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European cities, planning systems and property markets
Book reviews by Saatchi and Saatchi showed that only 6% of those interviewed from social groups ABC1 resident in London and the south-east would be happy to live and work in Birmingham (Law, 1993, p 106). This was much the worst result of the four British cities considered - the others were Glasgow, Bristol and Edinburgh. Nearly half (45%) thought the city was rough and depressing (compared to 40% thinking the same of Glasgow, 9% of Bristol and 3% of Edinburgh). Only 12% wanted to visit the city, compared with 36% Glasgow, 32% Bristol and 67% Edinburgh. So far as Birmingham was concerned, these damning figures supported what most people know intuitively - it is a city held in extremely low esteem by most British citizens. Its reputation as a crude, shabby and souless impersonation of a high-rise US city has proved very difficult to shake. Keith Waterhouse's recent acidly nostalgic observation (1995, p 181) that the real Birmingham was pulled down and another city of the same name put up in its place sums up much of what we think about Britain's second city. Gordon Cherry's new book about Birmingham does not duck this negative image, though he does not allow it to dominate his account. His main purpose is a dispassionate overview of the city's evolution, focusing particularly on the interplay between geography, history and conscious public policies. The book initially unfolds chronologically, tracing the growth of an industrial city, the late 19th-century moves to ameliorate its condition and the wider changes of the first half of the 20th century. Thereafter the approach is more thematic, focusing on the changing post-1950 economy, housing, planning and the city centre. To anyone acquainted with the wealth of existing writing on Birmingham, not least the great historical trilogy authored respectively by Conrad Gill, Asa Briggs and Anthony Sutcliffe and Roger Smith, the basic story is familiar enough. The original industrial city was built up on the economic unit of the small workshop, spatially interspersed with a distinctive pattern of relatively good quality back-to-back court housing. This was followed by
the emergence of the bigger suburban factories during the later 19th century and greatly improved byelaw terraced 'tunnel-back' housing. This trend to environmental regulation was symptomatic of a hugely important transformation of urban government by the new nonconformist economic elite, bequeathing a sense of progressive municipal administration that remained dominant through to the 1930s. Meanwhile the economy continued to strengthen, based increasingly on one of the classic new industries of the interwar years, motor vehicles. After 1945 the strong sense of vigorous change persisted, but the municipal touch now appeared less sure, the impacts more difficult to grant unqualified praise. Gordon Cherry's principal achievement is to render his diverse material into a succinct, attractive and highly readable single volume. The book is well presented with clear and useful maps and evocative contemporary photographs. More than any previous writing on the city we end up with a vivid picture of how, and why, the face of Birmingham has changed. The interplay between underlying process and visible pattern of change is deftly handled. The late Jim Dyos's criticism of Briggs's history--that it painted a superb picture of Birmingham as a political entity but gave precious little sense of how, physically, it came to look the way it d i d - - h a s no validity for the present work. The book's other main distinctive feature is that it gives a fresh perspective on the city, very much from a 1990's vantage point. Cherry is able to see the late 1970s and 1980s as a clear turning point in both local economy and urban policies, in a way that Sutcliffe and Smith for example, writing in the late 1960s, simply could not. Those already familiar with the city and its history will find these later reflections the most compelling parts of the book. They take us back, of course, to Birmingham's negative image, with which this review began. Though cautiously optimistic about the policies pursued over the last few years, Cherry recognizes there is still far to go. The blurb on the inside front cover refers to Birmingham baldly as
'an important world city', though the author's final words in the text are more guarded, implying that it may be able to aspire to such a role. In many ways the Birmingham of today is a former world city, important within a world system dominated by the British Empire that the city's most important political son, Joseph Chamberlain, held so dear. That role, always difficult for a purely industrial (as opposed to a financial or mercantile) city to hold on to, is now gone. I cannot share even the cautious optimism of Gordon Cherry that Birmingham has any realistic hope of regaining such a position. But this is no good reason not to read this excellent book.
