Ethnic tourism development:

Annals of Tourism Research, Vol. 35, No. 3, pp. 751–771, 2006 0160-7383/$ - see front matter Ó 2008 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. Printed in Great Britain

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doi:10.1016/j.annals.2008.06.005

ETHNIC TOURISM DEVELOPMENT: Chinese Government Perspectives Li Yang Western Michigan University, USA Geoffrey Wall Stephen L.J. Smith University of Waterloo, Canada Abstract: Ethnic tourism is often used by governments to facilitate development and to preserve heritage. This paper examines the relationship between government and tourism in Xishuangbanna, China. Different levels of government play key but different roles in development through regulation of production, consumption, and investment. Their policies and decisions tend to create tensions when they promote tourism as a regional development strategy as a result of contradictions in regulations, ethnic rights, and relationships with entrepreneurs. It is concluded that more nuanced government policies could mitigate many of the issues. Future tourism planning should provide greater control of tourism by local ethnic people, cultural preservation, and public participation in decision-making processes. Keywords: ethnic tourism, government, development, planning, China. Ó 2008 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

INTRODUCTION The role of government in development has evolved from a primarily economic focus to include broader considerations of economic and socio-cultural impacts, political responsibilities, power relationships, and environmental sensitivity (Kerr, Barron and Wood 2001; Telfer 2002; Xie 2003). Government intervention in development is perhaps most visible in developing economies where tourism planning and promotion tend to be controlled directly by governments. In such places, there is a growing concern over the effectiveness of policies in facilitating job and wealth creation, their contribution to environmental protection, and the protection of cultural identities (Xie 2003). In particular, policies may result in unintended negative consequences

Li Yang is Assistant Professor in the Department of Geography at Western Michigan University (3219 Wood Hall, Kalamazoo, MI 49008-5424, USA. Email ). She has interests in tourism planning, cultural tourism, ethnic/indigenous tourism, and tourism analysis and forecasting. Geoffrey Wall is Professor of Geography at the University of Waterloo. He has worked extensively in Asia, particularly Indonesia and China. Stephen Smith is Professor of Tourism at the University of Waterloo, with interest in economics and statistics, culinary tourism, policy, and destination marketing. 751

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(Akama 2002). Therefore, examinations of government perspectives and the impact of policies on development are needed, particularly in sensitive areas such as ethnic tourism. Ethnic tourism is tourism motivated by a visitor’s search for exotic cultural experiences (Yang 2007), including the consumption of artifacts, performances, and other products or services. An ethnic group is a socio-culturally distinct group of people who share a common history, culture, language, religion, and way of life. In many developing countries, government is not only the key player in developing tourism but also issues policies regarding ethnicity. Governments may also use ethnic images in promoting tourism, and base tourism plans on the development of ethnic resources, traditions, and artifacts. In effect, the state becomes a marketer of cultural meanings and arbiters of cultural practices (Wood 1984). Government determines the role of minority identities in marketing and development, and decides what images are presented to enhance a destination’s appeal (Henderson 2003). Case studies in Asian and Pacific countries presented by Picard and Wood (1997) address issues involved in the intersection of tourism, ethnic identity, and state policies. These studies reveal that the state’s roles in facilitating tourism and shaping ethnicity can contradictorily reinforce and conflict with each other. Involvement in tourism may change an ethnic group’s relationship to the state and to other groups, and even change relationships among individuals and institutions within the minority group (Wood 1984,1993). Tourism can not only enhance national identity, it can confer privileges on minorities and promote cultural diversity (Leong 1997). Indeed, the expression of an ethnic sense of identity can be seen as a threat to the unity of a nation. Today, ethnicity is commonly utilized by those involved in tourism as a resource to generate income, foreign exchange, and create jobs in communities that suffer from high unemployment (Leong 1997). However, in doing so, the social impacts of a government’s use of ethnic images, resources, and traditions on the communities themselves should also be examined (Henderson 2003). A number of scholars have advocated studies comparing the roles of different administrative levels, from local to national, in development (Graham, Ashworth and Tunbridge 2000; Hall 1996; Ryan and Huyton 2002). Hall (1996) observed that tourism planning normally occurs within the context of the local government and community interest groups, and local governments commonly seek as many benefits as the national government does. Oakes (1992,1997,1998) and Swain (1990,1993,1999), in their research in Yunnan and Guizhou, identified tensions between national and local priorities, and ethnic identity in China. Lack of local control in development may create negative outcomes such as a devaluation of local ethnic heritage (Kelly 1994). While such researchers comment on state policy and development, their studies often lack empirical evidence. Such evidence might be gained through the evaluation of plans and consultation with officials, and interviews with minority groups and tourists. This paper is an empirical examination of the roles of different levels of government in ethnic development in southwest China.

