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Food processing and consumption in the Jōmon
Quaternary International 404 (2016) 16e24
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mon Food processing and consumption in the Jo Takamune Kawashima Yamaguchi University, Japan
a r t i c l e i n f o
a b s t r a c t
Article history: Available online 11 September 2015
mon is recognized as a hunter-gatherer society, and it is thought that food exploitation in the The Jo mon period (14,500 BC-950/400 BC) had a minor influence on social change, compared to the introJo duction of rice cultivation in the beginning of the Yayoi period (950/400 BC-AD250). However, during the mon there were some changes in the exploitation of wild resources, which could be related to social Jo mon, the exploitation of wild plants changed dramatically. In the changes. From the Middle to the Late Jo mon, chestnuts were the main staple. Utilization of horse chestnuts showed a remarkable Middle Jo mon. Horse chestnuts were found in waterlogged sites, mostly associated with increase in the Late Jo wooden structures which could have been used for food processing. Japanese folklore examples of the processing of horse chestnuts show that they could have been used to obtain large amounts of nuts. mon wooden structures are larger, which could be due to their use in a Compared to folklore examples, Jo mon wooden structures and remains found within them, and communal context. This paper examines Jo then explores the potential social impact of the change in food exploitation. © 2015 Elsevier Ltd and INQUA. All rights reserved.
Keywords: mon Jo Hunter-gatherers Acorn Horse chestnuts Food processing
1. Introduction mon (ca. 16,500e950/400 BC) has been The subsistence of the Jo thought to rely on hunting, gathering, and fishing. Especially, gathering must have played an important role in their diet since recent excavations at the water-logged sites, such as Shimoyakebe site (Chiba et al., 2006), revealed the accumulation of acorn, chestnuts, horse chestnuts and nuts. Due to the geographical condition of Japan, plant foods which could be used differed in areas. In brief, currently deciduous broad-leaved forests cover eastern Japan, while Coniferous forest zone is dominant in the northern most area. On the other hand, broad-leaved forest zone is developed in western Japan. In addition to this natural environment and the temporal climatic change, use of major plant foods such as acorn, chestnuts, horse chestnuts also changes temporally. Although mon chestnuts were dominantly discovered from the Middle Jo mon (Kawashima, sites, horse chestnuts increased after the Late Jo 2015). Most archaeologists regard that cooling event resulted in mon diet. However, I have argued that this change this change in Jo could have been related to cultural preference rather than climate change because chestnut trees continued to be the main building material for houses and piles. Increasing use of horse chestnuts could have been associated with the food processing facilities which could be observed in traditional Japan until several decades E-mail address: [email protected]. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.quaint.2015.08.040 1040-6182/© 2015 Elsevier Ltd and INQUA. All rights reserved.
mon was archaeoago. Intensive use of horse chestnuts in the Jo logically seen only in eastern Japan where most of the population , 1984). At the same time in western Japan lived (Koyama and Sugito storage pits for acorns were constructed, which also show increased food consumption. This trend of increasing food con mon population sumption is inconsistent with the fact that Jo decreased from the Middle to the Late period. In most of the premon has been discussed vious studies, the use of wild food in the Jo based on the archaeological remains from northern and eastern Japan. In this paper, by comparing the environment of east and west Japan, I will focus on the intensive use of acorns and horse chest mon. nuts after the Late Jo 2. Methodology In the following section, the food processing and storage facilities mon are mentioned. Most of these which developed after the Late Jo facilities were associated with the remains of horse chestnuts and acorns. From Japanese folklore it is known that mountain villages which could hardly produce rice and other cereals used wild food such as horse chestnuts and acorns (Watanabe, 1975; Hosoya, 2011). Folklore examples seem to be useful to evaluate the existence of wild food remains at archaeological sites, and to reconstruct the method of processing horse chestnuts and acorns. Firstly, water reservoirs are examined in terms of the structure, size, and location. Secondly, structures used for processing horse chest nuts in folklore examples
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mon wooden are mentioned, which could be compared with Jo mon culture dug in structures. Thirdly storage pits of western Jo mon. wetland are described, which could develop after the Late Jo 3. Discussion mon 3.1. Water reservoirs after the Late Jo mon were plant food, especially acorn and The staples of the Jo nuts. For processing these foods, grinding stones and pestles were used, combined with boiling in pottery. Although these artifacts mon, in the were discovered dating from the early stage of the Jo mon a new type of facility developed. Wooden water reserLate Jo voirs seem to be most related to processing abundant food, such as
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nuts and acorns (Fig. 1). Nuts and acorns were discovered in the reservoirs in most cases. Although acorns and nuts were the main mon period, there are some temporally foods through the Jo mon, chestnuts were different usages of nuts. In the Middle Jo characteristic and dominant among excavated botanical remains. mon period, the number of On the other hand, in the Late Jo discovered horse chestnuts rapidly increased. This trend is also supported by pollen analysis at Shimoyakebe site, Tokyo , 2014). They were uncovered especially from (Yoshikawa and Kudo the water reservoirs. Processing horse chestnuts is quite difficult, because they contain saponin and aloin, toxic ingredients, which are difficult to remove. From the folklore research in Japan, it takes a maximum of almost two weeks for leaching horse chestnuts, which included boiling with ash in most cases.
