Food in correctional facilities: A scoping review

Appetite 141 (2019) 104312

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Food in correctional facilities: A scoping review

T

Amy B. Smoyer Department of Social Work, Southern Connecticut State University, 501 Crescent St., New Haven, CT, 06515, USA

A B S T R A C T

In the last 20 years, there has been an exponential increase in research about food in prison. Given this growing interest, it is appropriate to take stock of the field by mapping and synthesizing existing knowledge in order to identify gaps in knowledge and make recommendations for future research. Specifically, the purpose of this scoping review is to understand the experiences of incarcerated people with food in order to inform interventions that will promote positive outcomes for justiceinvolved individuals and correctional facilities. This review identified 38 peer-reviewed research articles about food in correctional facilities. This sample included qualitative (n = 28) and quantitative (n = 10) research that explored the both the pragmatic and symbolic dimensions of food in these settings. Taken together, this body of research provides a rich description of prison food practices and the implications of these practices on medical, psychological, and sociological outcomes. Moving forward, collaboration between academics, incarcerated people, and correctional practitioners is encouraged in order to develop programs that use this research to improve individual and intuitional outcomes. In addition, while emerging research has begun to develop knowledge about prison food in developing countries, the literature focuses primarily on the US, Canada and Western Europe and there is a need to expand the geographic scope of this inquiry.

Globally, over 10 million people are incarcerated (Walmsley, 2018). The United States has the largest number of people incarcerated (2.1 million) and the highest rate of per capita incarceration (655 per 100,000) in the world (Walmsley, 2018). Other countries with large prison populations include China, Brazil, Russia, and India (Walmsley, 2018). About 7% of the people who are incarcerated are women (Walmsley, 2017). Given the prevalence of this global phenomenon, it is important to understand the prison environment and people's lived experience of incarceration in order to evaluate correctional policy and develop programs that will promote positive outcomes among incarcerated people. Research about prison food is one pathway towards understanding the prison place and the lives of people who are incarcerated. As anthropological and sociological theory suggests, “[t]he social and cultural uses of food provide much insight into the human condition … Rules about food consumption are an important means through which human beings construct reality” (Counihan, 1999, pp. 24, 113). This paper briefly describes the role of food in understanding the human experience and then presents a scoping review of existing prison food research. The analysis concludes with implications for future research and correctional practice.

animals from their raw state to cooked food, interrupting their natural progression to rotten remains, was a reflection of the culture in which this change took place (Levi-Strauss, 1966/2008). Levi-Strauss argued that the cooking experience was universal, suggesting that “if there is no society without a language, nor is there any which does not cook in some manner at least, some of its food” (Levi-Strauss, 1966/2008, p. 36). In the 50 years since he sparked this conversation, many anthropologists and sociologist have expanded, revised and critiqued his theory. These iterations can be loosely categorized into two groups: Structuralists (like Levi-Strauss), who believe food is a mechanism by which social meaning and culture is constructed; and materialists, who are interested in how food practices and preferences develop over time in response to biological, psychological, environmental, technical, political and/or economic factors (Counihan & Van Esterik, 2008a; Wood, 1995). Food and foodways theory has been combined with other social science theory (e.g. Marxism, feminism), to create sub-theories that use food practices to understand specific aspects of the human experience, for example, cultural communication (Barthes, 1975/2008), the development of capitalism (Mintz, 1979/2008) and construction of social class (Wood, 1995) and gender (Counihan, 1999).

1. Foodways theory

1.1. Culture and identity

The analysis of food and foodways (i.e. behaviors related to the acquisition, preparation, and distribution of food) as a framework for understanding culture was first articulated in academic writings by anthropologist Claude Levi-Strauss (Wood, 1995). His writings about the “culinary triangle” suggested that the transformation of plants and

The lens of food and foodways has been widely used to analyze and understand culture: “Food touches everything and is the foundation of every economy, marking social differences, boundaries, bonds and contradictions – and endlessly evolving enactment of gender, family and community relationships” (Counihan & Van Esterik, 2008b, p. 3).