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The research addresses tensions commonly experienced in ethnic tourism with a particular focus on local perspectives. In particular, tourism has helped modernize minority communities but this may have been at the expense of traditional cultural practice. Further, different stakeholders have different goals and objectives that can result in tensions arising from the creation, marketing, and sale of tourism products. China has fifty-six government-recognized ethnic groups (Harrell 1995). The Han Chinese make up 92% of the population; the remaining groups, totaling about 104.5 million people, are scattered across two-thirds of China (International Office of the State Council 2005). Minorities are granted a degree of autonomy by the central government, but are forbidden the right of secession (Lee 2001). Implementation of autonomy policy varies greatly by region and by minority group. Minorities in the southwest, such as Yunnan, have achieved more freedom to act because they rarely confront central authority, whereas the state has tightly controlled religious practices and expressions of cultural identity in Xinjiang, Tibet, and Inner Mongolia, where relations between minorities and Han Chinese have been strained for centuries (Congressional-executive Committee on China 2005). Tensions in Ethnic Tourism The development and promotion of ethnic tourism involves a number of economic, social, and cultural issues that include protection of minority cultures, tourism impacts, and the need to provide an economically sustainable experience that meets visitor expectations. Building upon the work of Swain (1989) and Xie (2003), ethnic tourism inherently involves four key tensions. The first is state regulation versus ethnic autonomy. Conflict between state priorities and power and local autonomy is characteristic of ethnic tourism. In China, the national government defines and recognizes ethnic groups, manipulates patterns of tourism, and regulates the tourism market. In contrast, ethnic peoples desire more autonomy in terms of controlling their own resources and destinies. The second is cultural exoticism versus modernity. Cultural exoticism draws tourists, yet there are countervailing forces from the community and from some government agencies to promote political, economic, and cultural integration of such groups into mainstream culture. Moreover, exposure to modern lifestyles through the media and a free market economy result in an increasing number of minority people demanding the benefits of modernization. The third is economic development versus cultural preservation. Culture and ethnicity are complex concepts referring to aspects of ideology and identity as well as the way of life of a group of people. As Hitchcock (2001) notes, culture, ethnicity, and tradition are not static but dynamic. Development brings change, but not all changes are desirable. In particular, modernization can result in the loss of traditional culture. On the other hand, attempts to preserve a traditional

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culture by denying the opportunity for progress can condemn a culture to marginalization and impoverishment. Finally, the fourth is authenticity versus cultural commoditization. In order to satisfy demands for authenticity, tourism producers and minority hosts, motivated by the opportunity to create jobs and income, package certain aspects of their culture and create staged representations to make aspects of the culture more accessible and appealing to tourists. Cultural commoditization can induce local people to alter their behaviors to suit the demands of the market, resulting in a loss of traditional activities and other cultural manifestations. If modifications to lifestyles, architecture, and other aspects of culture are too great, the community risks losing its roots as well as developing tourism offerings that are rejected by visitors as inauthentic. These inter-connected tensions provide a basis to compare the roles of different levels of governments in order to better understand the interrelationships among politics, culture, and economics within ethnic tourism in a prefecture noted for its minority peoples: Xishuangbanna. GOVERNMENT PERSPECTIVES ON ETHNIC TOURISM Xishuangbanna Dai Autonomous Prefecture, located in Yunnan Province in the southwest of China (Figure 1), is one of the first and best known tourism destinations in China. ‘‘Xiashuangbanna’’ means ‘‘twelve rice fields’’, referring to its original twelve administrative districts (Davis 2005). Covering an area of 19,125 square kilometers, Xishuangbanna borders Myanmar to the southwest, and Laos to the southeast with a border of 966 kilometers (Xishuangbanna Statistics Bureau 2006). Xishuangbanna is both a buffer zone and gateway between China and Southeast Asia. Xishuangbanna is well-known for its subtropical scenery, rich floral and faunal resources, and diverse cultures, all of which provide a basis for development. Improvements in transportation infrastructure, accommodation services, and other tourism facilities have led to an increase in tourism volumes from just over 5,365 visitors in 1985 to nearly 2.8 million in 2005. Most visitors come from developed areas of China. The number of international visitors is small, primarily from Southeast Asia. The main international market is Thailand because of historic ties. While tourism in China and Yunnan has surged, tourism has stagnated in Xishuangbanna since 2000 due to many underlying issues in local tourism planning and management. Although the number of domestic tourists continues to increase with slight fluctuations, international tourists decreased between 2000 and 2005. Xishuangbanna is home to 13 officially recognized ethnic groups with a total population of 881,000, comprising about three-quarters of the population of Xishuangbanna (Xishuangbanna Statistics Bureau 2006); thus, it is often called ‘‘the land of the minorities’’ (Wu and Ou 1995). In 2005, the Dai constituted 34.0% of the total population, followed by the Hani at 19.9%, Lahu at 6.0%, Yi at 4.9%, Bulang at 4.7%,

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Figure 1. Xishuangbanna: The Study Site (Davis 2006)

Jino at 2.3%, and Yao 2.1%. Other ethnic groups constitute the remaining 2.0%. Unrecognized ethnic groups number about 4,000 people in Xishuangbanna (Xishuangbanna Statistics Bureau 2006). The local government has designated many minority villages as tourist spots since the 1990s. These villages entertain tourists with local foods, crafts, dances, songs, and wedding shows. Tourists can watch or participate in staged cultural performances, visit minority homes, taste local foods, and stay overnight in bamboo houses. These villages constitute the major tourist attractions and large numbers of package tourists have been brought to these tourist villages by travel agencies. Methods Data were collected using a variety of methods during a five-month period in 2006. These included forty interviews with government officials, tourism planners, and entrepreneurs. The interviews explored issues in and impacts of tourism, stakeholders’ perspectives, their roles and objectives in tourism planning and development, and their involvement in planning or managing ethnic tourism. Questions also covered plan formulation and implementation, planning history, and public involvement. Forty Dai people from two minority villages were

