Food traditions and colonial interactions in the ancient Mediterranean: Stable isotope evidence from the Greek Sicilian colony Himera

Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 57 (2020) 101144

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Food traditions and colonial interactions in the ancient Mediterranean: Stable isotope evidence from the Greek Sicilian colony Himera

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Laurie J. Reitsemaa, , Britney Kyleb, Stefano Vassalloc a

Department of Anthropology, University of Georgia, 257 Baldwin Hall, Jackson St., Athens, GA 30602, USA Department of Anthropology, University of Northern Colorado, Candelaria 2200C, Greeley, CO 80639, USA c Soprintendenza di Palermo, via V.zo di Marco n. 41, 90143 Palermo, Italy b

A R T I C LE I N FO

A B S T R A C T

Keywords: Colonization Stable Isotopes Bioarchaeology Nutrition Hybridity

During the 8-7th centuries BCE, Greeks began establishing colonies throughout the Mediterranean region. Founded in 648 BCE, the Greek colony Himera was the meeting place for Greeks of multiple cultural backgrounds, indigenous Sicilians, and Phoenicians, and was closely connected to the broader Mediterranean world through trade. We explore evidence for diversity and cultural hybridity at Himera from the perspective of its food traditions using stable carbon and nitrogen isotope analysis of 90 humans, and fauna associated with the burials. Results indicate diets based on C3 plants, supporting historical evidence that cereals provided most daily calories, with other plants eaten as supplemental “relishes.” Terrestrial animal protein was consumed in variable, but mostly low amounts, and there is no clear isotopic evidence for fish consumption. There are no differences in diet based on burial style, body position, burial “richness,” or age group, but some evidence for differences in diets of males and females, particularly during young adulthood. The fact that diets vary independently of several potentially prominent markers of status or ethnicity supports models of cultural hybridity in Greek colonization, wherein elements of different cultures mingled and recombined in new ways specific to the colony, rather than simple admixture or assimilation.

1. Introduction Himera was a Greek colony founded in northern Sicily in 648 BCE by settlers from Zankle (modern-day Messina) and Syracuse in Sicily, and Chalkis in Euboea (Thuc 6.5.1; Allegro, 1999: 271, De Angelis, 2016). The city is located on the Tyrrhenian Sea coast at the outlet of the Himera River, making it a key seaport linking Mediterranean contact networks. By the 5th century BCE, Himera’s population likely numbered 15,000–26,000 inhabitants (De Angelis, 2016, Morris, 2006, Vassallo, 2005). Himera had a thriving economy, minting more coins than any other city in Sicily (Kraay, 1983). The city was destroyed in 409 BCE during the second of its two historically-documented battles against Punic forces (Diod. 11.20–22; 13.62; Vassallo, 2005). Himera is an ancient example of a multicultural, cosmopolitan city where, stemming from its multiethnic foundation, Greeks of both Chalcidian and Dorian ethnic backgrounds coexisted and regularly interacted with other Greeks, indigenous Sicilians, Phoenicians, and Etruscans. Diverse burial styles and objects of local and foreign manufacture speak not only to Himera’s mercantile nature and connections

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to the outside world, but also to the probability of people living at Himera who were not culturally Greek (Allegro, 1999, 2008, Bechtold and Vassallo, 2017, Valentino, 2012, Vassallo, 2005, 2010, 2014). Greek colonization departs from other examples of colonization in several key ways. First, Archaic and Classical period Greek peoples were not organized under a single nation-state or empire, but rather, into independent city-states (poleis). Colonists from the Greek mainland did not represent a single set of traditions and political structures that were exported to outer regions, as was the case with Rome, and colonies did not profess allegiance to any one cultural or political entity. Usually, colonies were entirely independent of their mother cities, their institutions and traditions developing differently from one another alongside local circumstances, rather than being canalized under the influence of a mother city (Hodos, 2006, Malkin, 2009, van Dommelen, 1997). Additionally, Greeks were familiar with the communities and landscapes encountered in the Mediterranean region through long histories of trade (Gosden, 2004). As such, the process of interacting with locals was not underpinned by strong notions of cultural superiority or racism, as for example during the Age of Exploration. The

Corresponding author. E-mail addresses: [email protected] (L.J. Reitsema), [email protected] (B. Kyle).