E-mail address: [email protected]. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.appet.2019.06.004 Received 1 March 2019; Received in revised form 18 May 2019; Accepted 3 June 2019 Available online 13 June 2019 0195-6663/ © 2019 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

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addition, prior knowledge of this literature suggested that research on this topic began to gain momentum around 2000 (Smith, 2002; Valentine & Longstaff, 1998). The search was conducted in January 2019. The following EBSCO databases were searched: Academic Search Premier, Social Work Abstracts, SocIndex, PsychInfo, and Medline using the words “prison, jail, incarceration, imprisonment, OR correctional facility” AND “food”. This search identified articles that had these words in any field, including title, keywords, abstract, or subject terms. The results of this search were reviewed and articles that were clearly not about food in correctional settings, based on their titles and abstracts, were eliminated. If there was any indication that the article might be about incarcerated foodways, the article was kept in the sample for further investigation. Next, the full text of each article was obtained and read to determine if the article met the eligibility criteria.

For example, in his article about the Inuit, Searles (2002) demonstrated how foodways, especially related to norms around food sharing, hospitality and the consumption of specific foods (i.e., ringed seal blood and walrus meat), were used to differentiate the Inuit culture from the non-Inuit world and create personal and collective identities. WilliamsForson's (2008) writing about chicken in contemporary African-American culture attributed various meanings to sthis food, including an association with the resistance of enslaved people. She emphasized “the importance of moving beyond studying merely the foods of various cultures to include the behaviors, actions, contexts and histories that involve them … food is always about more than what it seems” (p. 351). In addition to reproducing existing identities, foodways can challenge social norms by assigning new meanings to the ways in which food is prepared, consumed, and distributed (Ehrhardt, 2006; O'Sullivan, Hocking and Wright-St. Clair, 2008). Within these discussions about culture and identity, food is used to understand the social construction of gender (Aarseth & Olsen, 2008; Counihan, 1999; Julier & Lindenfeld, 2005; Mechling, 2005; Sobal, 2005; Wilk & Hintlian, 2005).

2.2. Data management and analysis A matrix was created to record key attributes about eligible studies including notes on methodology, location of data collection, type of prison that was studied, major findings, and implications. This matrix was developed in an iterative manner, with additional columns added as key points of differentiation surfaced. In the final stages of analysis, potential areas of consideration were eliminated and consolidated. Note that this scoping review did not include analysis of the articles' research methods, reliability, validity, or trustworthiness. All articles had been published in peer-reviewed journals; the rigor of their methods was not reassessed. This approach reflects the purpose of the scoping review, to map and explore a field, versus a systematic review that seeks to assess quality or conduct meta-analyses (Arksey & O'Malley, 2005; Peters et al., 2015). One point of differentiation in this matrix was whether the article was pragmatic or symbolic. This terminology comes from Godderis' article (2006a) about the role of food in a Canadian men's prison, one of the earliest and most frequently cited papers about prison food. In this article, she makes a distinction between “pragmatic” and “symbolic” analysis of food. Symbolic analysis utilizes participants' narratives about prison food as a window into prison culture, relationships with peers and staff, and identity in order “to access the daily realities of prison life” (Godderis, 2006a, p. 265). This compares to pragmatic analysis which reports what, when, and where people eat while incarcerated without adding any psycho-social interpretation. Pragmatic research explores measureable nutritional outcomes, consumer satisfaction, and logistical issues related to food service. This distinction was used in this scoping review to organize and describe the research.

1.2. Social space and time In addition to exploring constructions of culture and self, foodways research has also been used to explicate the formation of specific physical spaces and the creation of identity, order, and social meaning within these spaces (Counihan, 1999). Salazar (2007) analyzed Mexican-American adults' childhood memories of eating in school cafeterias in the US in order “to explore how children's identity is negotiated in the particular socio-cultural dynamics of the school lunchroom” (p. 153). Food stories are used to describe specific historic moments, settings, and shifting social spaces. Goldstein's (2005) account of women's efforts to provide sustenance to their families during the Nazi siege of Leningrad, for example, illustrated women's ingenuity and strength, documented the role of homemakers in the Russian resistance, and offered an allegory for wartime survival: “Above all, every product had to cease being itself” (p. 157). This brief summary of food and foodways theory and literature suggests that collecting data about experiences with food is an effective way to understand people – their culture, relationships, and identities – and the social space and historical moment in which they live. From this, the foodways lens aligns with social scientists’ goal of understanding the lives of incarcerated people and the correctional facilities that they inhabit. 2. Research methods

3. Results

This scoping review used the framework set forth by Arksey and O'Malley (2005) to identify, select, organize, and analyze existing research about prison food.

