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Fishery policy and job satisfaction in three southeast Asian fisheries
Ocean & Coastal Management 44 (2001) 531–544
Fishery policy and job satisfaction in three southeast Asian fisheries Richard B. Pollnaca,*, Robert S. Pomeroyb, Ingvild H.T. Harkesc a
Coastal Resources Center and the Departments of Anthropology and Marine Affairs, University of Rhode Island, Kingston, RI 02881, USA b World Resources Institute, 10 G Street NE, Washington, DC 20002, USA c Institute for Fisheries Management and Coastal Community Development (IFM), North Sea Centre, Willemoesvej 2, PO Box 104, DK-9850 Hirtshals, Denmark
Abstract Reduction of fishing effort by providing alternative employment for fishers is a frequently mentioned policy option. This option is based on assumptions that fishing is a dirty, hard, undesirable occupation, hence employment of last resort and that fishers are amongst the poorest of the poor; and that the poor care little about the type of job they have as long as they make enough to live. This paper first examines the quality of evidence supporting these assertions. It then analyses primary data concerning aspects of job satisfaction among smallscale fishers in the Philippines, Indonesia and Vietnam. The analyses indicate that most fishers would not leave fishing for an alternative occupation, citing income as well as non-income factors for resisting the change. This leads to the conclusion that the above assumptions are not consistent with either the literature or the current analysis. Hence, fishery policy based on these assumptions or the uninformed sponsorship of alternative employment is likely to fail. r 2001 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.
1. Introduction The purpose of this paper is to examine aspects of job satisfaction among fishers in three Southeast Asian fisheries as a means of providing information to help explain some of the failures in fishery management in the region. The relationships between job satisfaction and current attempts at fishery management are explored along with
*Corresponding author. E-mail address: rpo4903u@postoffice.uri.edu (R.B. Pollnac). 0964-5691/01/$ - see front matter r 2001 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved. PII: S 0 9 6 4 - 5 6 9 1 ( 0 1 ) 0 0 0 6 4 - 3
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suggestions for changes in fishery policy thinking, which would take into account this important aspect of the occupation of fishing. A common socioeconomic response to the problem of over fishing is the attempt to provide alternative employment for existing fishers, with the expectation that they will willingly and happily settle into a new way of making a living. A recent example of this approach is found in one of the largest fisheries projects in the Philippines, the Fisheries Sector Program, which began in 1990. This project has as one of its strategies the provision of alternative livelihoods for fishers and their families, including aquaculture, livestock and agriculture projects, and small- to medium-scale industries [1]. Likewise, a current USAID funded coastal resource management project in the Philippines has as one of its strategies development of incentive programs to stimulate new business based on tourism, mariculture, agri-industry, and manufacturing as alternatives to traditional coastal resource uses such as capture fisheries [2]. Even more recently, an Asian Development Bank report advocates income diversification, especially promotion of microenterprises (e.g., handicrafts, sewing, small village shops, swine and poultry raising, etc.) and mariculture development as a means of reducing fisher reliance on fishing in the short term and ultimately the exit of marginal fishers from the occupation [3]. The assumption that fishers will readily shift to alternative occupations is based on several untested assumptions made by fishery researchers and policy makers in developing countries: (1) that fishing is employment of last resort; (2) that fishers are amongst the poorest of the poor; (3) that fishing is a dirty, hard, undesirable occupation; and (4) that poor people care little about the type of job they have as long as they make enough to live. For example, Pauly et al. [4, p. 325] suggest that the solution to overfishing ‘‘ymust occur through the diversion, or preferably through the attraction, of substantial numbers of fisherfolk to non-fishing activities’’. They indicate that while some of this diversion could be into fishery-related activities (e.g., mariculture) most would be outside fishing, most likely labor-intensive trade and manufacturing jobs. They, like many others [5], write that fishing is often the employment of last resort among the increasing number of landless farmers and that fishers in developing countries have long been classified as being among the poorest of the poor. These beliefs demand closer scrutiny than they have thus far received. Although it is claimed that fishers in developing countries are among the poorest of the poor, quantitative evidence supporting this claim is difficult to find. Among the few quantitative studies comparing fishers’ well being with other occupational subgroups, we find a survey conducted in various regions of the Philippines in 1979. This survey reports that annual incomes of fisher households, although lower than coconut farmers and the national average was higher than that for rice farming households [6]. Another survey of per-capita income conducted in Vietnam indicates that the average annual income is higher in fisheries (including aquaculture) than in non-fisheries households in all surveyed districts [7,8]. Further, the Vietnam General Statistic Department developed a standard wealth ranking in 1994 that was applied to various occupation categories in the Vietnamese villages included in the current
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study. In five of the villages where comparative data was available across capture fishing, aquaculture, farming, and other occupations (fish processing, government work, mechanic, commerce, small business, and handicrafts), a higher percentage of fishers were classified as ‘‘poor’’ in only one. In four of the five villages, families classified into the ‘‘other’’ category manifested the highest percentage of ‘‘poor’’ [9]. Finally, Crawford et al. [10], comparing 495 coastal and inland villages in Minahasa Regency, North Sulawesi, Indonesia, report that although a larger proportion of coastal villages are classified as less developed on the basis of a Government of Indonesia classification, the classification is not related to percent of fishers in the community, but appears to be related to degree of geographic isolation. Further, over one-half of the coastal communities are not categorized as less developed, indicating a considerable degree of developmental diversity. The same study [10] reports similar findings for South Sumatra, where coastal communities with high percentages of fishers tend to have higher incomes than coastal communities with a high percentage of farmers. This evidence is clearly not consistent with the belief that fishers are among the poorest of the poor. With respect to the desirability of fishing as an occupation, McGoodwin [5] in a review of the literature, notes that fishers tenaciously adhere to their occupation even as catches and incomes fall. He notes that this persistence often puzzles fisheries managers and economists who do not understand the non-economic satisfactions derived from the occupation. Research on job satisfaction among fishers in industrialized countries has indicated that fishers, in general, derive many types of satisfaction from their occupation and resist changes that would reduce these satisfactions [11–13]. Given the similarity of many aspects of the occupation in both industrialized and developing economies, there is no reason to expect major differences in job satisfaction between the two. Furthermore, research on job satisfaction in industrialized countries has demonstrated its significant impact on health (both physical and psychological), social well-being, and productivity [13]; hence, assumptions concerning the relative ease of shifting fishers to alternative occupations need to be reexamined. For example, the US Government recently established a vessel buyback program to reduce fishing effort off the Northeast Coast. Despite the numerous alternative employment opportunities offered by the booming US economy in 2000, a General Accounting Office survey indicates that 30 percent of the fishers used the money to buy new boats, and only four percent left the industry [14]. With respect to Southeast Asian fisheries, a study funded by the Asian Fisheries Social Science Research Network examined five alternative livelihood projects in Iloilo Province of the Philippines. This study found that although initial interest in these projects is usually high, many participants lose interest and drop out after a short period of time [15]. Finally, a recent study [16] conducted in 31 coastal communities in various Pacific Island countries found that attempts to reduce harvesting pressure on coastal resources with the use of alternative income producing programs have not been successfulFthe fishers continued to fish the resources. Following sections of this paper examine aspects of job satisfaction among fishers in 23 communities in the Philippines, Indonesia and Vietnam.