References Law, C M (1993) Urban Tourism:
Attracting Visitors to Large Cities Mansell, London Waterhouse, K (1995) City Lights: A Street Life Sceptre, London
Stephen V Ward School of Planning Oxford Brookes University Oxford 0)(30BP, UK
European Cities, Planning Systems and Property Markets J Berry and S McGreal
E & FN Spon London (1994) 417 pp. £39.50 (hardback) This is a very ambitious book, and the editors are to be congratulated on assembling such a comprehensive and wide ranging set of studies. It is perhaps inevitable that there are some inconsistencies and weak points, but nevertheless this book will be a valuable teaching resource and as well as a foundation for further research on the interface between planning systems and property markets. The subject matter is of infinite complexity, especially when we consider the range of European cities and countries represented here, on which there is much scope for further research. This is therefore in essence an unsophisticated book, comparable to those published about European planning system 10 to 12 years ago.
219
Book reviews The editors set the scene in the introductory chapter with a quick tour d'horizon of the literature on planning and property markets, leading to a statement of the themes and organization of this book. The central concept of the book is an account, for each of 17 major European cities, of the operations of the planning systems in relation to the functioning of the property market. The selection of cities is confined to those which are either national capitals or which have some claim to quasicapital status in relation either to function, history or devolution. The choice of cities no doubt reflects the distribution of people known to the editors as suitable contributors. This is quite understandable, and legitimate if a book such as this is ever to be completed, but there are some significant gaps, reflecting a rather conventional and UK-centric view of Europe, which can also be detected elsewhere. Some of the missing cities are important from the point of view of the rationale and concept. For example, Frankfurt rather than Paris is in my view London's main rival in respect of the key function noted here: London's membership of the world financial premier league. It is also of great interest as a city where German and Anglo-American attitudes to property development are in competition with each other. Vienna, a city which has lost an empire and is finding a role on the EU-Visegrad border, would also have been an interesting case. The classification of cities covered also reveals conventional thinking: Amsterdam, Brussels, Diisseldorf, London and Paris are grouped as the European core cities; Copenhagen, Dublin, Edinburgh, Helsinki and Stockholm are the peripheral cities, Dublin being described as the most peripheral of EU capitals, which must be good news for Helsinki and Athens. The third group is the southern group: Athens, Barcelona and Rome, representing not so much lessdeveloped Europe as divergent trajectories. It would have been interesting to have Milan included here. The final group is drawn from the former communist countries of Central Europe (emphatically not Eastern
220
Europe as the editors claim, revealing their UK-centricity again): Berlin, Budapest, Prague and Warsaw. I could conjecture that an equivalent book written in 10 years time would classify Berlin, Copenhagen and Prague, with Frankfurt, as the European core. It is difficult within the scope of this review to comment in detail on the individual chapters, although some indication of the mixture to be found in their treatment may be helpful. All city chapters are written by academics, some in partnership with local planning practitioners. Some of the authors are native to the city they are writing about, bringing the insight that offers. Others are British based, tending to implicit comparison. This mixture brings a mixture of perspective: som~ more explicitly comparative than others, some offering the insights that involvement in the city as resident or professional practitioner can bring, some feeling the need for a general review of national planning history before they begin. The editors have done a good job in ironing out many of the inconsistencies that can arise from the differences of perspective between native and non-native authors, and also in achieving a consistent standard of English. Some anomalies remain, however. For example, both the Berlin and Dfisseldorf chapters provide relatively detailed accounts of the German planning system, which is available in other books whereas very little space is given to the Brussels or Athens planning system although not much is available elsewhere about either. The extent of existing literature about planning systems and property development varies greatly, whether or not one has access to other languages. Nevertheless, the quality and extent of referencing to other sources of further reading is itself a variable on which the editors may have asserted more influence. The French chapter is a case where the further reading element is grossly inadequate, whereas the Warsaw chapter has an enormous bibliography. The inclusion of such major central European cities as Budapest, Prague and Warsaw is most welcome, as the