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interviewed to gather their views on the socio-cultural impacts of tourism on their community, their perceptions of the influence of tourists and other ethnic groups, and their involvement in tourism planning and management. Finally, interviews with 40 tourists (20 Chinese and 20 Westerners) were conducted to better understand their perceptions of their visits. The tourists were selected through convenience sampling at the airport or a local coffee shop. Most interviews were conducted in Mandarin although those conducted with Western tourists were in English. On-site observations of tour guides, performers, craft makers, tourists’ behaviors, and the interaction between tourists and local people were also conducted. The first author also spent time in two minority communities to acquire insights into their culture and life through participation and observation. Government documents, tourism plans, and scholarly publications provided information on state policies on tourism and ethnic minorities, the history, current situation and magnitude of ethnic tourism, the role and objectives of government in directing ethnic tourism, the context in which such tourism has evolved, tourism planning, and socio-cultural responses from minority peoples. Tourism brochures, magazines, books, video CDs, and flyers were reviewed for additional insight into promotional tactics. Tourism plans, government documents, newspapers, and journal articles were examined to identify issues in ethnic tourism, and to understand the impacts of policies on minorities. These data were tabulated and assessed using the four tensions of ethnic tourism described above as a conceptual organizational tool. State Regulation Versus Ethnic Autonomy: National Level The national government defines and grants ethnic groups legal rights as well as functions as the primary promoter, regulator, and arbiter in tourism (Tan 2000; Xie 2003). China declared itself a ‘‘unified multinational country’’ in 1949, reflecting the country’s identity as one republic with numerous nationalities. Although equality, unity, mutual assistance, and common prosperity are claimed by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) to be basic principles in relations among the groups (Information Office of the State Council 2005), unity is the core of ethnic policy. Strengthening unity among all groups is the essential objective of China’s ethnic policy (Lee 2001; Tan 2000). A key strategy in national ethnic policy is the creation of autonomous areas empowered to adapt, modify, or supplement national policies according to local conditions (Sautman 1999). The 1984 Regional Ethnic Autonomy Law (REAL) grants governments the authority to formulate regulations reflecting local minority culture as long as they do not conflict with state policy (Information Office of the State Council 2005). Any regulations proposed by autonomous governments must be approved by higher authorities (Tan 2000). National policies towards minorities also reflect considerable concern for national security because of their strategic locations such as near international borders.

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These concerns can override other policies such as those for development (Sofield and Li 1998). Minorities occupy a large territory, although much of this is in the poorest western regions of the country. They engage primarily in subsistence farming and animal husbandry, which generally have low productivity. These regions have the lowest levels of industrial development, urbanization, provisions for health care and education, communication and transportation infrastructure, and general standard of living (Postiglione 1992; Lee 2001). Because many of their communities are in isolated areas, the minorities have preserved their traditional culture, which makes them attractive to tourists. Since the 1980s, the national government has encouraged the development of border regions of the country through tourism (Davis 2005). National and regional policy-makers have proposed that minority regions’ natural and cultural richness should be used to develop tourism to stimulate the regional economy and, especially, to alleviate poverty (Morais 2007; Jackson 2006). State policies and regulations are designed to guide development through the complexities of investment, production, and consumption (Swain 1990). Many local governments take advantage of cultural diversity to formulate policies to advance ethnic tourism with diverse tactics. Ethnic theme parks, dance performance venues, and minority-themed restaurants are widespread and are patronized mostly by Han tourists. Stereotyped images of smiling minorities are circulated widely in national and local media. Although minorities are encouraged to engage in tourism through self-promotion, provided they present themselves in ways that officials find appealing (Davis 2005), the state determines the limits of ethnic self-expression. Minorities who participate in state-sanctioned public displays of culture and self-commoditization for tourism are rewarded with official praise and greater economic prosperity. Challenging those limits by insisting on self-determination, as have the Tibetan and Uygur minorities, risks conflict with the state (Davis 2005). In recent years, minorities have expressed increased concern for preserving and reviving ethnic characteristics while utilizing tourism to extend their political influence and strengthen their identities (Hansen 1999). Minorities have varying degrees of input into the government’s tourism plans. Some groups, such as the Dai, Sani Yi, Bai, and Naxi, have not pursued development because of their remoteness, problematic transportation, and poor infrastructure. Promoting cultural development among minorities has been used by the state to reach out to ethnic people (Shih 2002). As a post-Mao modernization strategy, cultural development implies ‘‘change and improvement toward more civilized, elite forms . . . the attainment of literacy, an education in science and technology, understanding of modern commerce, expertise in enterprise management, and even an entrepreneurial spirit’’ (Oakes 1998:136). The objective of such development is not simply cultural but also economic: the manipulation of traditions to support modernization. It is believed that the cultural sector can provide the impetus for economic development if effectively promoted. The concept of cultural development is

