomplishment of this study. References Abu-Rayya, H. M. (2004). Ethnic identity and psychological well-being among adolescents born to European mothers and Arab fathers in Israel. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Cambridge, England. Al-Haj, M. (1995). Education, empowerment, and control: The case of the Arabs in Israel. Albany: State University of New York Press. Al-Haj, M., & Rosenfeld, H. (1990). Arab local government in Israel. Blouder, CO: Westview Press. Andrew, F. M., & Withey, S. B. (1976). Social indicators of well-being. New Work: Plenum. Atkinson, D. R., Morten, G., & Sue, D. W. (1989). A minority identity development model. In D. R. Atkinson, G. Morten, & D. W. Sue (Eds.), Counselling American minorities (pp. 35–52). Dubuque, IA: W. C. Brown. Barnett, L. D. (1963). Research on international and interracial marriages. Marriage and Family Living, 105–108. Blash, R. R., & Unger, D. G. (1995). Self-concept of African–American male youth: Self-esteem and ethnic identity. Journal of Child and Family Studies, 4, 359–373. Brandell, J. R. (1988). Treatment of the biracial child: Theoretical and clinical issues. Journal of Multicultural Counselling and Development, 16, 176–187. Brown, U. M. (2001). The interracial experience: Growing up Black/White/racially mixed in the United States. Westport Connecticut: London.
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