Fig. 1. Distribution of water-reservoirs (after Sasaki 1997:Fig. 2).
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The reason why the main food changed from chestnuts to horse chestnuts is not clear, but it is not reasonable to simply replace chestnuts with horse chestnuts, due to the difficulty of processing. There must have been other reasons, such as climatic change, easy and rich harvests, possibility for longer storage, or taste. In previous studies, climate change was thought to be the main reason for this mon chestnut trees were change (Imamura, 2002), but in the Late Jo still used for construction in eastern Japan. The ratio of chestnut trees among wooden construction materials from three sites of the mon in the Kanto region was approximately Late and Final Jo 50e80% (Noshiro and Sasaki 2014). At Teranohigashi shows the highest ratio of chestnut trees, 77.5% (Ehara, 1998). This suggests that chestnuts could have been available around the settlements. In order to eat horse chestnuts, large efficient processing facilities may have been needed, because it is unlikely that they were processed every day just for one meal. Wooden water reservoirs of mon could be used for that purpose. While water reservoirs the Jo mon (ca. 7000 BC), the were uncovered dating from the Early Jo structure of water reservoirs was different from those in the Late mon. In the Late Jo mon, larger wooden structures were conJo structed at water reservoirs, several times at the same location. In some sites, preserved wooden parts were discovered. It seems that wooden water reservoirs were constructed and maintained according to a specific plan. This implies the continuous use of water springs, and may indicate that it was used by a long-term sedentary village. At Teranohigashi, the difference between water reservoirs of the Middle and Late periods can be observed (Figs. 2 and 3). A simple water reservoir which belongs to the Middle to early Late periods was found, which was associated with a working space and the holes of possible piles. On the other hand, a complex of wooden mon was water reservoirs which belong to the Late and the Final Jo found in the northern part of this site, which was thought to have been repaired and reconstructed several times. Wooden parts from seven structures were analysed by AMS radiocarbon dating, which showed that wooden structure was made from the early Late to the
et al., 2009). The results match the middle Final period (Kudo previous dating based on the accompanied pottery sherds at the wooden structures (Ehara, 1998). Both of the Middle and the Late mon reservoirs were constructed near the settlements, and Final Jo could have been used on a daily basis. However, the reservoir mon was systematically maintained constructed after the Late Jo more than that from the Middle period. Although the number of the pit houses does not necessarily reflect the population size, the size of the wooden structure could reflect the amount of processed food. This difference of the reservoirs between the Middle and Late-final periods was probably caused by the sedentary lifestyle (Kawashima, 2009, 2010, 2013). 3.2. Folklore of horse chestnut processing Wooden water reservoirs can be used for other activities such as drinking water and making fibres, but the remains of horse chestnuts from the reservoirs suggests that they were used for leaching horse chestnuts (Sasaki, 2007). An advantage of horse chestnuts is that they produce larger harvests than chestnuts, as well as longterm storage. Horse chestnuts are collected easily in early autumn and can be stored after drying. Horse chestnuts were used from the mon in addition to acorns which were collected from Early Jo autumn to early winter, but gradually increased in importance in mon diet. Japanese traditional processing of horse chestnuts the Jo shows that they could have been used for leaching in large amounts (Matsuyama, 1982; Watanabe, 1975, 1989; Nomoto, 2005). There are several ways to leach horse chestnuts (Hosoya, 2011). Of these mon we should focus leaching methods, for comparison with the Jo on “kozawashi”, which was used when only horse chestnuts were processed to make a meal, while the other method called “tochimochi” involved mixing with rice to some extent. For tochimochi, peeled whole horse chestnuts in a bag were leached in a stream for one to two weeks. Leached horse chestnuts were pounded with rice to make cakes. On the other hand, kozawashi used only horse chestnuts. Cooked and smashed horse chestnuts were spread on a
mon, after Ehara, 1997:Fig. 9; right: Late-Final Jo mon, after Ehara, 1998:Fig. 24). Fig. 2. Water reservoirs at Teranohigashi (left: late Middle-early Late Jo
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Fig. 3. Pit houses at Teranohigashi (after Ehara ,1997:Fig. 7).
container which consisted of wood and a cloth, and toxic ingredients rinsed by running water. In traditional examples (Fig. 4), the amount of leached horse chestnuts in one operation (app. 2.7 l, 1.5 1.5 0.15m) was often intended for extended families for two weeks. In some cases of traditional use of water, several families shared a stream or used it
in turns for leaching. In other cases, although it is not clear if this was traditional, communal leaching facilities were constructed. Locations with rich water resources are important for leaching horse chestnuts. In mountain regions where folklore data were collected, there were several small streams around the village, but plain small springs under Jo mon settlements usually in the Kanto
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Fig. 4. Distribution of horse chestnuts (after Watanabe, 1989:Fig. 1).