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employed by the state to illustrate ideal patterns of national integration and to provide evidence of modernization among minority groups. Ideally, cultural development promotes cultural autonomy and preservation but, in reality, permits the state to maintain its regulatory legitimacy over all minorities and integration of minorities into Handominated mainstream culture (Oakes 1998). When promoting ethnic tourism with the combined purposes of modernizing the economy, ensuring cultural development, and integrating a minority into the dominant society, the state faces a dilemma that minority development sometimes leads to demands for more autonomy (Oakes 1998). In recent years, there have been growing ethnic revival movements happening beneath the radar of the state (Davis 2005). While many minorities participate in cultural display staged by the state and the commercial tourism industry, they revive traditional customs and practice indigenous religions behind the direct gaze of the state and tourists. For example, during the past ten years the Dai have revived Theravada Buddhism, building hundreds of temples and initiating thousands of novices. As a group who seeks harmony with the existing system (Wen and Tisdell 2001), they avoid open conflict with the state by actively engaging in state-sanctioned cultural expression and successfully managing a boundary between the public and private spheres (Davis 2005). The inherent power imbalance between the state and ethnic groups shapes tourism practices of minorities and determines the public discourse of ethnic identity. In particular, there is a tension between recognition of ethnic rights and the lack of local control in development. For example, central control over development and finances in minority areas weakens the autonomy of minorities, while regional governments pursue their goals of national integration and political stability (Tan 2000). State Regulation Versus Ethnic Autonomy: Regional/local Level The attractiveness of its rainforests, wildlife, and minority cultures give Xishuangbanna great tourism potential. Nevertheless, the region was not targeted as a major tourism destination until the 1980s because the central government was concerned about security in border regions (Wen and Tisdell 2001). As rapid growth in tourism occurred in Yunnan Province generally, the demands to visit Xishuangbanna grew stronger. The government eventually designated the region as one of forty-four national scenic sites in 1982. The establishment of economic ties between China and the ASEAN member economies in the 1980s and the development of the Lancang-Mekong Plan brought more opportunities for trade and tourism. In 1992, the introduction of an open-door policy in border regions by the Chinese government increased international tourists dramatically. The agreement among China, Burma, Thailand, and Laos enabled tourists to cross the border more easily, thus promoting greater tourism activity.

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Ethnic policies set by the state have been vigorously implemented in Xishuangbanna by regional and local governments. With the decentralization of administrative power since the mid-1980s, the local government has been involved in tourism planning and development (Li 2004). Ethnic tourism has been a regional development strategy for minorities in Xishuangbanna since the late 1980s (interviews with tourism officials in 2006). It is hoped that tourism can assist in poverty alleviation and the self-reliance of minority communities (Gang and Kruse 2003). State policy directs local tourism bureaux and shapes the operations of tourism enterprises (Zhang 2003). As a branch of the Chinese National Tourism Bureau (CNTA), the Tourism Bureau of Xishuangbanna Prefecture (TBBP) is in charge of regional tourism planning; formulation of development policies; managing tourist sites, accommodation, and travel agencies; monitoring and regulating the tourism market; and assuring service quality. Policies and plans formulated by TBBP have to be approved by the national and provincial tourism bureaux. The director of TBBP is always Han; in fact, there are very few minority officials in TBBP. Thus, development is controlled by the national and local governments rather than the minorities themselves. Since the 1980s, the government has formulated a series of preferential policies for Han tourism developers. Tax exemptions of three to eight years have been offered for those investing in businesses and developing facilities, along with low land-use fees and extensions of tax exemption for projects undertaken in underdeveloped minority areas (Ge 1995). These incentives have attracted many Han entrepreneurs to invest in tourism. Following the introduction of preferential policies, a wave of construction of infrastructure, scenic spots, and folk villages surged in the 1990s. The local government designated many villages for the creation of new tourist zones. Consequently, many minority villagers abandoned rice cultivation and devoted themselves to tourism. Numerous ethnic restaurants, minority home tours, and bed-and-breakfasts run by minorities were developed. The tourism boom stimulated a significant flow of Han workers into Xishuangbanna in pursuit of economic opportunities. The migrants have good language skills, education, capital, and entrepreneurial experiences that make them strong competitors over minorities for jobs (Davis 2005). The number of Han Chinese in the region increased from about 5,000 people (2.8%) in 1949 (Sysamouth 2005) to 209,542 people (24%) in 2005 (Xishuangbanna Statistics Bureau 2006). The increased presence of Han Chinese and the widespread use of Mandarin have brought profound changes to Xishuangbanna. Over time, many small-scale tourism businesses run by minorities were replaced by Han investors. For example, ethnic village tours were initiated by local villagers, but today they are controlled by non-local Han entrepreneurs. Most minority people employed in tourism hold only low-paying jobs such as guides, dancers, and hospitality workers. Although minorities are encouraged to participate in tourism, the government provides limited support for local people to initiate or expand