The initial EBSCO search, using the dates and key terms described above, identified 411 articles. Initial review of article abstracts and titles eliminated 285 of these articles. Examples of articles that could be eliminated based on title and abstracts included research about children of incarcerated parents (e.g. Turney, 2015), and research about food behaviors after incarceration (e.g. Costopoulous, 2017). Full text of the remaining 126 articles was obtained and reviewed. Based on this more comprehensive review, 88 articles were deemed ineligible and eliminated. Examples of articles that were eliminated during this second stage of review include articles that were not in peer-reviewed journals, articles about internment camps and prisoners of war (not correctional facilities), and articles that reported medical outcomes associated with food (i.e. overweight/obesity, Body Mass Index (BMI), or cardio-vascular disease), but did not actually describe prison food (e.g. Binswanger, Krueger, & Steiner, 2009; Clarke & Waring, 2012). Historical accounts of prison food (e.g. Carpenter, 2006; Passmore, 2012) and bioethical deliberation about food refusal and hunger strikes (e.g. Brockman, 1999; Crosby, 2014) were also eliminated.

2.1. Eligibility, searching and study selection The goal of this review was to identify research about prison food in order to identify gaps in the literature and inform interventions that will promote positive outcomes for justice-involved individuals and correctional facilities. Specifically, articles had to meet 4 eligibility criteria in order to be included: peer-reviewed primary research, about food in correctional settings, published since 1995, published in English. In this context, peer-reviewed primary research means that the authors collected data from human subjects and published findings in a peer-reviewed journal. Further, the paper had to report on people's experiences with food in prison or jail. Articles that were about medical conditions related to food (i.e. diabetes, BMI, food poisoning), that did not specifically ask people about food experiences, were not included. The “since 1995” time frame was chosen to offer a reasonable breadth of recent research (Abbott, DiGiacomo, Magin, & Hu, 2018). In 2

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Fig. 1. Search results.

In addition, a number of articles about prison food were eliminated because they did not include primary data collection from incarcerated people or correctional staff. This category of non-human subjects research included policy analysis and law review articles. Policy papers included analysis of prison food menus (Cook, 2015), malnutrition (Leach, 2014), hunger strikes (Montange, 2017), and obesity prevention (Newman, Ludford, Williams, & Herriot, 2016). Review of existing laws includes Brisman's (2008) comprehensive analysis of US correctional policy on a range of food issues from hunger strikes to religious diets. While these articles provide the policy and legal framework for a comprehensive discussion about prison food, they were not included in this review because they do not describe the lived experience of incarceration. All policy and legal guidelines are subject to the interpretation and discretion of prison administrators and correctional officer, and are constantly being amended. A deliberate choice was made to focus on the conditions reported by incarcerated people and/or staff who work in correctional settings. In total, 38 articles were deemed eligible for this study. A PRISMA Diagram, illustrating the article selection process, is included as Fig. 1. Findings from these articles are presented here and full citations of all 38 articles are included in the Reference List.

Table 1 Study characteristics. Characteristic

Geographic Location

Data Collection

Participant Gender

Number of Participants

3.1. Study characteristics

Facility

Table 1 provides an overall description of the articles that were included in this scoping review. The sample includes a range of research methods including both quantitative (n = 10) and qualitative (n = 28) research from around the world. As might be expected, the quantitative articles were largely pragmatic, while the qualitative findings were primarily symbolic. Quantitative research. The quantitative articles (n = 10) were published between 2002 and 2018. The average sample size was 317, with range from 56 to 950 participants. In terms of geography, the quantitative work came from all over the world, including USA (n = 4), UK (n = 2), and Canada, Ethiopia, Nigeria, and Pakistan. Just over half of these quantitative articles focused on food (6/10) while the others were broader inquiries that included questions about food as one of a range of variables (4/10). Studies included men (n = 3), women (n = 3) and both men and women (n = 4). The most common goal of

Analysis

Topic

Number of Studies (n = 38) United States United Kingdom Africa Canada Europe (continental) Southeast Asia Australia Individual Qualitative Interviews Ethnography/Observation Quantitative Surveys Focus Groups Records Review Male Female Male and Female 1–20 21–50 51–100 101–250 Over 700 Not Reported Prison Jail Prison and Jail Juvenile Detention Symbolic Pragmatic Symbolic and Pragmatic Nutrition Consumer Satisfaction Logistics Relationships Resistance/Agency/Power Identity