were used. This could be one of the reasons why water reservoirs plain. Rich, clear water was needed were constructed in the Kanto for leaching horse chestnuts as well as acorns. Compared to contemporary folklore examples of leaching facilities for horse mon are larger, chestnuts, the wooden structures found in the Jo mon which could be due to their use in a communal context. Jo wooden structures were larger than contemporary ones (Kawashima, 2009). Considering the use of traditional wooden structures, larger ones could be needed in the communal context as well as for extended families. One or a few water reservoirs in a mon settlement may have been constructed for a fixed period Jo during which the reservoir was maintained. Although reservoirs were used for various purposes and not necessarily used as observed in folklore data, there is a high possibility that they were constructed for communal usage. Kurishima (2015) doubts that the
water reservoirs were used only for leaching horse chestnuts and mon wooden structures had little acorns, because the shape of Jo similarity to the traditional ones. It is reasonable to assume that a reservoir was used for multiple purposes, considering the fact that the water reservoir is only the water resource by the settlement. However, as horse chestnuts, acorns and nuts were mainly found, one of the main functions of water reservoirs was the processing of such wild food. 3.3. Wet type storage pits These wooden water reservoirs were mostly found from eastern mon culture flourished. For Japan (Fig. 1), where traditionally Jo example, many more settlements and pit dwellings are found in eastern than in western Japan. Although water reservoirs are
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thought to be used as food processing facilities, no large-scale mon acorns were storage facilities were found. Probably, in the Jo preserved over the hearth, as observed in traditional examples (Matsuyama, 1982; Watanabe, 1975, 1989; Tsuji, 1988). On the other hand, in western Japan different kinds of acorns mon to the contemporary period, because of have been used from Jo the warmer climate (Fig. 5). According to folklore, toxic ingredients including tannin can be easily removed from the acorns in western Japan compared with the most used acorns in eastern Japan. Probably due to this ecological condition, the leaching technique of acorns developed in eastern Japan, where horse chestnuts and Lepidobalanus were intensively used. In western Japan, instead of wooden water reservoirs, storage pits were discovered (Fig. 6), which were constructed in wetlands. Acorns in western Japan such as Q. gilva usually can be eaten without a difficult leaching process. mon of western Japan, storage pits are In the Late and Final Jo widely distributed (Mizunoe, 1999, 2007, 2012; Yagiura, 2004). Such storage pits are found from waterlogged areas, which are associated with acorns (Fig. 7). There are some opinions about the use and function of the pits, such as processing acorns, killing insects, or for short or long preservation. It is difficult to determine the use of each pit, but they were used for at least short preservation, according to these facts: pits were not filled with water, some acorns were abandoned in the bottom, and most acorns do not need to be leached, such as Lithocarpus edulis. As these wet-type storage pits in wetlands (acorn pits) were distributed at the particular area, they seem to have been made at one time. However, according to carbon dating or pottery types, the place for the acorn pits was used over the period of several pottery site (Fig.8), pits types. In the case of the Kon'yamachidairakubo
Fig. 5. Vegetation distribution (after Matsuyama, 1982:Fig. 6).
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mon were dated from the end of the Middle to the Final Jo (Yamamoto, 1999). It is estimated that four acorn pits at most were used for one pottery type (Yamamoto, 2004:9; Obata, 2006:36e37). Probably settlements were moved, but suitable places for acorn pits were used repeatedly. The trend of increasing food storage facilities in western Japan shows similarity in the development of wooden water reservoirs to eastern Japan (Fig. 9). The rapid increase of wettype pits after the Late period implies changing subsistence, as seen in eastern Japan in the same period. 4. Conclusion: food consumption and social complexity after mon the Late Jo The difference in food processing could reflect the amount of refuse in the archaeological sites. In eastern Japan, settlements were more densely distributed than in western Japan. In western Japan, there is scarce evidence of food consumption in the settlements, while storage pits, wet-type storage pits were distributed. This difference in food processing could be connected to remains of mon sites in eastern food consumption. In the Late and Final Jo Japan, the evidence of food consumption increased, such as large fire features, large and simple vessels, charcoal and fragmented animal bones which were usually uncovered in small fragmented pieces, some well burned. The increase of consumption can be observed in the deposits of mon settlements. The ground plan of Late Jo mon Late and Final Jo mon. For settlements is almost the same as those in the Middle Jo example, house pits are distributed in a circle. However, after the mon, there are some sites which have surrounding mounds Late Jo (Fig. 3). Although these mounds were not thought to be made only from remains of food consumption, the characteristics of food consumption, for example fire features between layers, were found mon sites (Kawashima, more frequently than in the Middle Jo 2008a, 2008b). Generally, the amount of food consumption should be related to population size. However, it is unlikely that this increase of food consumption was caused by population growth. As seen in the Teranohigashi site (Fig. 3), the number of recovered house pits in mon is generally larger than in the Late Jo mon. It is the Middle Jo thought that there is little evidence of