availability of up to date overviews elsewhere is limited, and many readers want to try to keep up with their rapidly evolving situation. All these three are very thorough, although the insight of the native is on offer only in the case of Prague. Many property professionals working for firms with European practices may expect to spend some time in Brussels, and many students take a stage there. New planning legislation is being developed by each of the three Belgian federal states, so the problem of keeping up is in some ways as difficult as it is in the former communist cities. Belgium has attracted surprisingly little academic interest, nevertheless, and the lack of any reflective and research based reading on planning is a noticeable gap in the literature. Thus the Brussels chapter, rather limited though it is in meeting this need, is in some ways more valuable than the Amsterdam chapter, excellent though the latter is. The greatest disappointment came in the final chapter, which really does not do justice to the subject or the intentions of the editors. Particularly disappointing was the section on the European dimension, surely a key feature of a book such as this. The dismissive attitude that 'the European Union has no clear view on Europe's terra firma' (p 397) is simply not justified. It is not the case that the European Commission has ignored land and land-use planning. It is mentioned in the Treaty of European Union (Article 130s), and there have over the years been many proposals to use land-use regulation to achieve environmental and other policy objectives. These are not always adopted or successful, but environmental assessment is in place. The concept of planning and property systems as non-tariff barriers within the context of the Single European Market is not analysed; there is no reference to published studies such as EUROPE 2000 or apparent awareness of EUROPE 2000+ or of the
Compendium of Spatial Planning Systems and Policies which is currently under preparation on behalf of the Commission. These studies would not be undertaken without the expecta-
Book reviews tion of further intervention by the EU in planning and property systems. It is also the case that leading firms of property professionals are very highly europeanized; but the concept of a European property profession, promoted by the RICS and the European Association of Chartered Surveyors, is not mentioned. The index does not help a reader seeking a European view, as there is no entry for the EU, the Commission or any other keyword that may help for this or for use of the book for comparative analysis. This book represents a major step forward in providing foundations on which the comparative analysis of planning and property systems in Europe can begin. Given the considerable extent to which the property profession is already Europeanized, and the recognition of non-tariff barriers still remaining after the Single Market programme, it is unfortunate that the pan-European dimension was not better recognized in the introductory and final chapters. However, this book will be very valuable for teaching and for the many professionals who do need to learn about new cities and countries. Its greatest use is likely to be the individual chapters, for those who wish to gain an understanding of the cities in question. Authors may expect that organizers of study visits will be knocking on their doors.
Richard H Williams Centre .for Research in European Urban Environments, Department of Town and Country Planning University of Newcastle upon Tyne, Newcastle Upon Tyne NE1 7RU, UK
Reconstituting Rurality: Class, Community and Power in the Development Process Jonathan Murdoch and Terry Marsden
UCL Press London (1994) 256 pp £40.00 (hardback) Rural areas are experiencing a period of severe social, economic and environmental change. This involves a
complex process of restructuring: the declining priority given to agricultural production and the growth of nonagricultural activities; the increasing significance attached to the consumption of the rural environment as a residential location and as space for recreation and leisure. The changes imply a redefinition of rurality itself. Murdoch and Marsden investigate such processes through a detailed locality study of the district of the Vale of Aylesbury in Buckinghamshire, a relatively prosperous county in southern central England some fifty miles north of London. This book is the second of a series; the first (Marsden et al, 1993) established the broader, historical context of the restructuring of rural areas in Britain. The work derives from a major study of rural change funded by the Economic and Social Research Council. The changes are studied from a sociological perspective within the context of class formation. The central argument is that rural space is being increasingly occupied and shaped by 'middle class' interests. Rurality 'can be seen as an outcome of processes of class formation as individuals and collectivities [middle class groups (p xii)]. attempt to mould rural space into forms which reflect and perpetuate class identity and difference' (p 15). However, there appears to be some ambiguity in the analysis as to the direction of the causal relationships; whether the class determines the nature of rurality or whether the rurality determines the nature of the class. At the same time, 'middle class' is defined here specifically in the context of rural areas and as 'an outcome of collective action' (italics in original, p 8). It would seem sufficient to argue that social groups with certain income and employment characteristics are moving into the area and participating in local decision making processes in order to promote their own interests. It is not really clear to this reader that the emphasis on definitions of class adds greatly to the clarity of the story. The processes are investigated through case studies linked to the land development process. After placing the area in a regional context (the domination of the service industries,