14 9 4 4 4 2 1 23 11 8 6 4 15 14 8 8 8 11 5 3 3 28 3 5 2 19 16 3 14 6 13 14 9 13

these quantitative articles was to assess nutritional needs assessments (n = 4) or evaluate nutritional interventions (n = 2). Qualitative research. The qualitative articles (n = 28) were published between 1998 and 2018, with a peak in 2018. While a few of 3

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Saffran, Daggett, and Saylor (2002) compared satisfaction with prison food among people incarcerated in a private US prison with people incarcerated in federally operated US prisons. As part of a larger evaluation, participants (n = 950) were asked 4 questions about their satisfaction with food quality, quantity, variety, and appearance. Satisfaction varied across the 4 institutions, with the lowest satisfaction reported by people incarcerated in the private prison (Camp et al., 2002). Seven (7) focus groups with incarcerated men and women in Australia also recorded complaints about the quality, quantity, and variety of cafeteria food, and concerns about a lack of healthy canteen options (Williams et al., 2009). Participants expressed concerns about their health and the lack of opportunity to develop and maintain cooking skills (Williams et al., 2009). Similarly, a survey of medical issues among incarcerated women in Pakistan (n = 133) reported that 62% of participants were “not satisfied with the quality of provided food” (Avais & Wassan, 2017, p. 37). In Canada, women described the prison food as “low grade,” “unhealthy,” and “the worst food I've ever tasted” (de Graaf & Kilty, 2016, p. 31). The literature does include some positive feedback about prison food. A study of health outcomes among incarcerated women in Portugal reported that while most women felt the food had a negative impact on their health, some women, especially those with a history of drug use, reported eating better in prison than in the community, gaining needed weight, and educating themselves about how to eat (Alves et al., 2016). Similarly, in the US, women reported using time in prison to focus on making healthy food choices that boosted their narratives of recovery (Smoyer, 2014). Research with prisoners over the age of 50 in the US found that participants who knew how to access special diets and extra food (e.g. through visits or by working in the kitchen) consumed healthy diets (Novisky, 2018). Logistics. Pragmatic analysis also describes and evaluates how institutional food is organized and distributed within correctional settings (Valentine & Longstaff, 1998). In their comparison of prison and hospital food, for example, Johns, Edwards, and Hartwell (2013) found that the prison setting provided better nutrition and more efficient delivery of meals than hospitals. Vanouche (2015) described a series of institutional reforms that were implemented by Dutch prison officials in response to incarcerated men's food complaints. These reforms included implementing a ‘self-cook’ system that allowed men to shop and prepare their own food in small kitchens located in the housing units. Ethnography of prison life also provides detailed information about how ‘self-cook’ kitchens operate within Danish and English correctional systems (Earle & Phillips, 2012; Minke, 2014). These ‘self-cook’ areas are fully-equipped kitchen with gas rings, ovens, countertops, sinks, and an array of cooking gear, including knives, where incarcerated people prepare food purchased from the prison store. In settings without these ‘self-cook’ options, research details how incarcerated people still exchange, prepare and cook food in their housing units, in spite of prison policies prohibiting this behavior (Gibson-Light, 2018; Smoyer, 2016; Smoyer & Blankenship, 2014; Stearns, 2018; Ugelvik, 2011).