population increase in the mon. So, population increase cannot be the reason for the Late Jo increase of food consumption. In this sense, considering the inmon, feasting could be crease of food consumption after the Late Jo an alternative scenario (Kawashima, 2008a, 2008b). In contrast to the situation of western Japan after the Late mon, with no food processing facilities and small settlements, Jo mon settlements seem more sedentary. As noted eastern Jo region (Kawashima, 2008a, 2012), the settlements in the Kanto which include rich ritual artifacts show a tendency to last longer, mon usually from the beginning of the Late to the end of the Jo mon settlements. Most of these period compared with the Middle Jo mon developed ring-shaped earthen sites of the Late and Final Jo mounds, which could suggest a correlation between sedentary lifestyle and the accumulation of daily and extraordinary refuse. In mon, while the western Jo mon societies did not the Late to Final Jo develop ritual artifacts, in eastern Japan the number and variety of ritual artifacts, such as figurines and stone rods, increased (Kawashima, 2005, 2008a). The correlation between subsistence based on acorns and the development of social complexity was observed in California, such as the Miwok, the Yurok, the Monache, the Yokuts groups (Jackson 1991, Takahashi, 2007; Wada, 2003). While people in the Northwest Coast of North America were economically dependent on marine resources, people in California who developed social complexity used acorns intensively. This implies the potential of
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Fig. 6. Distribution of pits associated with botanical remains (data after Obata, 2006 and Yagiura, 2014).
acorns for supporting the development of social structure. mon as well as western Japan, the LateCompared to the Middle Jo mon settlements in eastern Japan were used for a longer Final Jo period and characterized by a landscape consisting of mounds and central depressions. These changes could be associated with the intensive use of horse chestnuts and acorns.
In the previous studies, compared with the subsistence of indigenous people in the Northwest Coast and California, it is thought that acorns and salmon had important roles as the staple mon. This is known as the “salmon hypothesis” foods of the Jo (Habu, 2004). Recently, the number of discovered salmon bones has increased (Matsui, 1999; Ishida et al., 2009). While some
mon) (after Kondo , 1995:Figs. 7,11,14). Fig. 7. Wet-type storage pits at Minamigatamaeike (Final Jo
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(after Yamamoto, 1999:Fig. 2). Fig. 8. Wet-type storage pits at Kon'yamachidairakubo
600
45 40
500 35 400
30 25
300 20 200
15 10
100 5 0
0 Incipient
Earliest
Early sites N=93
Middle
Late
remarkable. The salmon run is influenced by the sea temperature, mon so the harvest could not have been stable through the Jo (Ishida et al., 2009). Despite this, people in northern Japan could use salmon much more than people in southwest Japan. As Hayden (1995, 2001) notes, food consumption in large amounts (feasting) is thought to be an indicator of social complexity. He explains the development of social complexity according to the development of the size of feasting which is held by the ambitious leaders in the mon society in eastern Japan could have society. In this sense, Jo mon pedeveloped social complexity in the Late and the Final Jo riods (Kawashima, 2015), compared with western Japan. However, it is important to consider western Japan (Sakaguchi, 1999), which mon, to discuss social developed wet-type pits after the Late Jo complexity.
Final
pits N=1,268
Fig. 9. Wet-type storage pits (data after Obata, 2006 and Yagiura, 2014).
archaeologists have insisted that salmon hypothesis could not be established archaeologically (Otsuka, 2006), this is still an impormon diet (Matsui, 1999; Takahashi, 2007), tant topic in the Jo especially from the viewpoint of the front-back loaded model mon case shows the (Tushingham and Bettinger, 2013). If the Jo same tendency seen in North America, intensive salmon fishing could imply the existence of a complex society. Until the Meiji period, salmon ran even in western Japan, though the amount was much smaller than that of northern Japan. It is known that hunter-gatherers whose subsistence was based on marine resources developed social complexity (Watanabe, 1990; mon people Testart, 1995; Binford, 2001). If the northern Jo economically relied on salmon harvests, the economic difference between northeast and southwest Japan could have been
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mon Food processing and consumption in the Jo Takamune Kawashima Yamaguchi University, Japan
a r t i c l e i n f o
a b s t r a c t
Article history: Available online 11 September 2015
mon is recognized as a hunter-gatherer society, and it is thought that food exploitation in the The Jo mon period (14,500 BC-950/400 BC) had a minor influence on social change, compared to the introJo duction of rice cultivation in the beginning of the Yayoi period (950/400 BC-AD250). However, during the mon there were some changes in the exploitation of wild resources, which could be related to social Jo mon, the exploitation of wild plants changed dramatically. In the changes. From the Middle to the Late Jo mon, chestnuts were the main staple. Utilization of horse chestnuts showed a remarkable Middle Jo mon. Horse chestnuts were found in waterlogged sites, mostly associated with increase in the Late Jo wooden structures which could have been used for food processing. Japanese folklore examples of the processing of horse chestnuts show that they could have been used to obtain large amounts of nuts. mon wooden structures are larger, which could be due to their use in a Compared to folklore examples, Jo mon wooden structures and remains found within them, and communal context. This paper examines Jo then explores the potential social impact of the change in food exploitation. © 2015 Elsevier Ltd and INQUA. All rights reserved.