economic buoyancy and an enhanced middle class presence), the book describes a series of case studies in relation to a number of selected issues. The first of these concerns the policy framework for and process of housing land development. The authors argue that the provision of rural housing has been socially selective, allowing for the increased middle class dominance by excluding those unable to compete in the housing market; this results from a 'process of calculation where certain assumptions are made about the workings of the housing market and others are made about the types of "consumers" this market should cater for' (p 63). The process is illustrated by three housing case studies; of new development, barn conversions and development undertaken by the Oxford Diocesan Board. The first two illustrate the movement of middle class into certain areas, the third proposal was withdrawn in the face of local opposition. The second case study area considers development within three contrasting rural settlements, using in-depth interviews to establish social profiles of the villages. The studies emphasize the differences between the villages. There is not one 'culture' associated with the middle class and the villages 'offer contrasting ruralities'. The nature of the changes go beyond the development process itself, but the authors argue that: the housing development process delivers particular types of housing and thus particular social formations. Once these come into being they ensure that only certain sorts of housing get built . . . Thus, the process becomes cumulative. The planning system structures these processes and provides resources for those actively seeking to mould these processes in particular ways. [p 124] The next chapter concentrates on agriculture, in particular on responses to the 'crisis of agriculture' on individual farms. Businesses are modified in various responses to external and internal pressures with farmers adopting different strategies. Land is used flexibly both in terms of acquisitions and disposal and within and outside of agriculture. Diversification is an important aspect: 54% of farm households in Buckinghamshire were en-
221
the emergence of the bigger suburban factories during the later 19th century and greatly improved byelaw terraced 'tunnel-back' housing. This trend to environmental regulation was symptomatic of a hugely important transformation of urban government by the new nonconformist economic elite, bequeathing a sense of progressive municipal administration that remained dominant through to the 1930s. Meanwhile the economy continued to strengthen, based increasingly on one of the classic new industries of the interwar years, motor vehicles. After 1945 the strong sense of vigorous change persisted, but the municipal touch now appeared less sure, the impacts more difficult to grant unqualified praise. Gordon Cherry's principal achievement is to render his diverse material into a succinct, attractive and highly readable single volume. The book is well presented with clear and useful maps and evocative contemporary photographs. More than any previous writing on the city we end up with a vivid picture of how, and why, the face of Birmingham has changed. The interplay between underlying process and visible pattern of change is deftly handled. The late Jim Dyos's criticism of Briggs's history--that it painted a superb picture of Birmingham as a political entity but gave precious little sense of how, physically, it came to look the way it d i d - - h a s no validity for the present work. The book's other main distinctive feature is that it gives a fresh perspective on the city, very much from a 1990's vantage point. Cherry is able to see the late 1970s and 1980s as a clear turning point in both local economy and urban policies, in a way that Sutcliffe and Smith for example, writing in the late 1960s, simply could not. Those already familiar with the city and its history will find these later reflections the most compelling parts of the book. They take us back, of course, to Birmingham's negative image, with which this review began. Though cautiously optimistic about the policies pursued over the last few years, Cherry recognizes there is still far to go. The blurb on the inside front cover refers to Birmingham baldly as
'an important world city', though the author's final words in the text are more guarded, implying that it may be able to aspire to such a role. In many ways the Birmingham of today is a former world city, important within a world system dominated by the British Empire that the city's most important political son, Joseph Chamberlain, held so dear. That role, always difficult for a purely industrial (as opposed to a financial or mercantile) city to hold on to, is now gone. I cannot share even the cautious optimism of Gordon Cherry that Birmingham has any realistic hope of regaining such a position. But this is no good reason not to read this excellent book.
References Law, C M (1993) Urban Tourism:
Attracting Visitors to Large Cities Mansell, London Waterhouse, K (1995) City Lights: A Street Life Sceptre, London
Stephen V Ward School of Planning Oxford Brookes University Oxford 0)(30BP, UK
European Cities, Planning Systems and Property Markets J Berry and S McGreal
E & FN Spon London (1994) 417 pp. £39.50 (hardback) This is a very ambitious book, and the editors are to be congratulated on assembling such a comprehensive and wide ranging set of studies. It is perhaps inevitable that there are some inconsistencies and weak points, but nevertheless this book will be a valuable teaching resource and as well as a foundation for further research on the interface between planning systems and property markets. The subject matter is of infinite complexity, especially when we consider the range of European cities and countries represented here, on which there is much scope for further research. This is therefore in essence an unsophisticated book, comparable to those published about European planning system 10 to 12 years ago.