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2. Methods 2.1. Variables Methods of assessing job satisfaction among fishers varied slightly in the three countries. In all three countries, fishers were asked if they would change occupations if an alternative were available. In the Philippines and Indonesia, fishers were asked if they would still become a fisher if they had their life to live over and why. Indonesian fishers were asked what kind of job they would like for their children. Variables found to be associated with job satisfaction [11–13] and resistance to leaving fishing [17,18] among fishers in other research, such as age, education, number of years in the occupation, location, and income from fishing were measured with direct questions. 2.2. Sample All samples were randomly drawn from households identified as participating in the fishery. In the Philippines 314 fishers from 9 villages in Cebu, Negros Oriental and Palawan were interviewed; in Vietnam 216 from 8 villages distributed along the coast; and in Indonesia, 172 from 6 villages in the Maluku Islands were interviewed. Additional information concerning the communities can be found in a series of reports published by the International Center for Living Aquatic Resources Management [9,19,20].
3. Analysis 3.1. Philippines Most fishers (95 percent) in the Philippine sample say they would go into fishing again if they had their life to live over. This response ranges from a low of 88 percent in one community to a high of 100 percent in three of the nine villages (Table 1). When asked if they would change their occupation if an alternative with the same or better pay were available, only 16 percent say yes. Responses by village ranged from a low of 6 to a high of 44 percent (Table 1). As can be seen in Table 1, the village (Calagcalag) with 44 percent who would change occupation stands out from the others, which range from 6 to 20 percent. The difference between Calagcalag and the other villages is statistically significant (Chi Square=23.54, phi=0.27, df=1, po0:01). The distribution of responses to this question clearly indicates that there is variability within as well as between the villages. The next question to be answered is what factors influence the different responses. Table 2 presents the correlations (phi) between a number of potential predictor variables and responses to the two questions.
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Table 1 Percent distribution of responses to questions concerning whether Philippine fishers would still become fisher and if they would leave fishing Village
Still become fisher No
Yes
Calagcalag Tiguib Macarascas Buenavista Manalo Zaragosa Malhiao Palanas Santa Cruz
11.76 3.13 10.00 10.00 0.00 6.25 9.38 0.00 0.00
88.24 96.88 90.00 90.00 100.00 93.75 90.63 100.00 100.00
Total N
5.10 16
94.90 298
Leave occupation No
Yes
Total
N
55.88 90.63 83.33 80.00 94.44 90.63 84.38 86.49 87.88
44.12 9.38 16.67 20.00 5.56 9.38 15.63 13.51 12.12
100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00
34 32 30 30 54 32 32 37 33
84.39 265
15.61 49
100.00 314
Table 2 Correlations (phi) between selected independent variables and responses to job satisfaction questions in the Philippinesa Variable
Still become fisher
Leave fishing
Age Years fishing Education Fishing >1/2 income Coastal >1/2 income
0.04 0.03 0.07 0.14* 0.16**
0.08 0.08 0.03 0.14* 0.13*
a
Notes: N ¼ 314; **=po0:01; *=po0:05:
Variables in Table 2 are all dichotomous. Age, years fishing, and education were dichotomized at the sample means (44.9, 20, and 6.4, respectively). The only variables in Table 2 statistically significantly correlated with the responses to the job satisfaction questions are those related to the relative importance of fishing or coastal related occupations (fishing, fish trading, nipa shingle crafting). Those for whom fishing and/or coastal related occupations are important are more likely to say they would go into fishing if they had their life to live over and less likely to say they would leave fishing for another occupation. Fishers were also asked why they would still become a fisher if they had their life to live over and what they like about fishing in comparison to other jobs they could do. Their responses can be categorized into five major categories: (1) those concerning the relative ease of fishing; e.g., ‘‘easy source of food’’, ‘‘income is easily obtained’’; (2) those concerning income; e.g., ‘‘income is daily’’, ‘‘better income in fishing’’; (3) those involving the practice as a source of food; e.g., ‘‘no need to buy fish’’, ‘‘easy source of food’’; (4) those indicating the job having characteristics that please the respondent; e.g., ‘‘there is no boss’’, ‘‘like to observe the beauty of the
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Table 3 Percent distribution of reasons why fishers would still choose fishing as an occupation if they had their lives to live over and what fishers like about fishing in comparison to other potential occupations in the Philippinesa Question
Easy
Income
Food
Pleasure
Tradition
Why become a fisher Like about fishing
21 57
15 59
15 34
6 25
27 7
a
Row totals may be more or less than 100 percent due to the fact that not all respondents provided a reason and that more than one reason could be provided for each question.
Table 4 Correlations (phi) between selected independent variables and reasons why fishers would still choose fishing as an occupation if they had their lives to live over in the Philippinesa Variable
Age Years fishing Education Fishing >1/2 income Coastal >1/2 income a
Reasons why one would become a fisher if they had their life to live over Easy
Income
Food
Pleasure
Tradition
0.06 0.15** 0.10 0.02 0.02
0.14* 0.02 0.03 0.14* 0.14*
0.05 0.17** 0.08 0.08 0.09
0.10 0.05 0.11 0.04 0.02
0.21** 0.25** 0.08 0.06 0.06
Notes: N ¼ 298; **=po0:01; *=po0:05:
Table 5 Correlations between selected independent variables and aspects fishers like about fishing in comparison to other occupations they could hold in the Philippinesa Variable
Age Years fishing Education Fishing >1/2 income Coastal >1/2 income a
Like about fishing in comparison to other jobs Easy
Income
Food
Pleasure
Tradition
0.01 0.01 0.00 0.02 0.04
0.03 0.04 0.02 0.02 0.03
0.01 0.06 0.03 0.13* 0.16**
0.03 0.11 0.05 0.05 0.04
0.07 0.04 0.08 0.04 0.06
Notes: N ¼ 314; **=po0:01; *=po0:05:
sea’’; and (5) those indicating that fishing is traditional with the respondent; e.g., ‘‘I have done it all my life’’, ‘‘the only job I know’’. Percent distribution of these responses is presented in Table 3, and the correlations (phi) of potential predictor variables and the presence or absence of these response categories are presented in Tables 4 and 5. Sample size is reduced to 298 in Table 4 as a result of analyzing data only from those respondents who said they would still choose fishing as an occupation. Turning first to responses concerning the relative ease of fishing, we find that the longer they
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have been fishing, the less likely they are to use ease of fishing as a reason. Older fishers are less likely than younger to use an income related rationale, while those who obtain more than one-half their income from fishing or other coastal productive activities are more likely to use this reason. Use of food related rationales are less likely among those who have been fishing longer. Finally, those using rationales related to fishing as being traditional are older and have been fishing longer. Turning to what fishers say they like about fishing in comparison with other occupations they could hold, those who classify fishing and other coastal activities as the primary source or providing more than one-half their income are less likely to mention fishing as a source of food (Table 5). 3.2. Indonesia Most fishers (88 percent) in the sample from the Maluku Islands in Indonesia report that they would still become a fisher if they had their life to live over. Nevertheless, when asked if they would change occupations if an alternative were available, 36 percent said yes. This varies a great deal across the villages, however, from a low of 14 percent in Hutumuri to a high of 54 percent in Seri (see Table 6). The differences between the 6 villages are statistically significant (Chi Square=14.88, df=5, po0:02). Finally, when asked what kind of job respondents would like for their children, only 9 percent choose fishingFthe majority (61 percent) select a ‘‘government’’ job. There is clearly a fair amount of variability with respect to the responses to these questions. The next question to be answered is what factors influence the different responses. Table 7 presents the correlations (phi) between a number of potential predictor variables and responses to the three questions. Variables in Table 7 are dichotomous. Age and years fishing experience are dichotomized at sample means (48 and 27 years, respectively), percent income from fishing at sample median (60 percent), and education at the sample mode (elementary school graduate). The analysis indicates that those with the greater percentage of household income derived from fishing tend to respond that they would still become
Table 6 Percent distribution of responses to question concerning whether fishers would leave their occupation if an alternative were available in Indonesia Village
Yes
Noloth Haruku Tuhaha Hulaliu Serri Hutumuri
20.00 43.33 31.03 50.00 53.57 14.29
Total N
36.31 61
No
Total
N
80.00 56.67 68.97 50.00 46.43 85.71
100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00