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businesses. In brief, the tourism sector is now dominated by Han Chinese while minority people who once made an income from small-scale tourism are frequently marginalized as they are not able to compete with experienced Han entrepreneurs. Cultural Exoticism versus Modernity: National Level Since the opening-up of China in the 1970s, China has turned to the outside world to acquire technology and scientific knowledge (Jackson 2006). This development has been particularly significant for minorities (Lee 2001). Attention has been given to the needs of minorities and policies have been applied to minority areas to accelerate development. Since the mid-1980s, recognizing the need for modernization and development, China developed anti-poverty initiatives by expanding support to minority areas (Lee 2001; People’s Daily Online 2005). Because ethnic regions possess abundant cultural resources, many western provinces are seeking ways to accelerate their development. Many minority areas have undertaken reforms concerning state-owned enterprises, taxes, finance, investment, foreign trade, education, tourism, social security, and housing (Jackson 2006). In 1999, China launched its ambitious West Development project aimed at narrowing the economic gap between the rich east and the poor west (Gang and Kruse 2003; Tian 2004). Among other initiatives, the project promoted development and cultural industrialization. In its western development strategy, the state formulated program such as authorizing tourism national debts (a loan program), providing financial assistance, reducing taxes, making direct investments, building infrastructure, and creating tourism education and training programs (Information Office of the State Council 2005). By 2003, autonomous areas hosted 123.3 million domestic tourists and 2.2 million international tourists, with revenues of 56.3 billion Chinese Yuan (US$7 billion approximately) and US$ 600 million, respectively (Information Office of the State Council 2005). Ethnic tourism is a government priority to promote local distinctiveness, encourage commercialism, enhance links between local traditions and nationalism, and attract investors (Oakes 1998). There are numerous examples of participation by minorities in tourism activities in many parts of China (Sofield and Li 1998), such as the Sani Yi in Yunnan (Swain 1989,1993), the Miao in Guizhou (Oakes 1998), and the Uygur in Xinjiang (Toops 1993). Another initiative was the creation of themed tours for overseas tourists, such as The Silk Road Tour (Wei 1993). The Ethnic Minorities Sports Games not only include competitions such as traditional wrestling and camel-riding, but also feature dance, song, and crafts. The Fifth Ethnic Minorities Sports Games (in Yunnan) in 1995 attracted daily audiences of 190,000, about 10% of whom were overseas visitors (Sofield and Li 1998). The National Minority Art Festival provides opportunities for tourists to enjoy aspects of ethnic culture.

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Cultural Exoticism versus Modernity: Regional/local Level Xishuangbanna’s image as an exotic land was promulgated by the government in the pre-reform era (Eng 1998). Premier Zhou Enlai’s visit in 1961 for the water-splashing festival was extensively covered by the media to portray a caring attitude by the CCP toward minorities and local traditions (Huang 1993). Life in Xishuangbanna was portrayed as carefree, colorful, and joyous (Eng 1998). Such an image, set in subtropical scenery, was further reinforced in advertising and promotion. After reforms in the 1980s, the image of Xishuangbanna became a powerful tool for attracting tourists and accelerating growth. Modernization became a priority for local government (Li 2004). It sought development projects including infrastructure and educational services. Improved roads and a new international airport in1990 enhanced accessibility. The region’s economy gradually grew and transportation and communication networks modestly improved. However, roads and other infrastructure still need improvement (interviews with the Construction Bureau of Xishuangbanna in 2006). Tourism is regarded as an integral to development by local officials and, in particular, is promoted to reduce rural poverty (interviews with tourism officials in 2006). TBBP has designated a number of minority villages as tourist attractions. These villages feature images of minority cultures through performances that present the cultures as feminized, exotic, and entertaining. Most performers are young women clad in colorful attire. The image of minority women’s beauty, purity, and innocence is a standard theme in tourist promotions (Li 2003; Walsh and Swain 2004). Images of Dai and other minority women bathing in the river and dancing in colorful costumes often appear throughout China, particularly in tourist brochures and public murals. Romantic yearnings often inspire male Han Chinese to visit Xishuangbanna. In fact, Xishuangbanna has become symbolic in the male Chinese imagination as a zone of sexual and cultural experimentation, and the sex trade helped to fuel the tourism boom (Davis 2005). Ironically, Han male tourists come for Dai women but most sex workers are from outside the region, dressed in Dai clothing to allure male customers. Economic Development versus Cultural Preservation: National Level As indicated earlier, reforms in China promoting economic and cultural development led to increased tourism promotion (Zhang 1989). The opening of minority areas to tourists was intended to showcase the diversity of Chinese culture and the successful integration of minorities (Matthews and Richter 1991). Ethnic tourism is intended to allow minorities to maintain their cultures while also modernizing, thus reconciling the ideals of a Chinese nationalism with ethnic diversity (Cornet 2002). Tourism policy and cultural policy have a symbiotic relationship in China. Minority culture has long been regarded as an impediment to modernization; today, it is a fundamental feature of national and local