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jaa.2020.101144 Received 26 August 2019; Received in revised form 7 January 2020 0278-4165/ © 2020 Published by Elsevier Inc.

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actively improving soils by spreading animal dung (Allegro, 1999, Belvedere, 2002: 11). Rural farmsteads are sometimes accompanied by their own family burial plots (De Angelis, 2016: 97). Himera had three necropoleis, two of which, the East and West necropoleis, have been the subjects of large-scale excavation and ongoing archaeological and osteological study (Vassallo, 2018). More than 13,000 individuals have been excavated to date. A small southern necropolis in the upper city has not been as extensively researched (cf. Bonacasa and Pappas, 1976). The East necropolis was in use during the entirety of Himera’s occupation and thus contains the city’s earliest burials (Fabbri et al., 2006). The West necropolis was in use only during the 6th and 5th centuries BCE.

nature of interactions between Greeks and locals ranged from amicable to antagonistic, varying between places and at different times. Third, motives for establishing colonies were variable, including relieving demographic pressure at home, banishing political exiles, and establishing trade stations, and were not necessarily exploitative or extractive in their purpose (De Angelis, 2004). Due to these factors, Greek colonies do not have a single cultural or economic blueprint, interactions with indigenous local populations near colonies varied, and the eventual galvanization of a Greek identity (Hellenism) occurred after Greeks had established colonies and interacted with diverse indigenous communities, not before. Success of Greek colonies under these conditions of diverse and fluid identities arguably would not have been possible through simple cultural assimilation or admixture. Instead, success of Greek colonies was facilitated through cultural hybridization, which permitted multiple traditions and value systems to coexist and combine in new ways at the colonies, and which has emerged as a leading theoretical framework to explain Greek colonization and its long-lasting impacts (van Dommelen, 1997). This study explores diversity in the dietary practices of Himera using stable carbon and nitrogen isotope ratios of human and nonhuman animal bones. Diet is a social practice that is a component of culture and traditions, and reflects people’s interactions with the landscape, each other, and neighboring economies. Social identity in the ancient Greek world was largely a matter of recognizing common descent, indicated by descent from the same homeland and consanguinity, but also a matter of shared culture, which is malleable, acquired, and includes food traditions (Hall, 1997). In addition to reconstructing diet at the colony, we explore whether certain dietary traditions can be associated with sex, age, burial type, body position, and burial “richness” (grave good counts), referred to henceforth as “patterned variations” in diet. The existence of patterned variations would suggest cultural admixture, whereby diverse people coexist while retaining their cultural differences (Reger, 2014: 121-123). The absence of patterned variations in diet would support cultural hybridity, whereby cultural elements of multiple groups mingle in a socalled middle ground, or third space, and are reorganized into new coherent systems that can no longer be separated out (Antonaccio, 2013, Balco, 2018, Gosden, 2004, Hodos, 2010, Malkin, 2002, van Dommelen, 1997).