30.00 30.00 29.00 30.00 28.00 21.00
63.69 107
100.00 168
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Table 7 Correlations (phi) between selected independent variables and responses to job satisfaction questions in Indonesiaa Variable
Still become fisher
Leave fishing
Child become fisher
Age Education Fishing income Years fishing
0.03 0.19* 0.22** 0.08
0.08 0.24** 0.01 0.07
0.02 0.07 0.06 0.00
a
Notes: N ¼ 167; **=po0:01; *=po0:05:
a fisher if they had their life to live over. Those with more than the modal level of education (more than elementary school) tend to respond ‘‘no’’ to that question and say they would leave fishing if an alternative were available. None of the independent variables are statistically significantly related to a stated desire for one’s child to become a fisher. Fishers were also asked why they would still become fishers if they had their life to live over. Their responses can be categorized into three major categories: (1) those concerning income; e.g., ‘‘income is daily’’, ‘‘better income in fishing’’; (2) those indicating that fishing is traditional with the respondent; e.g., ‘‘I have done it all my life’’, ‘‘the only job I know’’; and (3) those indicating the job having characteristics that please the respondent; e.g., ‘‘free’’, ‘‘happy at sea’’; ‘‘it’s my hobby’’. Sixty-three percent of the respondents failed to answer this question (missing data) and a few provided responses that do not fit the 3 categories, leaving a sample of only 53 for the analysis. Of this reduced sample, 38 percent, each, cited pleasurable or economic aspects of the occupation, and the remaining 24 percent cited reasons based on traditional behavior. The correlations (phi) of potential predictor variables and the presence or absence of these response categories are presented in Table 8. All variables in Table 8 are dichotomies, as discussed for Table 7. The analysis in Table 8 indicates that those with more than the modal education (i.e. those with more than an elementary education) are more likely to cite pleasurable aspects of fishing and less likely to cite tradition as a reason for being in the occupation. 3.3. Vietnam Most of the fishers in the Vietnam sample (82 percent) report that they have never thought of leaving fishing as an occupation. Three-quarters (75 percent) say that they would remain in fishing even if they had an alternative with adequate income, and only 31 percent say they would leave fishing if they could achieve a higher income and standard of living by switching to another job in another community. In contrast, 43 percent say that they would counsel their child to leave the community if a better income outside of fishing were available elsewhere, 29 percent say ‘‘it depends’’ and only 28 percent would recommend that they stay in their home community.
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Table 8 Correlations (phi) between selected independent variables and reasons why fishers would still choose fishing as an occupation if they had their lives to live over in Indonesiaa Variable
Pleasure
Income
Tradition
Age Education Fishing income Years fishing
0.08 0.37** 0.21 0.03
0.00 0.11 0.10 0.11
0.10 0.29* 0.12 0.16
a
Notes: N ¼ 53; **=po0:01; *=po0:05:
Table 9 Percent distribution of responses to the questions, ‘‘have you ever thought of changing from fishing to another occupation?’’ and ‘‘Would you remain in fishing if you had an adequate supplementary income outside of fishing?’’ in Vietnam Village
Thought of changing
Remain in fishing
Total
No
Yes
No
Yes
Hung Thang Loc Dien Quang Phuoc Phu Xuan Thach Kim Long Son Hoi Bai Bao Ninh
69.23 41.18 71.43 60.87 93.33 97.44 100.00 87.50
30.77 58.82 28.57 39.13 6.67 2.56 0.00 12.50
11.54 5.88 0.00 30.43 41.67 15.38 0.00 32.50
88.46 94.12 100.00 69.57 58.33 84.62 100.00 67.50
100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00
Total N
81.94 177
18.06 39
25.46 55
74.54 161
100.00
N
26.00 17.00 7.00 23.00 60.00 39.00 4.00 40.00 216
Turning to specific questions, Table 9 presents percent distribution of responses to the question, ‘‘have you ever thought of changing from fishing to another occupation?’’ Table 9 indicates that except for Loc Dien the majority of fishers in each village say they have never thought of leaving the occupation of fishing. Of the 39 fishers in the sample (18 percent) who said they had thought of leaving fishing, most (79 percent of the 39) said they would like to change for a higher income, and many (54 percent of the 39) said they would like to change to aquaculture. Sixty-five percent who would like to change to aquaculture believe they would have a higher income as a result of the change. Table 9 also indicates that when confronted with the option of an adequate income outside of fishing, the percentage that would remain in fishing is reduced to 75 percent. Once again, there is a fair amount of variability, with Thach Kim manifesting the largest percentage of fishers who would leave the occupation (over two-fifths). The next question analyzed poses a more complex problem (Table 10). It unfortunately mixes two issues in one question: a possibility of increased income in
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Table 10 Percent distribution of responses to question, ‘‘If you have the opportunity to take up another occupation in another community, within this province, which promised a higher income and standard of living for your family, would you be willing to leave fishing and your present home village?’’ in Vietnam Village
No
Yes
Total
N
Hung Thang Loc Dien Quang Phuoc Phu Xuan Thach Kim Long Son Hoi Bai Bao Ninh
46.15 82.35 85.71 95.65 65.00 89.74 100.00 45.00
53.85 17.65 14.29 4.35 35.00 10.26 0.00 55.00
100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00
26.00 17.00 7.00 23.00 60.00 39.00 4.00 40.00
Total N
69.44 150
30.56 66
100.00 216
the alternate occupation as well as the need to leave one’s home village. The percent distribution of responses to this question are found in Table 10. Table 10 indicates that presented with the attraction of higher income, a slightly larger percentage of fishers (31 percent) would leave the occupation despite the requirement of moving to another village. Table 11 presents results of a question concerning recommendations one would give one’s child concerning a better opportunity outside fishing in another community. When considering alternative occupations for one’s child, fishers manifest the least commitment to fishing (Table 11). Only a bit over one-fourth the fishers would recommend, without qualification, that their child stay in their home village and become a fisher rather than move to another village for greater opportunity outside fishing. Over two-fifths (43 percent) would recommend that their child leave for the better opportunity. It is obvious that there is a fair amount of variability with respect to the responses to these questions. The next question to be answered is what factors influence the different responses. Table 12 presents the correlations (phi) between a number of potential predictor variables and responses to the four questions. Variables in Table 12 are all dichotomies. Education is dichotomized at the sample mode, which is an elementary education. Age is dichotomized at the sample mean (42 years). Future income refers to the respondent saying that he thinks that he can make an adequate living at fishing for the foreseeable future. Living standard and catch are used as indicators of income, which was not obtained in the Vietnam survey. Living standard today refers to the respondent saying that his living standard today is greater than two years in the past. Catch today refers to the respondent saying that the catch today is higher than two years ago. Table 12 indicates that there is a tendency for those who feel the catch is better today to not change from fishing or recommend that their children leave fishing for a better opportunity in another municipality. Those who feel that they can make an
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Table 11 Percent distribution of responses to question, ‘‘If your children had an opportunity to take up an occupation other than fishing in another municipality which promises a higher income and standard of living for them, would you recommend that they leave this community or stay?’’ in Vietnam Village
Stay
Leave
Depends
No child
Total
N
Hung Thang Loc Dien Quang Phuoc Phu Xuan Thach Kim Long Son Hoi Bai Bao Ninh
23.08 5.88 0.00 26.09 23.33 41.03 0.00 40.00
46.15 94.12 42.86 47.83 33.33 30.77 75.00 37.50
30.77 0.00 57.14 26.09 43.33 25.64 25.00 17.50
0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 2.56 0.00 5.00
100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00
26.00 17.00 7.00 23.00 60.00 39.00 4.00 40.00
Total N
27.31 59
42.59 92
28.70 62
1.39 3
100.00 216
Table 12 Correlations (phi) between selected independent variables and responses to job satisfaction questions in Vietnama Variable
Change if alternative
Thought about change
Leave fishing and move
Recommend child to leave
Catch today Education Age Future income Living standard today
0.30** 0.07 0.03 0.05 0.14*
0.16* 0.07 0.10 0.15* 0.12
0.16* 0.04 0.10 0.05 0.29**
0.15* 0.13 0.03 0.12 0.24**
a
Notes: N ¼ 216;**=po0:01; *=po0:05:
adequate income from fishing in the future tend to say that they have not thought about leaving fishing. Finally, those who feel that their living standard is higher today than 2 years in the past tend to say they would not leave fishing or recommend that their children leave.