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promotional activities. Now that citizens are allowed to travel around China and foreigners can enter China, minority cultures are important demand generators (Walsh and Swain 2004). In response to new opportunities, the state formulated policies encouraging minorities to develop tourism, making tourism one of the most promising industries for ethnic community development (Swain 1993). Oakes (1998) has suggested ethnic tourism is ideally suited for minority regions, where there are rugged but scenic mountainous environments and isolation from modern economies and lifestyles. Along with economic development, the state has promoted preservation of cultural diversity. Since the 1980s, the state has put much effort into preserving minority cultures and their monuments, scenic spots, cultural relics, and other markers of their identity (Sofield and Li 1998). The state created institutions and organized over 3,000 experts in anthropology, sociology, and ethnology to collect, edit, and translate cultural and arts materials of minority peoples. Five series of books on minorities have been published, totaling 403 volumes (Information Office of the State Council 2005). However, cultural preservation also creates a dilemma for development: tourism utilizes cultural resources to achieve economic success but preservation implies that culture be left intact (Xie 2003). Tourism not only brings opportunities for economic development, but also leads to changes in people’s traditional way of life. Economic Development versus Cultural Preservation: Regional/local Level As Xishuangbanna shifted from subsistence farming to a more diversified economy and more open, market-based systems, minority people have experienced rapid changes in their living conditions (Li 2004). Modern lifestyles have emerged as a result of economic reform, education, mass media, and health care. The presence of wealthy urbanites in villages has introduced minorities to the outside world, challenging traditional ways of life. In an attempt to earn more, many villagers have abandoned farming to participate in tourism businesses. With the increased income, demand for the comforts of modern life grew. Televisions, VCD players, and motorcycles are now commonplace in villages, but perhaps the most visible change is in housing. Traditional Dai houses are vanishing, while ‘‘alien’’ architecture (concrete or brick houses) have appeared in many Dai villages, forming a striking contrast with the traditional two-storey stilt bamboo/wooden houses. People live upstairs, while the lower space is used as a storehouse or as pens for livestock. Roofs are ample to shield the house from the intense sun as well as frequent downpours. Construction was inexpensive because residents could freely cut bamboo and trees. After deforestation became recognized as a major problem, cutting trees became illegal. Villagers now have to buy timber from the market (generally imported from Myanmar). Wood is now more expensive than concrete and bricks. Moreover, bamboo/wooden houses are not durable, needing to be repaired every six or seven years. Thus, many minor-

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ity people prefer to build new houses using concrete and bricks. Today, modern houses are visible in almost every corner of Xishuangbanna. The appeal of modern housing is so strong that some families without stable incomes borrow money from their relatives to build ‘‘modern’’ homes because they feel ashamed of being poor and missing out on modern life. The contradiction between economic development and preservation of cultural traditions has intensified in many tourist villages. With the disappearance of traditional houses, villages are losing their image of exoticism to visitors. This results in a substantial decrease in the number of tourists. Indeed, several villages were closed as tourist attractions because of the loss of traditional architecture. Other villages no longer attract visitors except during the water-splashing festival. Many villagers complained that the government favored other villages causing them to lose visitors, failing to understand it was their construction of modern houses that made them lose business. The rapid decline of traditional architecture has drawn attention from scholars and officials. Still, government policies encourage minority people to develop their economy and pursue modernization, and changes to lifestyles cannot be avoided. Many tourism officials expressed concern about the vanishing traditional stilt houses. As a TBBP official noted: It is difficult to persuade villagers to preserve their traditional houses, even in designated tourist villages. Villagers insist that it is their right to build houses on their land. The government should not interfere with their choice of house styles and construction. However, they want us [the government] to help bring more tourists to their villages. This does not work. Tourists will stop coming if the villages lose ethnic flavor. Probably, the government needs to formulate some regulations to enforce villagers to preserve traditional houses (interview with a tourism official in 2006).

Local government has realized the importance of preserving cultural heritage and numerous agencies have tried to preserve endangered aspects of cultural traditions. For example, the Physical and Cultural Bureau conducted a census of cultural resources and sent staff to remote villages to collect folklore and legends, and to seek knowledgeable minority elders, handicraftsmen, and folk musicians to record folk music, history, and culture. Ecomuseums have been built to present the lifestyle of minority people (Xinhuanet 2006). The Ethnic Minority and Religious Bureau organized experts to research and translate old Dai script into new Dai script and Mandarin. These efforts have helped preserve some aspects of ethnic culture, but cultural preservation tends to be a dilemma for the government because of the conflict of interests between development and cultural preservation. Authenticity versus Cultural Commoditization: National Level The colorful and exotic costumed images of minorities are widely reproduced in postcards, travel brochures, paintings, batiks,