these articles described a range of health issues (n = 5), the majority were specifically about prison food (n = 23). The data collection methods that were used included individual interviews (n = 17), focus groups (n = 6), and ethnography (n = 10). Qualitative sample sizes ranged from 1 to 193, with a mean of 49 and mode of 30. This research was primarily conducted in Western Europe (n = 11, Belgium, Denmark, Norway, Portugal, UK) and the US (n = 10) but also included research from Canada (n = 3), Australia, India, South Africa, and Zimbabwe. Participants in these studies included men (n = 12), women (n = 11), and both men and women (n = 5). Researchers primarily collected their data inside correctional facilities (n = 21), including both prisons and jails, although some spoke with formerly incarcerated people about their prison experience (n = 8). 3.2. Pragmatic findings Nutrition. A frequent topic of pragmatic analysis was the nutritional content of prison diets and the challenges that incarcerated people face in accessing healthy diets. (Agboola, 2016; Alves, Maia, & Teixeira, 2016; Choudhry, Armstrong, & Dregan, 2017; Condon, Hek, & Harris, 2008; Curd, Ohlmann, & Bush, 2013; Edwards, Hartwell, Reeve, & Schafheitle, 2007; Eves & Gesch, 2003; Johnson et al., 2018; Novisky, 2018; Williams, Walton, & Hannan-Jones, 2009). For example, Edwards et al. (2007) used ethnography, observation, kitchen records review, and interviews with kitchen staff to describe the catering systems in 16 English prisons, including a nutritional analysis of meals and information about costs, sourcing, and food delivery. Based on this analysis, the researchers recommended more fruit, whole grains, and fish, and a reduction in salt (Edwards et al., 2007). Similarly, Condon et al. (2008), interviewed 111 incarcerated people in England including 10 women and 20 youthful offenders. Their analysis also went beyond the prison kitchen and catering system to include canteen purchases concluding that incarcerated people had a hard time finding whole grains and vegetables, and bought a lot of soda, chocolate, and potato chips from the canteen. This literature recognizes that the option to purchase snacks at that canteen often undermines the nutritional balance of institutionally provided meals (Choudhry et al., 2017; Eves & Gesch, 2003; Firth, Sazie, Hedberg, Drach, & Maher, 2015; Johnson et al., 2018; Smoyer, 2014). Condon et al. (2008) encourage further consideration of, “specific action to make healthy choices consistently possible in prison” (p. 164). Research about the nutrition of prison food in developing nations describes serious food safety issues and food insecurity resulting in underweight. In South Africa, Agboola (2016) interviewed 10 formerly incarcerated women about their prison experiences. Participants reported that the prison food was improperly cooked, rotten, monotonous, and too dependent on high-carb foods (Agboola, 2016). The Ojo and Okunola (2014) survey of elderly inmates in Nigeria found similar results. Carbohydrates dominated the menu, with meat and fish served only 3 times per week. Participants reported that the food was “not adequate” or nutritious (Ojo & Okunola, 2014, p. 67). Key informant interviews and focus groups conducted in two male prisons in Zimbabwe documented food shortages and gang violence related to food access: “Inmates who solely depend on prison food [because they have no money to purchase food or connections to food outside the prison] are the most vulnerable unless they are part of masculine gangs” (Musevenzi, 2018, p. 15). In Ethiopia, researchers found that 25% of the 809 incarcerated people who they surveyed were underweight (Abera & Adane, 2017). Factors associated with being underweight included longer duration of incarceration, Khat chewing, and previous incarcerations; family support was a protective factor. Across the globe, financial support and food from family and friends in the community is a strong predictor of incarcerated people's food security (Abera & Adane, 2017; Musevenzi, 2018; Smoyer, 2015). Consumer satisfaction. Overall, this literature consistently reports low levels of consumer satisfaction with prison food. Camp, Gaes, Klein-

3.3. Symbolic findings The majority of the articles identified in this scoping review explore the symbolic meanings of prison food and the ways in which food is used to negotiate relationships and identity. One of the first articles to bring this type of analysis to the prison food environment was Valentine and Longstaff's (1998) comprehensive account of food and foodways in a British male prison that housed about 1,100 inmates. The research team observed the prison's kitchen, canteen, and cafeterias, conducted interviews and focus groups with prisoners and prison staff, and analyzed data from a survey about food. Data from food diaries kept by five inmates were also included in the study. Findings identify themes and phenomenon that have surfaced again and again over the next 20 years in other inquiries about the symbolic power of prison food: negotiations of relationships and power, among inmates and between inmates and 4