4. Discussion and conclusions It is clear that in all three countries, fishers like their occupation and only a minority would change to another occupation, with similar income, if it were available. In the Philippines and the Maluku Islands of Indonesia, 9 out of 10 fishers would still become a fisher if they had their life to live over (95 and 88 percent, respectively). In Vietnam, 82 percent of fishers said they had never thought of leaving the occupation. When confronted with the possibility of an alternative, 16 percent of the Philippine, 36 percent of the Maluku, and 25 percent of the Vietnamese fishers say they would leave fishing for an available alternative. The questions were slightly
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different in each country. In the Philippines it was an alternative with equal or better pay. In Maluku, it was simply if you could change your occupation, would you. In Vietnam, fishers were asked if they would stay in fishing if they had an adequate supplementary income. Hence, the questions are not strictly comparable, but the results indicate that only a minority would consider leaving the fishery. These results clearly indicate that for the populations sampled, which are representative of many fishing populations in developing countries, there is no support for the assumption that the majority of fishers would leave fishing if an alternative were available. Although a majority of fishers report that they would not change from fishing to an alternative occupation in 19 of the 23 villages sampled, it is important to understand that there is variability. In four of the villages, a small majority or an equal amount of fishers report that they would change their occupation. This type of variability demonstrates the real danger involved in making generalizations based on information from only one or a few villages. If managers assume that the fishers in their country would be willing to shift to alternative occupations based on data from one or a few villages, they may find that the majority of villages would react differently; hence, their policy may fail. In countries where there is such variability, the best approach would be to have policy reflect the inter-community differences. Simply knowing that the majority of fishers would not leave fishing for an alternative occupation does not help the fishery manager who knows that it is essential to reduce pressure on the fishery. The next question is what are the characteristics of those who would leave so that they can be targeted in alternative occupation projects. In the Philippines, those who would still become fishers are those who gain a significant proportion of their income from coastal and/or fishery activities and those who would leave tend to obtain less of their income from these activities. In Maluku, those who would still become fishers tend to obtain a greater proportion of their income from fishing and tend to have less education. Those who would leave the fishery tend to have a higher level of education. In Vietnam, those who feel their catch has improved over the past two years and feel that their standard of living has improved want to remain in the fishery as well as advise their children to become fishers. The next important question concerns characteristics of the occupation of fishing that make it attractive. If one wishes to provide an alternative occupation that is attractive to fishers, it should, at least, have some of the same characteristics as those considered desirable in fishing. In the Philippines, the relative ease of obtaining food and income, as well as the amount of income are predominant characteristics cited by fishers as aspects they like about fishing in comparison to alternative occupations. It is significant that one-fourth of the Philippine fishers cite pleasurable aspects of the job, such as the beauty of the sea and not having a boss. Although the relative ease of fishing and income are cited as reasons why one would still become a fisher in the Philippines, reasons related to tradition (e.g., I’ve done it all my life) predominate. In Maluku, pleasurable and economic aspects predominate as the reasons for still becoming a fisher, and tradition related responses are provided by about one-fourth of the respondents. Unfortunately, we do not have comparable data on occupational characteristics from Vietnam.
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Significantly, the results presented above do not support the contention that fishers are the poorest of the poor. Fishers cite income as one of the reasons for not changing their occupation as well as a rationale for still becoming a fisher if they had their life to live over. Additionally, the fact that Philippine fishers cited the relative ease of fishing and both the Maluku and Philippine fishers cite pleasurable aspects of the occupation indicate that it is not an undesirable occupation that they would readily leave if an alternative were made available. The alternative would have to have some of these same characteristics to be acceptable. Those who wish to develop alternative occupation projects for fishers must take these factors into account. Finally, it is ironic that the unsupported, and apparently unsupportable assertion that fishers are the poorest of the poor was used as justification for many of the fishery development projects in developing countries from the 1960s through much of the 1980s [4,5]. These development projects, for the most part, focused on increasing the efficiency of fishing fleets, resulting in over fishing of much of the world’s fishery resources. This same notionFthat fishers are the poorest of the poorFnaturally lead to the current assumption (also untested) that fishers will gladly shift to another occupation if one is available as a means of taking the pressure off the heavily exploited resources. This assumption led to disaster in the first case. Let us hope it does not in the second. It will not if we accept these findings and those of other studies cited above as demonstrating that the assumption is false and act on the reality that fishers are not necessarily the poorest of the poor and that they obtain satisfaction from their job that result in resistance to changing their occupation despite reduced catches and the provision of alternative income sources.
Acknowledgements Data for this analysis were obtained from three projects supported by the ICLARM Fisheries Co-management Research Project. The three projects, listed in the reference section, are Thong et al., 1996, Novaczek et al., 2001, and Pomeroy et al., 1996. We acknowledge the staff of these projects for use of the data. Additional funding for Novaczek et al. was obtained from the International Development Research Center and for Pomeroy et al. from the US Agency for International Development.
References [1] FSP-PMO (Fisheries Sector Program-Program Management Office) Fisheries Sector Program. Quezon City: Fisheries Sector Program, Department of Agriculture, 1993. [2] PRC (PRC Environmental Management, Inc.). Coastal Resources Management Project-Philippines: Life of Project Work Plan. Cebu City: PRC Environmental Management, Inc., 1996. [3] ADB (Asian Development Bank). Report and Recommendation of the President to the Board of Directors on Proposed Loans to the Republic of the Philippines for the Fisheries Resource Management Project. Report RRP: PHI 26616. Asian Development Bank 1997.