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and souvenir dolls. Their handicrafts (often mass-produced facsimiles) are sold at souvenir stores and hotels (Kendall 1999). Ethnic culture is produced and consumed at trade fairs, cultural events, folk villages, theme parks, ethnic museums, live performances, on television, in magazines, and in the production of ethnic crafts. Many standardized and performance-oriented folk villages have been built throughout China (Zhang 2003). Ecomuseums have been created to preserve and showcase authentic facets of ethnic culture with the involvement of the communities (Liu, Liu and Wall 2005; Xinhuanet 2005). Sacred sites have been rehabilitated as a major component of ethnic tourism. According to Gladney (1999:5), ‘‘one might even say it has become popular to be ‘ethnic’ in today’s China’’. Mongolian hot pot, Muslim noodles, and Korean barbecue restaurants are available in every city, while minority clothing, handicrafts, and cultural styles adorn Han bodies and decorate their homes. As the modern world is increasingly attracted to ethnic culture, more tourists are interested in seeing remote villages, ‘‘primitive’’ customs, and examples of ‘‘uncorrupted’’ or ‘‘pre-modern’’ culture. In many places in China, the popularity of ethnic culture has encouraged tourism authorities to produce development plans based on the representations of exotic cultural images and charming customs of minorities (Walsh and Swain 2004). Thus, traditional minority culture is utilized by the national and local tourism sector to attract tourists and investments, and for promoting cultural development and ethnic unity. The state, the tourism sector, and minorities all engage in selecting and sifting aspects of ethnic culture to produce ‘‘authentic’’ cultural images, traditions, and lifestyles acceptable to the needs of development. Authenticity versus Cultural Commoditization: Regional/local Level Since Xishuangbanna was opened to the world in the 1980s, the image of ‘‘mysterious and beautiful Xishuangbanna’’ has been widely promoted (Zheng 1991). Within the region, each ethnic group maintains close contact with others in terms of economy, culture, and social activities. At the same time, each group retains its language, religion, and culture in such aspects as production, food, residence, dress, and rituals. In accordance with state-sponsored multiculturalism and the promotion of Xishuangbanna as the ‘‘Great Ethnic Culture Province’’ in the 1990s, government actively promoted tourism and encouraged the creation of marketable goods and services for tourists. Minority cultures are no longer branded as ‘‘feudal superstition’’ but have become an opportunity for economic growth. As individuals, businesses, and government agencies engage in ethnic tourism development, questions of the commoditization of culture and the distribution of benefits from tourism activities have grown in importance. Governments and tourism entrepreneurs are the main powers in developing ethnic tourism, but few of these are minorities. The dominant Han administrative and commercial involvement in

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tourism strongly shapes the ways of staging, packaging, and representing culture and influences how minorities participate in the tourism. The local government and TBBP arbitrate relations among producers, marketers, and consumers in the tourism market. Entrepreneurs in co-operation with government often control commercially valuable ethnic resources, and create or select the cultural products to be presented in tourism zones. Thus, the culture presented is not determined by the authentic source of the culture — ethnic communities — but by governments and entrepreneurs, usually Han. Recently, as minority people have grown frustrated with their marginalized position and demand a share in benefits, the tension between minority people and Han entrepreneurs has intensified. Conflicts between minorities and Han have begun to occur in many villages. The authenticity of souvenirs is another issue. Based on traditional designs, forms, and technology, handicrafts such as wood carvings, clothing, and handbags are produced for tourists’ consumption. These traditional handicrafts face stiff competition from low-priced factoryproduced replicas. Although awareness of intellectual property rights is increasing, the legal protection of traditional knowledge and skills is still weak in China. The threat of the counterfeit handicrafts can be seen in the view of an official in the Xishuangbanna Cultural Bureau: Our goal is to help minorities to develop their culture and protect their traditions, but not all traditional culture is worth saving. We will take the essence of culture and abandon its dregs. If handicrafts can’t compete with the machine-made products, this simply shows that there is no market value left in them and they should be left in museums (interviews with the Cultural Bureau in 2006).

Only a few minority officials and scholars are concerned that the cultural resources are threatened by short-term profit-driven development, and that tourists’ consumption may lead to a loss of authenticity in tourism goods and services. The local government faces a dilemma between providing authentic experiences and providing tourism goods and service tourists will buy. On one hand, government has encouraged packaging and selling cultural commodities aimed at improving economic well-being. On the other hand, being aware of negative impacts, they attempt to restrict damaging tourism activities to maintain the authenticity and quality of tourism products. However, governmental regulation often is ineffective and many issues remain. CONCLUSION This study examined the Chinese governmental perspectives on ethnic development, and the challenges faced by ethnic minorities who are attempting to improve their living standards through ethnic tourism. The general issues identified are not unique to the study site but, in fact, are common in places where socio-economic and power imbalances are large and the pace of development is rapid.