219
Book reviews The editors set the scene in the introductory chapter with a quick tour d'horizon of the literature on planning and property markets, leading to a statement of the themes and organization of this book. The central concept of the book is an account, for each of 17 major European cities, of the operations of the planning systems in relation to the functioning of the property market. The selection of cities is confined to those which are either national capitals or which have some claim to quasicapital status in relation either to function, history or devolution. The choice of cities no doubt reflects the distribution of people known to the editors as suitable contributors. This is quite understandable, and legitimate if a book such as this is ever to be completed, but there are some significant gaps, reflecting a rather conventional and UK-centric view of Europe, which can also be detected elsewhere. Some of the missing cities are important from the point of view of the rationale and concept. For example, Frankfurt rather than Paris is in my view London's main rival in respect of the key function noted here: London's membership of the world financial premier league. It is also of great interest as a city where German and Anglo-American attitudes to property development are in competition with each other. Vienna, a city which has lost an empire and is finding a role on the EU-Visegrad border, would also have been an interesting case. The classification of cities covered also reveals conventional thinking: Amsterdam, Brussels, Diisseldorf, London and Paris are grouped as the European core cities; Copenhagen, Dublin, Edinburgh, Helsinki and Stockholm are the peripheral cities, Dublin being described as the most peripheral of EU capitals, which must be good news for Helsinki and Athens. The third group is the southern group: Athens, Barcelona and Rome, representing not so much lessdeveloped Europe as divergent trajectories. It would have been interesting to have Milan included here. The final group is drawn from the former communist countries of Central Europe (emphatically not Eastern
220
Europe as the editors claim, revealing their UK-centricity again): Berlin, Budapest, Prague and Warsaw. I could conjecture that an equivalent book written in 10 years time would classify Berlin, Copenhagen and Prague, with Frankfurt, as the European core. It is difficult within the scope of this review to comment in detail on the individual chapters, although some indication of the mixture to be found in their treatment may be helpful. All city chapters are written by academics, some in partnership with local planning practitioners. Some of the authors are native to the city they are writing about, bringing the insight that offers. Others are British based, tending to implicit comparison. This mixture brings a mixture of perspective: som~ more explicitly comparative than others, some offering the insights that involvement in the city as resident or professional practitioner can bring, some feeling the need for a general review of national planning history before they begin. The editors have done a good job in ironing out many of the inconsistencies that can arise from the differences of perspective between native and non-native authors, and also in achieving a consistent standard of English. Some anomalies remain, however. For example, both the Berlin and Dfisseldorf chapters provide relatively detailed accounts of the German planning system, which is available in other books whereas very little space is given to the Brussels or Athens planning system although not much is available elsewhere about either. The extent of existing literature about planning systems and property development varies greatly, whether or not one has access to other languages. Nevertheless, the quality and extent of referencing to other sources of further reading is itself a variable on which the editors may have asserted more influence. The French chapter is a case where the further reading element is grossly inadequate, whereas the Warsaw chapter has an enormous bibliography. The inclusion of such major central European cities as Budapest, Prague and Warsaw is most welcome, as the
availability of up to date overviews elsewhere is limited, and many readers want to try to keep up with their rapidly evolving situation. All these three are very thorough, although the insight of the native is on offer only in the case of Prague. Many property professionals working for firms with European practices may expect to spend some time in Brussels, and many students take a stage there. New planning legislation is being developed by each of the three Belgian federal states, so the problem of keeping up is in some ways as difficult as it is in the former communist cities. Belgium has attracted surprisingly little academic interest, nevertheless, and the lack of any reflective and research based reading on planning is a noticeable gap in the literature. Thus the Brussels chapter, rather limited though it is in meeting this need, is in some ways more valuable than the Amsterdam chapter, excellent though the latter is. The greatest disappointment came in the final chapter, which really does not do justice to the subject or the intentions of the editors. Particularly disappointing was the section on the European dimension, surely a key feature of a book such as this. The dismissive attitude that 'the European Union has no clear view on Europe's terra firma' (p 397) is simply not justified. It is not the case that the European Commission has ignored land and land-use planning. It is mentioned in the Treaty of European Union (Article 130s), and there have over the years been many proposals to use land-use regulation to achieve environmental and other policy objectives. These are not always adopted or successful, but environmental assessment is in place. The concept of planning and property systems as non-tariff barriers within the context of the Single European Market is not analysed; there is no reference to published studies such as EUROPE 2000 or apparent awareness of EUROPE 2000+ or of the
Compendium of Spatial Planning Systems and Policies which is currently under preparation on behalf of the Commission. These studies would not be undertaken without the expecta-
Book reviews tion of further intervention by the EU in planning and property systems. It is also the case that leading firms of property professionals are very highly europeanized; but the concept of a European property profession, promoted by the RICS and the European Association of Chartered Surveyors, is not mentioned. The index does not help a reader seeking a European view, as there is no entry for the EU, the Commission or any other keyword that may help for this or for use of the book for comparative analysis. This book represents a major step forward in providing foundations on which the comparative analysis of planning and property systems in Europe can begin. Given the considerable extent to which the property profession is already Europeanized, and the recognition of non-tariff barriers still remaining after the Single Market programme, it is unfortunate that the pan-European dimension was not better recognized in the introductory and final chapters. However, this book will be very valuable for teaching and for the many professionals who do need to learn about new cities and countries. Its greatest use is likely to be the individual chapters, for those who wish to gain an understanding of the cities in question. Authors may expect that organizers of study visits will be knocking on their doors.