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[4] Pauly D, Silvestre G, Smith IR. On development, fisheries and dynamite: a brief review of tropical fisheries management. Natural Resource Modeling 1989;2(3):307–29. [5] McGoodwin JR. Crisis in the world’s fisheries: people, problems, and politics. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1990. [6] Librero AR, Catalla RF, Fabro RM. Socio-economic conditions of small-scale fisheries in the Philippines. Fisheries Research Journal of the Philippines 1982;7(1):1–17. [7] IFEP (Institute for Fisheries Economics and Planning). The Master Plan Project for Fisheries to Year 2010. Hanoi: Institute for Fisheries Economics and Planning, 1996. [8] CBM (Carl Bro Management a/s). Geographical, Social, and Socio-Economic Assessment of the Fishery Industry in Vietnam. Final Report. Hanoi: Carl Bro Group a/s, 1996. [9] Ha Xuan Thong, Pham Thi Hong Van, Phung Giang Hai, Pomeroy RS. A Review of Coastal Fisheries Management Strategies and a Baseline Socio-Economic Survey of Small-Scale Fishing Households and Communities in Vietnam. Fisheries Co-management Research Project Working Paper No. 21. Manila: International Center for Living Aquatic Resources Management, 1996. [10] Crawford BR, Pollnac RB, Sondita F, Kussoy P. A comparison of level of development among coastal and non-coastal communities in North Sulawesi and South Sumatra. Indonesian Journal of Coastal and Marine Resources 1999;2(1):1–11. [11] Binkley M. Risks, Dangers and Rewards in the Nova Scotia Offshore Fishery. Montreal: McGillQueen’s University Press, 1995. [12] Gatewood JB, McCay B. Comparison of job satisfaction in six New Jersey Fisheries. Human Organization 1990;49(1):14–25. [13] Pollnac RB, Poggie Jr JJ. The structure of job satisfaction among New England fishermen and its application to fisheries management policy. American Anthropologist 1988;90(4):888–901. [14] MacDaniel (Globe Staff). Hanging on: Rules, fewer fish can’t sink love of profession. Boston Sunday Globe, November 19, 2000. [15] Baliao ED, Lizada JC, Arcala RB. Alternative Livelihood Projects for Fisherfolk in the Province of Iloilo. Final Report of a study funded by the Asian Fisheries Social Science Research Network. Miagao, Iloilo: University of the Philippines in the Visayas, 1996. [16] The World Bank. Voices from the Village: A Comparative Study of Coastal Resource Management in the Pacific Islands. Pacific Islands Discussion Paper Series No. 9. Washington D.C., The World Bank, 2000. [17] Ikiara MM, Odink JG. Fishermen resistance to exit fisheries. Marine Resource Economics 1999;14:199–213. [18] Ward JM, Sutinen JG. Vessel exit-entry behavior in the Gulf of Mexico shrimp fishery. Journal of Agricultural Economics 1994;76:916–23. [19] Pomeroy RS, Pollnac RB, Predo CD, Katon BM. Impact Evaluation of Community-Based Coastal Resource Management Projects in the Philippines. Fisheries Co-management Project. Research report No. 3. ICLARM. Manila, Philippines, 1996. [20] Novaczek I, Harkes IHT, Sopacua J, Tatuhey MDD. An institutional analysis of sasi laut in Maluku, Indonesia. ICLARM. Penang, Malaysia, 2001.
Fishery policy and job satisfaction in three southeast Asian fisheries Richard B. Pollnaca,*, Robert S. Pomeroyb, Ingvild H.T. Harkesc a
Coastal Resources Center and the Departments of Anthropology and Marine Affairs, University of Rhode Island, Kingston, RI 02881, USA b World Resources Institute, 10 G Street NE, Washington, DC 20002, USA c Institute for Fisheries Management and Coastal Community Development (IFM), North Sea Centre, Willemoesvej 2, PO Box 104, DK-9850 Hirtshals, Denmark
Abstract Reduction of fishing effort by providing alternative employment for fishers is a frequently mentioned policy option. This option is based on assumptions that fishing is a dirty, hard, undesirable occupation, hence employment of last resort and that fishers are amongst the poorest of the poor; and that the poor care little about the type of job they have as long as they make enough to live. This paper first examines the quality of evidence supporting these assertions. It then analyses primary data concerning aspects of job satisfaction among smallscale fishers in the Philippines, Indonesia and Vietnam. The analyses indicate that most fishers would not leave fishing for an alternative occupation, citing income as well as non-income factors for resisting the change. This leads to the conclusion that the above assumptions are not consistent with either the literature or the current analysis. Hence, fishery policy based on these assumptions or the uninformed sponsorship of alternative employment is likely to fail. r 2001 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.
1. Introduction The purpose of this paper is to examine aspects of job satisfaction among fishers in three Southeast Asian fisheries as a means of providing information to help explain some of the failures in fishery management in the region. The relationships between job satisfaction and current attempts at fishery management are explored along with
*Corresponding author. E-mail address: rpo4903u@postoffice.uri.edu (R.B. Pollnac). 0964-5691/01/$ - see front matter r 2001 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved. PII: S 0 9 6 4 - 5 6 9 1 ( 0 1 ) 0 0 0 6 4 - 3
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suggestions for changes in fishery policy thinking, which would take into account this important aspect of the occupation of fishing. A common socioeconomic response to the problem of over fishing is the attempt to provide alternative employment for existing fishers, with the expectation that they will willingly and happily settle into a new way of making a living. A recent example of this approach is found in one of the largest fisheries projects in the Philippines, the Fisheries Sector Program, which began in 1990. This project has as one of its strategies the provision of alternative livelihoods for fishers and their families, including aquaculture, livestock and agriculture projects, and small- to medium-scale industries [1]. Likewise, a current USAID funded coastal resource management project in the Philippines has as one of its strategies development of incentive programs to stimulate new business based on tourism, mariculture, agri-industry, and manufacturing as alternatives to traditional coastal resource uses such as capture fisheries [2]. Even more recently, an Asian Development Bank report advocates income diversification, especially promotion of microenterprises (e.g., handicrafts, sewing, small village shops, swine and poultry raising, etc.) and mariculture development as a means of reducing fisher reliance on fishing in the short term and ultimately the exit of marginal fishers from the occupation [3]. The assumption that fishers will readily shift to alternative occupations is based on several untested assumptions made by fishery researchers and policy makers in developing countries: (1) that fishing is employment of last resort; (2) that fishers are amongst the poorest of the poor; (3) that fishing is a dirty, hard, undesirable occupation; and (4) that poor people care little about the type of job they have as long as they make enough to live. For example, Pauly et al. [4, p. 325] suggest that the solution to overfishing ‘‘ymust occur through the diversion, or preferably through the attraction, of substantial numbers of fisherfolk to non-fishing activities’’. They indicate that while some of this diversion could be into fishery-related activities (e.g., mariculture) most would be outside fishing, most likely labor-intensive trade and manufacturing jobs. They, like many others [5], write that fishing is often the employment of last resort among the increasing number of landless farmers and that fishers in developing countries have long been classified as being among the poorest of the poor. These beliefs demand closer scrutiny than they have thus far received. Although it is claimed that fishers in developing countries are among the poorest of the poor, quantitative evidence supporting this claim is difficult to find. Among the few quantitative studies comparing fishers’ well being with other occupational subgroups, we find a survey conducted in various regions of the Philippines in 1979. This survey reports that annual incomes of fisher households, although lower than coconut farmers and the national average was higher than that for rice farming households [6]. Another survey of per-capita income conducted in Vietnam indicates that the average annual income is higher in fisheries (including aquaculture) than in non-fisheries households in all surveyed districts [7,8]. Further, the Vietnam General Statistic Department developed a standard wealth ranking in 1994 that was applied to various occupation categories in the Vietnamese villages included in the current
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study. In five of the villages where comparative data was available across capture fishing, aquaculture, farming, and other occupations (fish processing, government work, mechanic, commerce, small business, and handicrafts), a higher percentage of fishers were classified as ‘‘poor’’ in only one. In four of the five villages, families classified into the ‘‘other’’ category manifested the highest percentage of ‘‘poor’’ [9]. Finally, Crawford et al. [10], comparing 495 coastal and inland villages in Minahasa Regency, North Sulawesi, Indonesia, report that although a larger proportion of coastal villages are classified as less developed on the basis of a Government of Indonesia classification, the classification is not related to percent of fishers in the community, but appears to be related to degree of geographic isolation. Further, over one-half of the coastal communities are not categorized as less developed, indicating a considerable degree of developmental diversity. The same study [10] reports similar findings for South Sumatra, where coastal communities with high percentages of fishers tend to have higher incomes than coastal communities with a high percentage of farmers. This evidence is clearly not consistent with the belief that fishers are among the poorest of the poor. With respect to the desirability of fishing as an occupation, McGoodwin [5] in a review of the literature, notes that fishers tenaciously adhere to their occupation even as catches and incomes fall. He notes that this persistence often puzzles fisheries managers and economists who do not understand the non-economic satisfactions derived from the occupation. Research on job satisfaction among fishers in industrialized countries has indicated that fishers, in general, derive many types of satisfaction from their occupation and resist changes that would reduce these satisfactions [11–13]. Given the similarity of many aspects of the occupation in both industrialized and developing economies, there is no reason to expect major differences in job satisfaction between the two. Furthermore, research on job satisfaction in industrialized countries has demonstrated its significant impact on health (both physical and psychological), social well-being, and productivity [13]; hence, assumptions concerning the relative ease of shifting fishers to alternative occupations need to be reexamined. For example, the US Government recently established a vessel buyback program to reduce fishing effort off the Northeast Coast. Despite the numerous alternative employment opportunities offered by the booming US economy in 2000, a General Accounting Office survey indicates that 30 percent of the fishers used the money to buy new boats, and only four percent left the industry [14]. With respect to Southeast Asian fisheries, a study funded by the Asian Fisheries Social Science Research Network examined five alternative livelihood projects in Iloilo Province of the Philippines. This study found that although initial interest in these projects is usually high, many participants lose interest and drop out after a short period of time [15]. Finally, a recent study [16] conducted in 31 coastal communities in various Pacific Island countries found that attempts to reduce harvesting pressure on coastal resources with the use of alternative income producing programs have not been successfulFthe fishers continued to fish the resources. Following sections of this paper examine aspects of job satisfaction among fishers in 23 communities in the Philippines, Indonesia and Vietnam.