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China has emerged as one of the fastest-growing tourism destinations as it moves from a command to a market-oriented economy, with tourism emerging as a strategy for local development. Ethnic tourism trends have been described in the context of governmental policies and relationships among government agencies, ethnic peoples, private developers, and visitors. Insights have been provided into the roles governments play in tourism development, especially the results of intervention. This is couched in the contexts of cultural identity, authenticity, and modernization. Government, in a top-down system such as China’s has multiple roles: developer, marketer, arbiter, and protector of the public interest. Significantly, these roles may be in conflict within the same level of government and between levels. Four tensions are pervasive in ethnic tourism (Swain 1989; Xie 2003): (1) state regulation versus ethnic autonomy, (2) cultural exoticism versus modernity, (3) economic development versus cultural preservation, and (4) authenticity versus cultural commoditization. They were used in this study to analyze the impacts of government actions, particularly on host-guest experiences, as well as reasons why minority status and autonomy may either improve or deteriorate over time. This analytical framework could be extended in future studies by looking at other stakeholders such as the business community, ethnic people, and various market segments. Table 1 summarizes key findings. Significantly, different levels of governments all promote ethnic tourism and have ethnic policies shaped by the central government. The definition and recognition of an ethnic group is a matter of law in China. These governments plan tourism development, regulate the market, and arbitrate relations among producers, marketers, and consumers. State policies are vigorously enforced by regional/local governments which hold a positive attitude towards tourism and play a critical role in promoting and developing ethnic tourism because of the economic importance of the sector. Most tourism development projects follow conventional paths in which mass tourism dominates. The effects of ethnic cultural commoditization receive little attention. Minority people have limited control over resources and development, and tensions rise when governments seek to transform their culture into marketable products. The government encourages both development and preservation of cultural diversity, which are supposed to reinforce one another. However, the interests of investors and business managers often conflict with the goal of preservation. Officials need to develop more effective policies and plans in order to mitigate problems and reinforce the benefits of development. In particular, attention is needed on the issues of ethnic control of cultural resources, cultural preservation, and public participation in decisionmaking processes. Minorities are not in a good position to compete with experienced Han developers who are better educated and funded, and have easier access to planning and business intelligence. Training of minorities merely focuses on how to behave around tourists, and does not assist them in becoming economically self-reliant. Education is needed to help minority people learn development, marketing, and

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Table 1. Government Perspectives on Four Tensions in Ethnic Tourism National Government

Regional/Local Governments

State regulation versus ethnic autonomy

The state is the main authority in validating ethnic group legal rights and political status, and in developing tourism.

Governments encourage involvement of minority people in tourism, but also manage the tourism market and limit ethnic autonomy.

Cultural exoticism versus modernity

Both modernization and the maintenance of cultural distinctiveness are encouraged.

Achieving modernization through economic development has become a key objective.

Economic development Tourism development is Governments face a dilemma versus cultural supported to alleviate poverty between economic preservation and improve local livelihoods. development and cultural The preservation of cultural preservation as development diversity is also encouraged in brings dramatic change to nation-building. traditional culture and lifestyles of ethnic minorities. Authenticity versus cultural commoditization

The state not only supports Governments are actively commoditization of minority involved in commoditization culture but also engages in of ethnic culture by selecting and sifting aspects of designating many living ethnic culture to produce minority villages as tourist ‘‘authentic’’ cultural images sites to showcase ‘‘authentic’’ for tourist consumption. culture and lifestyles of minorities.

planning skills so they can grasp opportunities, cope with the changes involved in the emergence of a market economy, and ensure continuity of ethnic traditions. The government also needs to help ethnic businesses develop alliances with other producers to produce diverse and high quality ethnic souvenirs and cultural products. As more minority people benefit from tourism, they will develop the self-confidence and commitment required to safeguard their cultural identity and distinctiveness. More equitable access to the benefits of tourism should be a priority in government economic and development plans. Ethnic village tourism has much potential, but it must be carefully planned, developed, and managed to ensure traditional cultural patterns are not unduly disrupted, and minority people must have access to a fair share of the benefits of development. The development of tourist villages should respect local natural and cultural values. The role of the government should shift from the tight control of ethnic ‘‘autonomy’’ to more flexible policies. For instance, minorities should be allowed to develop their own cultural products. Communities should be helped to develop community-based and villager-controlled businesses through preferential policies and tax incentives. Village tourism projects may also need governmental seed money. The

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government should promote a greater degree of ethnic participation in planning and the management of ethnic attractions and products. For example, public participation models that have worked elsewhere could be identified and adapted to establish a framework for public input and to help to create true reciprocal business relationships between minorities and developers. It is risky to use ethnicity as the sole perspective to view power dynamics within ethnic regions, or the power relations between the state and ethnic people. Other factors such as status, personal networks, loyalty, family history, and life experiences, could play more decisive roles than ethnicity in determining who controls local resources, what kind of policies are made, and for what purposes. Although with a top-down structure, the state itself is not homogeneous and government perspectives and involvement are complex and sometimes divergent among administrative levels and from place to place. One of the conundrums of many forms of tourism can be seen in Xishuangbanna: the initial growth of tourism occurs because of the exotic nature of people and wild places. These are then presented as goods and services to meet perceived market demands. Success increases social mobility in the destination, leads to economic improvements, modifies the landscape and culture and, in doing so, makes common what had once been uncommon. An expanding tourist market attracts opportunistic migrants that compete in the marketplace with local people and can transform the loci of power in the local tourist industry. While the political structure of China and the varied roles of the state with ethnic minorities are context-specific, the case itself has broader applications to scholars exploring the meaning, experiences, and social impacts of tourism involving consumption of the unique, rare, and exotic. Government policies, plans, and agendas, whether at the national or local level, are typically focused on expansion and their definition of success is based on ever-larger numbers of visitors and profits. However, it is difficult to decide at what point matters of scale transform or destroy that which originally sparked tourist interest in the first place, particularly as different stakeholders will likely have divergent opinions on this. This remains an area for further research.

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