Richard H Williams Centre .for Research in European Urban Environments, Department of Town and Country Planning University of Newcastle upon Tyne, Newcastle Upon Tyne NE1 7RU, UK
Reconstituting Rurality: Class, Community and Power in the Development Process Jonathan Murdoch and Terry Marsden
UCL Press London (1994) 256 pp £40.00 (hardback) Rural areas are experiencing a period of severe social, economic and environmental change. This involves a
complex process of restructuring: the declining priority given to agricultural production and the growth of nonagricultural activities; the increasing significance attached to the consumption of the rural environment as a residential location and as space for recreation and leisure. The changes imply a redefinition of rurality itself. Murdoch and Marsden investigate such processes through a detailed locality study of the district of the Vale of Aylesbury in Buckinghamshire, a relatively prosperous county in southern central England some fifty miles north of London. This book is the second of a series; the first (Marsden et al, 1993) established the broader, historical context of the restructuring of rural areas in Britain. The work derives from a major study of rural change funded by the Economic and Social Research Council. The changes are studied from a sociological perspective within the context of class formation. The central argument is that rural space is being increasingly occupied and shaped by 'middle class' interests. Rurality 'can be seen as an outcome of processes of class formation as individuals and collectivities [middle class groups (p xii)]. attempt to mould rural space into forms which reflect and perpetuate class identity and difference' (p 15). However, there appears to be some ambiguity in the analysis as to the direction of the causal relationships; whether the class determines the nature of rurality or whether the rurality determines the nature of the class. At the same time, 'middle class' is defined here specifically in the context of rural areas and as 'an outcome of collective action' (italics in original, p 8). It would seem sufficient to argue that social groups with certain income and employment characteristics are moving into the area and participating in local decision making processes in order to promote their own interests. It is not really clear to this reader that the emphasis on definitions of class adds greatly to the clarity of the story. The processes are investigated through case studies linked to the land development process. After placing the area in a regional context (the domination of the service industries,
economic buoyancy and an enhanced middle class presence), the book describes a series of case studies in relation to a number of selected issues. The first of these concerns the policy framework for and process of housing land development. The authors argue that the provision of rural housing has been socially selective, allowing for the increased middle class dominance by excluding those unable to compete in the housing market; this results from a 'process of calculation where certain assumptions are made about the workings of the housing market and others are made about the types of "consumers" this market should cater for' (p 63). The process is illustrated by three housing case studies; of new development, barn conversions and development undertaken by the Oxford Diocesan Board. The first two illustrate the movement of middle class into certain areas, the third proposal was withdrawn in the face of local opposition. The second case study area considers development within three contrasting rural settlements, using in-depth interviews to establish social profiles of the villages. The studies emphasize the differences between the villages. There is not one 'culture' associated with the middle class and the villages 'offer contrasting ruralities'. The nature of the changes go beyond the development process itself, but the authors argue that: the housing development process delivers particular types of housing and thus particular social formations. Once these come into being they ensure that only certain sorts of housing get built . . . Thus, the process becomes cumulative. The planning system structures these processes and provides resources for those actively seeking to mould these processes in particular ways. [p 124] The next chapter concentrates on agriculture, in particular on responses to the 'crisis of agriculture' on individual farms. Businesses are modified in various responses to external and internal pressures with farmers adopting different strategies. Land is used flexibly both in terms of acquisitions and disposal and within and outside of agriculture. Diversification is an important aspect: 54% of farm households in Buckinghamshire were en-
221