Keywords: mon Jo Hunter-gatherers Acorn Horse chestnuts Food processing
1. Introduction mon (ca. 16,500e950/400 BC) has been The subsistence of the Jo thought to rely on hunting, gathering, and fishing. Especially, gathering must have played an important role in their diet since recent excavations at the water-logged sites, such as Shimoyakebe site (Chiba et al., 2006), revealed the accumulation of acorn, chestnuts, horse chestnuts and nuts. Due to the geographical condition of Japan, plant foods which could be used differed in areas. In brief, currently deciduous broad-leaved forests cover eastern Japan, while Coniferous forest zone is dominant in the northern most area. On the other hand, broad-leaved forest zone is developed in western Japan. In addition to this natural environment and the temporal climatic change, use of major plant foods such as acorn, chestnuts, horse chestnuts also changes temporally. Although mon chestnuts were dominantly discovered from the Middle Jo mon (Kawashima, sites, horse chestnuts increased after the Late Jo 2015). Most archaeologists regard that cooling event resulted in mon diet. However, I have argued that this change this change in Jo could have been related to cultural preference rather than climate change because chestnut trees continued to be the main building material for houses and piles. Increasing use of horse chestnuts could have been associated with the food processing facilities which could be observed in traditional Japan until several decades E-mail address: [email protected]. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.quaint.2015.08.040 1040-6182/© 2015 Elsevier Ltd and INQUA. All rights reserved.
mon was archaeoago. Intensive use of horse chestnuts in the Jo logically seen only in eastern Japan where most of the population , 1984). At the same time in western Japan lived (Koyama and Sugito storage pits for acorns were constructed, which also show increased food consumption. This trend of increasing food con mon population sumption is inconsistent with the fact that Jo decreased from the Middle to the Late period. In most of the premon has been discussed vious studies, the use of wild food in the Jo based on the archaeological remains from northern and eastern Japan. In this paper, by comparing the environment of east and west Japan, I will focus on the intensive use of acorns and horse chest mon. nuts after the Late Jo 2. Methodology In the following section, the food processing and storage facilities mon are mentioned. Most of these which developed after the Late Jo facilities were associated with the remains of horse chestnuts and acorns. From Japanese folklore it is known that mountain villages which could hardly produce rice and other cereals used wild food such as horse chestnuts and acorns (Watanabe, 1975; Hosoya, 2011). Folklore examples seem to be useful to evaluate the existence of wild food remains at archaeological sites, and to reconstruct the method of processing horse chestnuts and acorns. Firstly, water reservoirs are examined in terms of the structure, size, and location. Secondly, structures used for processing horse chest nuts in folklore examples
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mon wooden are mentioned, which could be compared with Jo mon culture dug in structures. Thirdly storage pits of western Jo mon. wetland are described, which could develop after the Late Jo 3. Discussion mon 3.1. Water reservoirs after the Late Jo mon were plant food, especially acorn and The staples of the Jo nuts. For processing these foods, grinding stones and pestles were used, combined with boiling in pottery. Although these artifacts mon, in the were discovered dating from the early stage of the Jo mon a new type of facility developed. Wooden water reserLate Jo voirs seem to be most related to processing abundant food, such as
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nuts and acorns (Fig. 1). Nuts and acorns were discovered in the reservoirs in most cases. Although acorns and nuts were the main mon period, there are some temporally foods through the Jo mon, chestnuts were different usages of nuts. In the Middle Jo characteristic and dominant among excavated botanical remains. mon period, the number of On the other hand, in the Late Jo discovered horse chestnuts rapidly increased. This trend is also supported by pollen analysis at Shimoyakebe site, Tokyo , 2014). They were uncovered especially from (Yoshikawa and Kudo the water reservoirs. Processing horse chestnuts is quite difficult, because they contain saponin and aloin, toxic ingredients, which are difficult to remove. From the folklore research in Japan, it takes a maximum of almost two weeks for leaching horse chestnuts, which included boiling with ash in most cases.
Fig. 1. Distribution of water-reservoirs (after Sasaki 1997:Fig. 2).