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institutional power, commissary snacks and informal foodways become a tool for regaining control (Chatterjee & Chatterjee, 2018; Smith, 2002; Smoyer, 2016). Smith (2002) conducted focus groups (n = 39) and semi-structured interviews (n = 50) with women incarcerated at three different correctional facilities in England. The data collection instruments asked women to offer definitions of health and describe what it means to be healthy. Questions did not explicitly ask about food and foodways, but many of the women's responses about health included discussions about these issues. Her findings challenged the government's prison health promotion agenda by suggesting that unnutritious prison eating patterns might actually be emotionally and politically “healthy” choices for inmates: When people are living in an environment in which everything seems out of their control, where the expression of emotions such as anger and frustration carry their own penalties, certain behaviours, including those often considered ‘risky’ or ‘unhealthy’, can be understood as constituting a rational means of release, a way of coping and of holding on to a sense of self. The pleasures and consolations of such behaviors lead to definitions of ‘what it is to be healthy’ that challenge the dominant meanings constructed in health promotional discourse (Smith, 2002, p. 210, p. 210). Similarly, Milligan, Waller and Andrews’ (2002) quantitative study of eating behavior and anger among a sample of 91 female prisoners in England found that eating disorders were two times higher inside prison than among non-incarcerated women in the UK, and that this disordered eating was associated with anger. The authors concluded that “although damaging to the individual in the long run, behaviors such as bingeing and purging serve the more immediate function of regulating and coping with intolerable emotional states” (p. 124). Resistance and agency. Related to these ideas of power and control are the ways in which participants’ food behaviors are understood as articulations of resistance and agency. Examples surfaced throughout this review of how incarcerated people acquired, shared, cooked, and consumed food to resist institutional authority (Cate, 2008; de Graaf & Kilty, 2016; Gibson-Light, 2018; Smoyer, 2016; Smoyer & Blankenship, 2014; Stearns, 2018). Even knowing that these food behaviors could result in disciplinary action, people are drawn to the opportunity to demonstrate their own agency (Smoyer, 2016). For example, GibsonLight (2018) described how accumulated stores of ramen noodles allowed incarcerated men to manage their own consumption (GibsonLight, 2018). The ubiquitous ramen, purchased from commissary, could be eaten instead of cafeteria meals or traded for a wide range of services, clothes, and hygiene supplies. These informal foodways demonstrate prisoner agency, or “the role and influence of the prisoner on the dynamics and operation of penal institutions” (Godderis, 2006a, p. 256). Ugelvik (2011) also explored ideas of resistance in his year-long ethnographic study of life on two wings of an Oslo prison that held 50 remand prisoners. All of the men he interviewed and observed “were either born outside Norway, or had parents who were … visible outsiders” (p. 58). In other words, participants included people who had immigrated to Norway, were children of immigrants, and/or were not members of the White, ethnic-Norwegian majority. Meals in this prison were prepared at a local hospital and delivered to inmates in their cells. The prisoners could also purchase additional food from the prison store. His findings illustrated how the prisoners used illicit and semi-illicit cell cooking to modify and transform “the official food into something more edible by making it taste like part of a more familiar cuisine” (Ugelvik, 2011, p. 51). Using spices and vegetables, heat from a single light bulb, and homemade water heaters and stoves, the men privately resisted the prison system and the larger Norwegian culture that confined them. Ugelvik (2011) theorized that prisoners found the official food to be emasculating and child-like and used cooking practices to re-assert control over their bodies. In resisting the official food, prisoners also “positioned themselves as smart prisoners,” constructing a dignified identity and sense of self that became a performance of “courage and

correctional officers, and prisoner food resistance, including illegal trading and hoarding of cafeteria and canteen foods. The authors concluded by calling for more research about prison foodways in order to better understand prison life and inform institutional management (Valentine & Longstaff, 1998). Relationships. One major theme that is evident across this symbolic literature is the role of food in constructing prison relationships. For example, Earle and Phillips (2012) conducted a study in a mediumsecurity men's prison near London that focused on the ‘self-cook’ areas. The researchers spent “as much time as we could” in the prison during an eight-month period, recording observations, keeping reflective diaries and conducting semi-structured interviews with 50 prisoners (Earle & Phillips, 2012, p. 145). They described the prisoners' management of this space and the ways in which conflict around cooking schedules and protocols were negotiated. The space was constructed as a contact zone where the diversity of ethnicities and cultures represented in the prison's population intersected, destabilizing White privilege and forcing a “proximity with racialized ‘others’” (p. 149). Minke (2014) also conducted a prison ethnography that focused on understanding the relationships produced by ‘self-cook’ systems. She completed 13 months of ethnographic fieldwork and 68 in-depth individual interviews in a maximum security men's prison in Denmark. Overall, the incarcerated men were very positive about the ‘self-cook’ system which allowed them to prepare food to their own liking and offered a productive way to pass the time. Minke (2014) described the ways in which men organized into food groups to create an economy of scale with their limited food allowances and formed relationships that offered a level of support and protection in the kitchen and throughout the prison environment. These alliances were formed after “careful consideration of the larger social dynamics” and some men chose not to join a group in order to avoid potentially complicated relationships (Minke, 2014, p. 233). Roles and tasks were delegated to group members based on social position and status. In her analysis of US jail spreads, “inmate-created foods most often built around a single ingredient, instant ramen noodles,” Cate (2008) also described how cooking groups were formed, in this case primarily by racial identity and socio-economic dynamics. Greenwood (2009) offered personal reflections about how working in the prison kitchen shaped his relationships while incarcerated. His detailed account of working as a dishwasher and food server offers a nuanced understanding of the privileges that come with this work, including the ability to communicate with people from across the prison, secure illicit food stuffs to share or trade with peers, and eat special meals with co-workers (i.e. fried eggs and homemade bread) that are not available to the general population. The relationships that he is able to build around his role in the food production process illustrates the power of food to connect and nourish. Data gathered from 30 formerly incarcerated women in the US further illustrates how people use food in prison to build relationships with each other, sharing, trading, and cooking food together (Smoyer, 2015). Women also used food to build relationships with people in the community: Some women described accepting funds from family and friends to buy commissary food items as a sign of support, while others deliberately declined funds in order to reduce the impact of their incarceration on their family and illustrate their sense of independence and responsibility (Smoyer, 2015). These findings illustrate how food functions to both reflect and construct prisoner relationships. Power and control. Another central theme in the research is the ways in which incarcerated peoples' experiences with food while incarcerated can both diminish and build their personal sense of power and control. Godderis (2006b) asserts: “The loss of control over the [food] consumptive process is a key aspect of transforming individuals into inmates by creating a sense of estrangement between one's self and one's body” (p. 62). Unpalatable food, delivered without care or concern, can constitute both a concrete and symbolic punishment for incarcerated people (Smoyer & Lopes, 2017). In the face of this 5