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2. Methods 2.1. Variables Methods of assessing job satisfaction among fishers varied slightly in the three countries. In all three countries, fishers were asked if they would change occupations if an alternative were available. In the Philippines and Indonesia, fishers were asked if they would still become a fisher if they had their life to live over and why. Indonesian fishers were asked what kind of job they would like for their children. Variables found to be associated with job satisfaction [11–13] and resistance to leaving fishing [17,18] among fishers in other research, such as age, education, number of years in the occupation, location, and income from fishing were measured with direct questions. 2.2. Sample All samples were randomly drawn from households identified as participating in the fishery. In the Philippines 314 fishers from 9 villages in Cebu, Negros Oriental and Palawan were interviewed; in Vietnam 216 from 8 villages distributed along the coast; and in Indonesia, 172 from 6 villages in the Maluku Islands were interviewed. Additional information concerning the communities can be found in a series of reports published by the International Center for Living Aquatic Resources Management [9,19,20].
3. Analysis 3.1. Philippines Most fishers (95 percent) in the Philippine sample say they would go into fishing again if they had their life to live over. This response ranges from a low of 88 percent in one community to a high of 100 percent in three of the nine villages (Table 1). When asked if they would change their occupation if an alternative with the same or better pay were available, only 16 percent say yes. Responses by village ranged from a low of 6 to a high of 44 percent (Table 1). As can be seen in Table 1, the village (Calagcalag) with 44 percent who would change occupation stands out from the others, which range from 6 to 20 percent. The difference between Calagcalag and the other villages is statistically significant (Chi Square=23.54, phi=0.27, df=1, po0:01). The distribution of responses to this question clearly indicates that there is variability within as well as between the villages. The next question to be answered is what factors influence the different responses. Table 2 presents the correlations (phi) between a number of potential predictor variables and responses to the two questions.
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Table 1 Percent distribution of responses to questions concerning whether Philippine fishers would still become fisher and if they would leave fishing Village
Still become fisher No
Yes
Calagcalag Tiguib Macarascas Buenavista Manalo Zaragosa Malhiao Palanas Santa Cruz
11.76 3.13 10.00 10.00 0.00 6.25 9.38 0.00 0.00
88.24 96.88 90.00 90.00 100.00 93.75 90.63 100.00 100.00
Total N
5.10 16
94.90 298
Leave occupation No
Yes
Total
N
55.88 90.63 83.33 80.00 94.44 90.63 84.38 86.49 87.88
44.12 9.38 16.67 20.00 5.56 9.38 15.63 13.51 12.12
100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00
34 32 30 30 54 32 32 37 33
84.39 265
15.61 49
100.00 314
Table 2 Correlations (phi) between selected independent variables and responses to job satisfaction questions in the Philippinesa Variable
Still become fisher
Leave fishing
Age Years fishing Education Fishing >1/2 income Coastal >1/2 income
0.04 0.03 0.07 0.14* 0.16**
0.08 0.08 0.03 0.14* 0.13*
a
Notes: N ¼ 314; **=po0:01; *=po0:05:
Variables in Table 2 are all dichotomous. Age, years fishing, and education were dichotomized at the sample means (44.9, 20, and 6.4, respectively). The only variables in Table 2 statistically significantly correlated with the responses to the job satisfaction questions are those related to the relative importance of fishing or coastal related occupations (fishing, fish trading, nipa shingle crafting). Those for whom fishing and/or coastal related occupations are important are more likely to say they would go into fishing if they had their life to live over and less likely to say they would leave fishing for another occupation. Fishers were also asked why they would still become a fisher if they had their life to live over and what they like about fishing in comparison to other jobs they could do. Their responses can be categorized into five major categories: (1) those concerning the relative ease of fishing; e.g., ‘‘easy source of food’’, ‘‘income is easily obtained’’; (2) those concerning income; e.g., ‘‘income is daily’’, ‘‘better income in fishing’’; (3) those involving the practice as a source of food; e.g., ‘‘no need to buy fish’’, ‘‘easy source of food’’; (4) those indicating the job having characteristics that please the respondent; e.g., ‘‘there is no boss’’, ‘‘like to observe the beauty of the
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Table 3 Percent distribution of reasons why fishers would still choose fishing as an occupation if they had their lives to live over and what fishers like about fishing in comparison to other potential occupations in the Philippinesa Question
Easy
Income
Food
Pleasure
Tradition
Why become a fisher Like about fishing
21 57
15 59
15 34
6 25
27 7
a
Row totals may be more or less than 100 percent due to the fact that not all respondents provided a reason and that more than one reason could be provided for each question.