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The reason why the main food changed from chestnuts to horse chestnuts is not clear, but it is not reasonable to simply replace chestnuts with horse chestnuts, due to the difficulty of processing. There must have been other reasons, such as climatic change, easy and rich harvests, possibility for longer storage, or taste. In previous studies, climate change was thought to be the main reason for this mon chestnut trees were change (Imamura, 2002), but in the Late Jo still used for construction in eastern Japan. The ratio of chestnut trees among wooden construction materials from three sites of the mon in the Kanto region was approximately Late and Final Jo 50e80% (Noshiro and Sasaki 2014). At Teranohigashi shows the highest ratio of chestnut trees, 77.5% (Ehara, 1998). This suggests that chestnuts could have been available around the settlements. In order to eat horse chestnuts, large efficient processing facilities may have been needed, because it is unlikely that they were processed every day just for one meal. Wooden water reservoirs of mon could be used for that purpose. While water reservoirs the Jo mon (ca. 7000 BC), the were uncovered dating from the Early Jo structure of water reservoirs was different from those in the Late mon. In the Late Jo mon, larger wooden structures were conJo structed at water reservoirs, several times at the same location. In some sites, preserved wooden parts were discovered. It seems that wooden water reservoirs were constructed and maintained according to a specific plan. This implies the continuous use of water springs, and may indicate that it was used by a long-term sedentary village. At Teranohigashi, the difference between water reservoirs of the Middle and Late periods can be observed (Figs. 2 and 3). A simple water reservoir which belongs to the Middle to early Late periods was found, which was associated with a working space and the holes of possible piles. On the other hand, a complex of wooden mon was water reservoirs which belong to the Late and the Final Jo found in the northern part of this site, which was thought to have been repaired and reconstructed several times. Wooden parts from seven structures were analysed by AMS radiocarbon dating, which showed that wooden structure was made from the early Late to the
et al., 2009). The results match the middle Final period (Kudo previous dating based on the accompanied pottery sherds at the wooden structures (Ehara, 1998). Both of the Middle and the Late mon reservoirs were constructed near the settlements, and Final Jo could have been used on a daily basis. However, the reservoir mon was systematically maintained constructed after the Late Jo more than that from the Middle period. Although the number of the pit houses does not necessarily reflect the population size, the size of the wooden structure could reflect the amount of processed food. This difference of the reservoirs between the Middle and Late-final periods was probably caused by the sedentary lifestyle (Kawashima, 2009, 2010, 2013). 3.2. Folklore of horse chestnut processing Wooden water reservoirs can be used for other activities such as drinking water and making fibres, but the remains of horse chestnuts from the reservoirs suggests that they were used for leaching horse chestnuts (Sasaki, 2007). An advantage of horse chestnuts is that they produce larger harvests than chestnuts, as well as longterm storage. Horse chestnuts are collected easily in early autumn and can be stored after drying. Horse chestnuts were used from the mon in addition to acorns which were collected from Early Jo autumn to early winter, but gradually increased in importance in mon diet. Japanese traditional processing of horse chestnuts the Jo shows that they could have been used for leaching in large amounts (Matsuyama, 1982; Watanabe, 1975, 1989; Nomoto, 2005). There are several ways to leach horse chestnuts (Hosoya, 2011). Of these mon we should focus leaching methods, for comparison with the Jo on “kozawashi”, which was used when only horse chestnuts were processed to make a meal, while the other method called “tochimochi” involved mixing with rice to some extent. For tochimochi, peeled whole horse chestnuts in a bag were leached in a stream for one to two weeks. Leached horse chestnuts were pounded with rice to make cakes. On the other hand, kozawashi used only horse chestnuts. Cooked and smashed horse chestnuts were spread on a
mon, after Ehara, 1997:Fig. 9; right: Late-Final Jo mon, after Ehara, 1998:Fig. 24). Fig. 2. Water reservoirs at Teranohigashi (left: late Middle-early Late Jo
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Fig. 3. Pit houses at Teranohigashi (after Ehara ,1997:Fig. 7).
container which consisted of wood and a cloth, and toxic ingredients rinsed by running water. In traditional examples (Fig. 4), the amount of leached horse chestnuts in one operation (app. 2.7 l, 1.5 1.5 0.15m) was often intended for extended families for two weeks. In some cases of traditional use of water, several families shared a stream or used it
in turns for leaching. In other cases, although it is not clear if this was traditional, communal leaching facilities were constructed. Locations with rich water resources are important for leaching horse chestnuts. In mountain regions where folklore data were collected, there were several small streams around the village, but plain small springs under Jo mon settlements usually in the Kanto
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Fig. 4. Distribution of horse chestnuts (after Watanabe, 1989:Fig. 1).