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resourcefulness … in a very limiting and narrow environment” (Ugelvik, 2011, pp. 55–56). Identity, including gender. The use of foodways to construct identities, as described by Ugelvik, is evident throughout the prison food literature. Incarcerated people use cooking partnerships and specific foods to invoke race, ethnicity, and gender (Cate, 2008; Earle & Phillips, 2012; Ugelvik, 2011). Food choices may also be used to construct a healthy identity, signaling to self and others that one is intentionally moving towards recovery and wellness (Smoyer, 2014). Similarly, research with women detained in a US jail describes how these women use stories about baking desserts on the housing tiers to “disrupt negative stereotypes” and assert their identities as mothers (Stearns, 2018, p. 15). On the other hand, engaging in illicit food trading and cooking activities while incarcerated may reinforce a criminogenic identity (Smoyer & Blankenship, 2014). Chatterjee and Chatterjee (2018) offer further information about how perceptions of prison food reflect and build incarcerated women's understandings of gender. Their data was collected through 90 semistructured interviews with female prisoners in India. Analysis of these narratives documented a reversal of gender roles in prison related to food (Chatterjee & Chatterjee, 2018). In the community, women cooked for themselves and their families (including men), but in this prison setting, men prepared the meals which were served to the women. The women bemoaned the loss of power that they experienced through this arrangement which made them “passive recipients of food” (Chatterjee & Chatterjee, 2018, p. 47). They were distrustful of meal preparation process both because men were cooking and they could not observe the process. Further, because they were unable to cook, women were not able to access the supplies they needed to create food-related remedies for health problems. Women reported that these cafeteria meals were the primary cause of their health problems and expressed concern that the food would lead to long-term reproductive issues (Chatterjee & Chatterjee, 2018).