Table 4 Correlations (phi) between selected independent variables and reasons why fishers would still choose fishing as an occupation if they had their lives to live over in the Philippinesa Variable
Age Years fishing Education Fishing >1/2 income Coastal >1/2 income a
Reasons why one would become a fisher if they had their life to live over Easy
Income
Food
Pleasure
Tradition
0.06 0.15** 0.10 0.02 0.02
0.14* 0.02 0.03 0.14* 0.14*
0.05 0.17** 0.08 0.08 0.09
0.10 0.05 0.11 0.04 0.02
0.21** 0.25** 0.08 0.06 0.06
Notes: N ¼ 298; **=po0:01; *=po0:05:
Table 5 Correlations between selected independent variables and aspects fishers like about fishing in comparison to other occupations they could hold in the Philippinesa Variable
Age Years fishing Education Fishing >1/2 income Coastal >1/2 income a
Like about fishing in comparison to other jobs Easy
Income
Food
Pleasure
Tradition
0.01 0.01 0.00 0.02 0.04
0.03 0.04 0.02 0.02 0.03
0.01 0.06 0.03 0.13* 0.16**
0.03 0.11 0.05 0.05 0.04
0.07 0.04 0.08 0.04 0.06
Notes: N ¼ 314; **=po0:01; *=po0:05:
sea’’; and (5) those indicating that fishing is traditional with the respondent; e.g., ‘‘I have done it all my life’’, ‘‘the only job I know’’. Percent distribution of these responses is presented in Table 3, and the correlations (phi) of potential predictor variables and the presence or absence of these response categories are presented in Tables 4 and 5. Sample size is reduced to 298 in Table 4 as a result of analyzing data only from those respondents who said they would still choose fishing as an occupation. Turning first to responses concerning the relative ease of fishing, we find that the longer they
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have been fishing, the less likely they are to use ease of fishing as a reason. Older fishers are less likely than younger to use an income related rationale, while those who obtain more than one-half their income from fishing or other coastal productive activities are more likely to use this reason. Use of food related rationales are less likely among those who have been fishing longer. Finally, those using rationales related to fishing as being traditional are older and have been fishing longer. Turning to what fishers say they like about fishing in comparison with other occupations they could hold, those who classify fishing and other coastal activities as the primary source or providing more than one-half their income are less likely to mention fishing as a source of food (Table 5). 3.2. Indonesia Most fishers (88 percent) in the sample from the Maluku Islands in Indonesia report that they would still become a fisher if they had their life to live over. Nevertheless, when asked if they would change occupations if an alternative were available, 36 percent said yes. This varies a great deal across the villages, however, from a low of 14 percent in Hutumuri to a high of 54 percent in Seri (see Table 6). The differences between the 6 villages are statistically significant (Chi Square=14.88, df=5, po0:02). Finally, when asked what kind of job respondents would like for their children, only 9 percent choose fishingFthe majority (61 percent) select a ‘‘government’’ job. There is clearly a fair amount of variability with respect to the responses to these questions. The next question to be answered is what factors influence the different responses. Table 7 presents the correlations (phi) between a number of potential predictor variables and responses to the three questions. Variables in Table 7 are dichotomous. Age and years fishing experience are dichotomized at sample means (48 and 27 years, respectively), percent income from fishing at sample median (60 percent), and education at the sample mode (elementary school graduate). The analysis indicates that those with the greater percentage of household income derived from fishing tend to respond that they would still become
Table 6 Percent distribution of responses to question concerning whether fishers would leave their occupation if an alternative were available in Indonesia Village
Yes
Noloth Haruku Tuhaha Hulaliu Serri Hutumuri
20.00 43.33 31.03 50.00 53.57 14.29
Total N
36.31 61
No
Total
N
80.00 56.67 68.97 50.00 46.43 85.71
100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00
30.00 30.00 29.00 30.00 28.00 21.00
63.69 107
100.00 168
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Table 7 Correlations (phi) between selected independent variables and responses to job satisfaction questions in Indonesiaa Variable
Still become fisher
Leave fishing
Child become fisher
Age Education Fishing income Years fishing
0.03 0.19* 0.22** 0.08
0.08 0.24** 0.01 0.07
0.02 0.07 0.06 0.00
a
Notes: N ¼ 167; **=po0:01; *=po0:05:
a fisher if they had their life to live over. Those with more than the modal level of education (more than elementary school) tend to respond ‘‘no’’ to that question and say they would leave fishing if an alternative were available. None of the independent variables are statistically significantly related to a stated desire for one’s child to become a fisher. Fishers were also asked why they would still become fishers if they had their life to live over. Their responses can be categorized into three major categories: (1) those concerning income; e.g., ‘‘income is daily’’, ‘‘better income in fishing’’; (2) those indicating that fishing is traditional with the respondent; e.g., ‘‘I have done it all my life’’, ‘‘the only job I know’’; and (3) those indicating the job having characteristics that please the respondent; e.g., ‘‘free’’, ‘‘happy at sea’’; ‘‘it’s my hobby’’. Sixty-three percent of the respondents failed to answer this question (missing data) and a few provided responses that do not fit the 3 categories, leaving a sample of only 53 for the analysis. Of this reduced sample, 38 percent, each, cited pleasurable or economic aspects of the occupation, and the remaining 24 percent cited reasons based on traditional behavior. The correlations (phi) of potential predictor variables and the presence or absence of these response categories are presented in Table 8. All variables in Table 8 are dichotomies, as discussed for Table 7. The analysis in Table 8 indicates that those with more than the modal education (i.e. those with more than an elementary education) are more likely to cite pleasurable aspects of fishing and less likely to cite tradition as a reason for being in the occupation. 3.3. Vietnam Most of the fishers in the Vietnam sample (82 percent) report that they have never thought of leaving fishing as an occupation. Three-quarters (75 percent) say that they would remain in fishing even if they had an alternative with adequate income, and only 31 percent say they would leave fishing if they could achieve a higher income and standard of living by switching to another job in another community. In contrast, 43 percent say that they would counsel their child to leave the community if a better income outside of fishing were available elsewhere, 29 percent say ‘‘it depends’’ and only 28 percent would recommend that they stay in their home community.
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Table 8 Correlations (phi) between selected independent variables and reasons why fishers would still choose fishing as an occupation if they had their lives to live over in Indonesiaa Variable
Pleasure
Income
Tradition
Age Education Fishing income Years fishing
0.08 0.37** 0.21 0.03
0.00 0.11 0.10 0.11
0.10 0.29* 0.12 0.16
a
Notes: N ¼ 53; **=po0:01; *=po0:05:
Table 9 Percent distribution of responses to the questions, ‘‘have you ever thought of changing from fishing to another occupation?’’ and ‘‘Would you remain in fishing if you had an adequate supplementary income outside of fishing?’’ in Vietnam Village
Thought of changing
Remain in fishing
Total
No
Yes
No
Yes
Hung Thang Loc Dien Quang Phuoc Phu Xuan Thach Kim Long Son Hoi Bai Bao Ninh
69.23 41.18 71.43 60.87 93.33 97.44 100.00 87.50
30.77 58.82 28.57 39.13 6.67 2.56 0.00 12.50
11.54 5.88 0.00 30.43 41.67 15.38 0.00 32.50
88.46 94.12 100.00 69.57 58.33 84.62 100.00 67.50
100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00
Total N
81.94 177
18.06 39
25.46 55
74.54 161
100.00
N
26.00 17.00 7.00 23.00 60.00 39.00 4.00 40.00 216
Turning to specific questions, Table 9 presents percent distribution of responses to the question, ‘‘have you ever thought of changing from fishing to another occupation?’’ Table 9 indicates that except for Loc Dien the majority of fishers in each village say they have never thought of leaving the occupation of fishing. Of the 39 fishers in the sample (18 percent) who said they had thought of leaving fishing, most (79 percent of the 39) said they would like to change for a higher income, and many (54 percent of the 39) said they would like to change to aquaculture. Sixty-five percent who would like to change to aquaculture believe they would have a higher income as a result of the change. Table 9 also indicates that when confronted with the option of an adequate income outside of fishing, the percentage that would remain in fishing is reduced to 75 percent. Once again, there is a fair amount of variability, with Thach Kim manifesting the largest percentage of fishers who would leave the occupation (over two-fifths). The next question analyzed poses a more complex problem (Table 10). It unfortunately mixes two issues in one question: a possibility of increased income in
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Table 10 Percent distribution of responses to question, ‘‘If you have the opportunity to take up another occupation in another community, within this province, which promised a higher income and standard of living for your family, would you be willing to leave fishing and your present home village?’’ in Vietnam Village
No
Yes
Total
N
Hung Thang Loc Dien Quang Phuoc Phu Xuan Thach Kim Long Son Hoi Bai Bao Ninh
46.15 82.35 85.71 95.65 65.00 89.74 100.00 45.00
53.85 17.65 14.29 4.35 35.00 10.26 0.00 55.00
100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00
26.00 17.00 7.00 23.00 60.00 39.00 4.00 40.00
Total N
69.44 150
30.56 66
100.00 216