were used. This could be one of the reasons why water reservoirs plain. Rich, clear water was needed were constructed in the Kanto for leaching horse chestnuts as well as acorns. Compared to contemporary folklore examples of leaching facilities for horse mon are larger, chestnuts, the wooden structures found in the Jo mon which could be due to their use in a communal context. Jo wooden structures were larger than contemporary ones (Kawashima, 2009). Considering the use of traditional wooden structures, larger ones could be needed in the communal context as well as for extended families. One or a few water reservoirs in a mon settlement may have been constructed for a fixed period Jo during which the reservoir was maintained. Although reservoirs were used for various purposes and not necessarily used as observed in folklore data, there is a high possibility that they were constructed for communal usage. Kurishima (2015) doubts that the
water reservoirs were used only for leaching horse chestnuts and mon wooden structures had little acorns, because the shape of Jo similarity to the traditional ones. It is reasonable to assume that a reservoir was used for multiple purposes, considering the fact that the water reservoir is only the water resource by the settlement. However, as horse chestnuts, acorns and nuts were mainly found, one of the main functions of water reservoirs was the processing of such wild food. 3.3. Wet type storage pits These wooden water reservoirs were mostly found from eastern mon culture flourished. For Japan (Fig. 1), where traditionally Jo example, many more settlements and pit dwellings are found in eastern than in western Japan. Although water reservoirs are
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thought to be used as food processing facilities, no large-scale mon acorns were storage facilities were found. Probably, in the Jo preserved over the hearth, as observed in traditional examples (Matsuyama, 1982; Watanabe, 1975, 1989; Tsuji, 1988). On the other hand, in western Japan different kinds of acorns mon to the contemporary period, because of have been used from Jo the warmer climate (Fig. 5). According to folklore, toxic ingredients including tannin can be easily removed from the acorns in western Japan compared with the most used acorns in eastern Japan. Probably due to this ecological condition, the leaching technique of acorns developed in eastern Japan, where horse chestnuts and Lepidobalanus were intensively used. In western Japan, instead of wooden water reservoirs, storage pits were discovered (Fig. 6), which were constructed in wetlands. Acorns in western Japan such as Q. gilva usually can be eaten without a difficult leaching process. mon of western Japan, storage pits are In the Late and Final Jo widely distributed (Mizunoe, 1999, 2007, 2012; Yagiura, 2004). Such storage pits are found from waterlogged areas, which are associated with acorns (Fig. 7). There are some opinions about the use and function of the pits, such as processing acorns, killing insects, or for short or long preservation. It is difficult to determine the use of each pit, but they were used for at least short preservation, according to these facts: pits were not filled with water, some acorns were abandoned in the bottom, and most acorns do not need to be leached, such as Lithocarpus edulis. As these wet-type storage pits in wetlands (acorn pits) were distributed at the particular area, they seem to have been made at one time. However, according to carbon dating or pottery types, the place for the acorn pits was used over the period of several pottery site (Fig.8), pits types. In the case of the Kon'yamachidairakubo
Fig. 5. Vegetation distribution (after Matsuyama, 1982:Fig. 6).
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mon were dated from the end of the Middle to the Final Jo (Yamamoto, 1999). It is estimated that four acorn pits at most were used for one pottery type (Yamamoto, 2004:9; Obata, 2006:36e37). Probably settlements were moved, but suitable places for acorn pits were used repeatedly. The trend of increasing food storage facilities in western Japan shows similarity in the development of wooden water reservoirs to eastern Japan (Fig. 9). The rapid increase of wettype pits after the Late period implies changing subsistence, as seen in eastern Japan in the same period. 4. Conclusion: food consumption and social complexity after mon the Late Jo The difference in food processing could reflect the amount of refuse in the archaeological sites. In eastern Japan, settlements were more densely distributed than in western Japan. In western Japan, there is scarce evidence of food consumption in the settlements, while storage pits, wet-type storage pits were distributed. This difference in food processing could be connected to remains of mon sites in eastern food consumption. In the Late and Final Jo Japan, the evidence of food consumption increased, such as large fire features, large and simple vessels, charcoal and fragmented animal bones which were usually uncovered in small fragmented pieces, some well burned. The increase of consumption can be observed in the deposits of mon settlements. The ground plan of Late Jo mon Late and Final Jo mon. For settlements is almost the same as those in the Middle Jo example, house pits are distributed in a circle. However, after the mon, there are some sites which have surrounding mounds Late Jo (Fig. 3). Although these mounds were not thought to be made only from remains of food consumption, the characteristics of food consumption, for example fire features between layers, were found mon sites (Kawashima, more frequently than in the Middle Jo 2008a, 2008b). Generally, the amount of food consumption should be related to population size. However, it is unlikely that this increase of food consumption was caused by population growth. As seen in the Teranohigashi site (Fig. 3), the number of recovered house pits in mon is generally larger than in the Late Jo mon. It is the Middle Jo thought that there is little evidence of population increase in the mon. So, population increase cannot be the reason for the Late Jo increase of food consumption. In this sense, considering the inmon, feasting could be crease of food consumption after the Late Jo an alternative scenario (Kawashima, 2008a, 2008b). In contrast to the situation of western Japan after the Late mon, with no food processing facilities and small settlements, Jo mon settlements seem more sedentary. As noted eastern Jo region (Kawashima, 2008a, 2012), the settlements in the Kanto which include rich ritual artifacts show a tendency to last longer, mon usually from the beginning of the Late to the end of the Jo mon settlements. Most of these period compared with the Middle Jo mon developed ring-shaped earthen sites of the Late and Final Jo mounds, which could suggest a correlation between sedentary lifestyle and the accumulation of daily and extraordinary refuse. In mon, while the western Jo mon societies did not the Late to Final Jo develop ritual artifacts, in eastern Japan the number and variety of ritual artifacts, such as figurines and stone rods, increased (Kawashima, 2005, 2008a). The correlation between subsistence based on acorns and the development of social complexity was observed in California, such as the Miwok, the Yurok, the Monache, the Yokuts groups (Jackson 1991, Takahashi, 2007; Wada, 2003). While people in the Northwest Coast of North America were economically dependent on marine resources, people in California who developed social complexity used acorns intensively. This implies the potential of
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Fig. 6. Distribution of pits associated with botanical remains (data after Obata, 2006 and Yagiura, 2014).