Indeed, food is a critical human rights and health issue. For the most part, there was very low satisfaction with institutionally provided prison food, especially in developing countries where food shortages were common and incarcerated people experienced food insecurity. However, there were participants who reported satisfaction with the food systems, especially in ‘self-cook’ facilities that allowed people to cook for themselves. The symbolic findings collected in this review reinforce the central role of quotidian micro-activities in the lives of all people, including those who are incarcerated. As previous research has shown, it is through micro-activities that relationships, power, resistance, and identity are negotiated and performed in correctional settings (Bosworth & Carrabine, 2001; Liebling, 2004; Nagin, Cullen, & Jonson, 2009). This prison foodways research illustrates the power of “little things” and the meaningful insight that can be gained from examining minutia. For example, the reviewed literature demonstrates that food is a powerful tool for both creating and destabilizing relationships. Prison food nourishes relationships among incarcerated people, and between inmates and their family and friends in the community. Given existing research about the benefits of peer support on prisoner health and safety (Bagnall et al., 2015; Collica, 2010) and the importance of maintaining social ties with non-incarcerated people (La Vigne, Naser, Brooks, & Castro, 2005), information about how food can build these positive connections is of tremendous value. Symbolic analysis also demonstrates how food can be used to wield power and control. Food-related resistance, primarily the rejection or repurposing of institutionally provided meals, was understood as an opportunity for incarcerated people to enact individual agency. These findings align with existing research about correctional settings. From the beginning, studies about prison life have disproved the idea of incarcerated people as confined subjects, completely divorced from their own power and control (Sykes, 1958). In fact, correctional authority is vulnerable and inmate cooperation is essential to institutional operations and order (Bosworth, 2010; Craig, 2004). Management of correctional facilities, and the realization of rehabilitative goals, requires a nuanced understanding of power and control that allows for some level of personal determination and agency among incarcerated people (Craig, 2004). This review demonstrates how a combination of inmate ingenuity and staff discretion can allow foodways to be preformed in way that satiates the hunger for power, control, and agency among incarcerated people, without jeopardizing institutional security.

4. Discussion This scoping review examines primary research about prison food, published in English-language peer-reviewed journals since 1995, to build understanding about people's lived experience of incarceration and inform programs that seek to improve prisoner outcomes. Thirtyeight (38) quantitative and qualitative articles met the eligibility criteria of this review. The sample included both pragmatic and symbolic analysis. The pragmatic findings include nutritional assessments and evaluation of correctional food services from around the world. Detailed descriptions of different types of prison foodways were presented, including institutional kitchens and cafeterias, ‘self-cook’ systems, and informal, often illicit, cooking with commissary and other food stuffs in housing areas. These pragmatic findings illustrate the nutritional vulnerability faced by incarcerated people who struggle to maintain a balanced diet, especially in developing countries. While research has long identified correctional institutions as places of interpersonal and structural violence that can increase negative health outcomes, including HIV, TB, and mental health problems (Dolan et al., 2016; Fazel, Hayes, Bartellas, Clerici, & Trestman, 2016), knowledge about how prisons may aggravate chronic non-communicable disease, like obesity and malnutrition, is underdeveloped (Herbert, Plugge, Foster, & Doll, 2012). The prevalence of cardiovascular disease and diabetes among formerly incarcerated people in the US suggests that investment in correctional food systems could improve health outcomes and reduce long-term health care costs (Wang et al., 2010). In the final sentence of their report about incarcerated women in Pakistan, Avais and Wassan (2017) position food as a central component of prisoner health that deserves full attention: “Health department and NGOs working on women rights/health issues should also work jointly on health as well as food quality of prisoner women” (p. 38).

4.1. Implications for research and practice Creating more sanctioned opportunities for people to cook for themselves while incarcerated, whether that be through ‘self-cook’ arrangements, employment in a central kitchen, or on the housing tiers, may improve the functioning of the prison, by ameliorating prisoners' relationships with the institution and each other, and allowing them to cook in a way that sustains their own racial, ethnic and gender identity. Alienating incarcerated people from their foodways seems only to decrease their endorsement of the prison's legitimacy and increase illicit, rule-breaking behaviors and resentment. The research in this review suggests that prison foodways can construct positive identities. The research also suggests that prison foodways offer an opportunity for incarcerated people to build relationships and collaborate in groups towards a shared goal. While there was evidence of violence within some food groups, especially in environments of scarcity, there were many examples of people working together, helping each other, and sharing resources. All human beings use food to construct culture, relationships, and identity, and this scoping review demonstrates that incarcerated people are no exception. In terms of research, this review identifies several gaps in our knowledge. One, there is a need to expand the geography of this inquiry. Almost all of the articles (31/38) were from the US, Western Europe, and Canada. Two, there are moments and places within the 6

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correctional system where foodways have been underexplored. For example, food provisions for remand prisoners during their trials and the role of food in prison visits. Research about breastfeeding or pumping milk in prison were not found. Foodways in specialized units – segregation, prison nursery, medical units - could be more fully understood. There is more research about prison settings than jails. Three, future research could test the inductive hypotheses that have been constructed through qualitative inquiry. Do improvements in prison foodways impact long-term psychosocial outcomes or recidivism? Four, learning how correctional officers eat while working in prisons could inform programs to improve staff wellness and offer an additional perspective on the prison place.

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