the alternate occupation as well as the need to leave one’s home village. The percent distribution of responses to this question are found in Table 10. Table 10 indicates that presented with the attraction of higher income, a slightly larger percentage of fishers (31 percent) would leave the occupation despite the requirement of moving to another village. Table 11 presents results of a question concerning recommendations one would give one’s child concerning a better opportunity outside fishing in another community. When considering alternative occupations for one’s child, fishers manifest the least commitment to fishing (Table 11). Only a bit over one-fourth the fishers would recommend, without qualification, that their child stay in their home village and become a fisher rather than move to another village for greater opportunity outside fishing. Over two-fifths (43 percent) would recommend that their child leave for the better opportunity. It is obvious that there is a fair amount of variability with respect to the responses to these questions. The next question to be answered is what factors influence the different responses. Table 12 presents the correlations (phi) between a number of potential predictor variables and responses to the four questions. Variables in Table 12 are all dichotomies. Education is dichotomized at the sample mode, which is an elementary education. Age is dichotomized at the sample mean (42 years). Future income refers to the respondent saying that he thinks that he can make an adequate living at fishing for the foreseeable future. Living standard and catch are used as indicators of income, which was not obtained in the Vietnam survey. Living standard today refers to the respondent saying that his living standard today is greater than two years in the past. Catch today refers to the respondent saying that the catch today is higher than two years ago. Table 12 indicates that there is a tendency for those who feel the catch is better today to not change from fishing or recommend that their children leave fishing for a better opportunity in another municipality. Those who feel that they can make an
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Table 11 Percent distribution of responses to question, ‘‘If your children had an opportunity to take up an occupation other than fishing in another municipality which promises a higher income and standard of living for them, would you recommend that they leave this community or stay?’’ in Vietnam Village
Stay
Leave
Depends
No child
Total
N
Hung Thang Loc Dien Quang Phuoc Phu Xuan Thach Kim Long Son Hoi Bai Bao Ninh
23.08 5.88 0.00 26.09 23.33 41.03 0.00 40.00
46.15 94.12 42.86 47.83 33.33 30.77 75.00 37.50
30.77 0.00 57.14 26.09 43.33 25.64 25.00 17.50
0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 2.56 0.00 5.00
100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00
26.00 17.00 7.00 23.00 60.00 39.00 4.00 40.00
Total N
27.31 59
42.59 92
28.70 62
1.39 3
100.00 216
Table 12 Correlations (phi) between selected independent variables and responses to job satisfaction questions in Vietnama Variable
Change if alternative
Thought about change
Leave fishing and move
Recommend child to leave
Catch today Education Age Future income Living standard today
0.30** 0.07 0.03 0.05 0.14*
0.16* 0.07 0.10 0.15* 0.12
0.16* 0.04 0.10 0.05 0.29**
0.15* 0.13 0.03 0.12 0.24**
a
Notes: N ¼ 216;**=po0:01; *=po0:05:
adequate income from fishing in the future tend to say that they have not thought about leaving fishing. Finally, those who feel that their living standard is higher today than 2 years in the past tend to say they would not leave fishing or recommend that their children leave.
4. Discussion and conclusions It is clear that in all three countries, fishers like their occupation and only a minority would change to another occupation, with similar income, if it were available. In the Philippines and the Maluku Islands of Indonesia, 9 out of 10 fishers would still become a fisher if they had their life to live over (95 and 88 percent, respectively). In Vietnam, 82 percent of fishers said they had never thought of leaving the occupation. When confronted with the possibility of an alternative, 16 percent of the Philippine, 36 percent of the Maluku, and 25 percent of the Vietnamese fishers say they would leave fishing for an available alternative. The questions were slightly
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different in each country. In the Philippines it was an alternative with equal or better pay. In Maluku, it was simply if you could change your occupation, would you. In Vietnam, fishers were asked if they would stay in fishing if they had an adequate supplementary income. Hence, the questions are not strictly comparable, but the results indicate that only a minority would consider leaving the fishery. These results clearly indicate that for the populations sampled, which are representative of many fishing populations in developing countries, there is no support for the assumption that the majority of fishers would leave fishing if an alternative were available. Although a majority of fishers report that they would not change from fishing to an alternative occupation in 19 of the 23 villages sampled, it is important to understand that there is variability. In four of the villages, a small majority or an equal amount of fishers report that they would change their occupation. This type of variability demonstrates the real danger involved in making generalizations based on information from only one or a few villages. If managers assume that the fishers in their country would be willing to shift to alternative occupations based on data from one or a few villages, they may find that the majority of villages would react differently; hence, their policy may fail. In countries where there is such variability, the best approach would be to have policy reflect the inter-community differences. Simply knowing that the majority of fishers would not leave fishing for an alternative occupation does not help the fishery manager who knows that it is essential to reduce pressure on the fishery. The next question is what are the characteristics of those who would leave so that they can be targeted in alternative occupation projects. In the Philippines, those who would still become fishers are those who gain a significant proportion of their income from coastal and/or fishery activities and those who would leave tend to obtain less of their income from these activities. In Maluku, those who would still become fishers tend to obtain a greater proportion of their income from fishing and tend to have less education. Those who would leave the fishery tend to have a higher level of education. In Vietnam, those who feel their catch has improved over the past two years and feel that their standard of living has improved want to remain in the fishery as well as advise their children to become fishers. The next important question concerns characteristics of the occupation of fishing that make it attractive. If one wishes to provide an alternative occupation that is attractive to fishers, it should, at least, have some of the same characteristics as those considered desirable in fishing. In the Philippines, the relative ease of obtaining food and income, as well as the amount of income are predominant characteristics cited by fishers as aspects they like about fishing in comparison to alternative occupations. It is significant that one-fourth of the Philippine fishers cite pleasurable aspects of the job, such as the beauty of the sea and not having a boss. Although the relative ease of fishing and income are cited as reasons why one would still become a fisher in the Philippines, reasons related to tradition (e.g., I’ve done it all my life) predominate. In Maluku, pleasurable and economic aspects predominate as the reasons for still becoming a fisher, and tradition related responses are provided by about one-fourth of the respondents. Unfortunately, we do not have comparable data on occupational characteristics from Vietnam.
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Significantly, the results presented above do not support the contention that fishers are the poorest of the poor. Fishers cite income as one of the reasons for not changing their occupation as well as a rationale for still becoming a fisher if they had their life to live over. Additionally, the fact that Philippine fishers cited the relative ease of fishing and both the Maluku and Philippine fishers cite pleasurable aspects of the occupation indicate that it is not an undesirable occupation that they would readily leave if an alternative were made available. The alternative would have to have some of these same characteristics to be acceptable. Those who wish to develop alternative occupation projects for fishers must take these factors into account. Finally, it is ironic that the unsupported, and apparently unsupportable assertion that fishers are the poorest of the poor was used as justification for many of the fishery development projects in developing countries from the 1960s through much of the 1980s [4,5]. These development projects, for the most part, focused on increasing the efficiency of fishing fleets, resulting in over fishing of much of the world’s fishery resources. This same notionFthat fishers are the poorest of the poorFnaturally lead to the current assumption (also untested) that fishers will gladly shift to another occupation if one is available as a means of taking the pressure off the heavily exploited resources. This assumption led to disaster in the first case. Let us hope it does not in the second. It will not if we accept these findings and those of other studies cited above as demonstrating that the assumption is false and act on the reality that fishers are not necessarily the poorest of the poor and that they obtain satisfaction from their job that result in resistance to changing their occupation despite reduced catches and the provision of alternative income sources.
Acknowledgements Data for this analysis were obtained from three projects supported by the ICLARM Fisheries Co-management Research Project. The three projects, listed in the reference section, are Thong et al., 1996, Novaczek et al., 2001, and Pomeroy et al., 1996. We acknowledge the staff of these projects for use of the data. Additional funding for Novaczek et al. was obtained from the International Development Research Center and for Pomeroy et al. from the US Agency for International Development.
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