acorns for supporting the development of social structure. mon as well as western Japan, the LateCompared to the Middle Jo mon settlements in eastern Japan were used for a longer Final Jo period and characterized by a landscape consisting of mounds and central depressions. These changes could be associated with the intensive use of horse chestnuts and acorns.
In the previous studies, compared with the subsistence of indigenous people in the Northwest Coast and California, it is thought that acorns and salmon had important roles as the staple mon. This is known as the “salmon hypothesis” foods of the Jo (Habu, 2004). Recently, the number of discovered salmon bones has increased (Matsui, 1999; Ishida et al., 2009). While some
mon) (after Kondo , 1995:Figs. 7,11,14). Fig. 7. Wet-type storage pits at Minamigatamaeike (Final Jo
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(after Yamamoto, 1999:Fig. 2). Fig. 8. Wet-type storage pits at Kon'yamachidairakubo
600
45 40
500 35 400
30 25
300 20 200
15 10
100 5 0
0 Incipient
Earliest
Early sites N=93
Middle
Late
remarkable. The salmon run is influenced by the sea temperature, mon so the harvest could not have been stable through the Jo (Ishida et al., 2009). Despite this, people in northern Japan could use salmon much more than people in southwest Japan. As Hayden (1995, 2001) notes, food consumption in large amounts (feasting) is thought to be an indicator of social complexity. He explains the development of social complexity according to the development of the size of feasting which is held by the ambitious leaders in the mon society in eastern Japan could have society. In this sense, Jo mon pedeveloped social complexity in the Late and the Final Jo riods (Kawashima, 2015), compared with western Japan. However, it is important to consider western Japan (Sakaguchi, 1999), which mon, to discuss social developed wet-type pits after the Late Jo complexity.
Final
pits N=1,268
Fig. 9. Wet-type storage pits (data after Obata, 2006 and Yagiura, 2014).
archaeologists have insisted that salmon hypothesis could not be established archaeologically (Otsuka, 2006), this is still an impormon diet (Matsui, 1999; Takahashi, 2007), tant topic in the Jo especially from the viewpoint of the front-back loaded model mon case shows the (Tushingham and Bettinger, 2013). If the Jo same tendency seen in North America, intensive salmon fishing could imply the existence of a complex society. Until the Meiji period, salmon ran even in western Japan, though the amount was much smaller than that of northern Japan. It is known that hunter-gatherers whose subsistence was based on marine resources developed social complexity (Watanabe, 1990; mon people Testart, 1995; Binford, 2001). If the northern Jo economically relied on salmon harvests, the economic difference between northeast and southwest Japan could have been
Acknowledgements I would like to offer my special thanks to all the session organisers, Dr. Ferran Antolín, Dr. Marian Berihuete Azorín, Dr. Oriol pez Bulto , for their acceptance of my paper at 20th EAA conferLo ence in Istanbul in 2014. I am deeply grateful to Prof. Mark J. Hudson and Dr. Norm Catto for their useful corrections and comments on the manuscript, and to reviewers for their comments and advice. References Binford, L.R., 2001. Constructing Frames of Reference: an Analytical Method for Archaeological Theory Building Using Ethnographic and Environmental Data Sets. California University Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles. Chiba, T., Ishikawa, M., Ogawa, N., Akimoto, M., Kanayama, Y., Kaneko, Y., 2006. sakai. Higashimurayama. Shimoyakebe Iseki I. Higashimurayamashi Iseki Cho (in Japanese). moritsuchiiko Mizuba no Iko Hen. Tochigi Ehara, E., 1997. Teranohigashi V Kanjo Prefectural Board of Education. Oyama City Board of Education, Tochigiken Bunkashinko Jigyodan, Tochigi.
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