2.2. Diverse population Himera was a Greek colony, but the term “Greek” only begins to capture the cultural and ethnic composition of the city (see Malkin, 2011). Stemming from Himera’s mixed Chalcidian and Dorian foundation (Allegro, 1999), even the culturally Greek population was not homogenous. Himera’s institutions were chiefly Chalcidian, including the weight standards of its currency, the script on its coinage, and its legal system (Brugnone, 1997, Graham, 1983, Jeffery, 1990), but inhabitants spoke a mixed dialect of Dorian and Chalcidian (Thuc 6.4.2; 6.5.1). In 476 BCE there was a large population replacement by Dorians from Agrigento after a political takeover by the Agrigentan tyrant, Theron (Bonacasa, 1992). Geographically, Himera was a closer neighbor to indigenous Sikans and Phoenicians than to any other Greek city (Fig. 1). Indigenous Sicilians likely inhabited Himera, judging from the presence of everyday indigenous objects that cannot easily be explained as objects of trade (Allegro and Fiorentino, 2010, Vassallo, 2014). The name of one of Himera’s three male founders, Sakon (Thucydides 6.5.1), may refer to an indigenous Sicilian (Castellana, 1980: 71-78, cf. Knoepfler, 2000). It has been proposed that indigenous Sicilian women were fundamental to demographically establishing Greek colonies, particularly given that there are very few references to Greek colonists bringing Greek women with them (Allegro, 1999, Allegro and Fiorentino, 2010, cf. Beringer, 1985: 49, Pomeroy, 2016: 352-353, Saltini Semerari, 2016, Tofanelli et al., 2016). There were other means by which indigenous peoples could be incorporated into colonies aside from intermarriage; for example, by becoming “semi-free dependents” (Fisher, 2016: 328-329), a subordinate subset of the population tied to farms. Social classes in Greek society comprised free citizens, the free middle class, former slaves who had bought or otherwise secured their freedom (freedmen), and slaves. Within these general categories, sex, wealth, citizenship, city of birth, and occupation interacted to shape social status in intersectional ways (Finley, 2009, Malkin, 2011, Schaps, 1998). Despite complexity in social categories, only male citizens could own land and vote. Women took their social status from their husbands, but did not have the same citizen’s rights (Beringer, 1985, Fisher, 2016, Pomeroy, 2016). Unlike men, women spent most of their lives in the household shielded from the public eye (Ellis, 2016, Pantel, 2015, Pomeroy, 1975). Foreigners in Greek cities were “free outsiders,” or metics, who generally held the status of the free middle class and were part of the economic fabric of the city, but without political rights (Fisher, 2016: 338-339).

2. Background 2.1. Himera The city of Himera consists of an upper and a lower portion, divided by a steep hillside, enclosed by a fortification wall and flanked by necropoleis. The upper city comprises an early series of temples and blocks of houses of approximately 16 m2 each in size with areas for stables and processing agricultural produce (Vassallo, 2005: 59). The lower city comprises the city’s main agora, harbor, the Temple of Victory, and residential blocks with spaces for craftsmen’s activities, such as potters’ workshops (Vassallo, 2005: 59). Merchants and craftsmen likely resided chiefly in the lower parts of the city, whereas farmers resided in the upper city, which offered readier access to outlying farmland (Allegro, 1999, cf. De Angelis, 2016: 86, Vassallo, 2005). An additional “suburban quarter” on the East side of the Himera River, outside the city walls, may have housed merchants who were not citizens of Himera, and who perhaps were not culturally Greek, up until 480 BCE when the quarter was abandoned (Allegro, 1999). The city itself was approximately 120–130 ha in size, but Himera’s chora (territory) included considerably more land in North-Central Sicily, most of which was arable (De Angelis, 2016: 232). The chora is were where some of the city’s craft production took place (clay beds; kilns), and in which most of its foodstuffs were raised (De Angelis, 2016: 65; 96-97, Vassallo, 2005). Rural farmsteads are scattered throughout the chora and scatters of ceramics suggest farmers were

2.3. Burials A wide range of burial styles is observed in Himera’s necropoleis (Fabbri et al., 2006, Vassallo and Brugnone, 1998, Vassallo and Valentino, 2012) (Fig. 2), which is typical of many Greek cities (Bintliff, 2012: 242, Hall, 1997: 111-142, Kurtz and Boardman, 1971, Morris, 1989, Shepherd, 2005, Sulosky-Weaver, 2015). For infants and children, the most common burial style is within vessels (a enchytrismòs burials); typically, reused transport amphorae and other ceramics 2

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Fig. 1. Map of Himera and other locations mentioned in the text.

more likely to contain ceramics, and in higher numbers than are inhumation burials (Vassallo et al., 2018). Coins are found in less than 1% of burials at Himera, occurring across burial types, with the exception of cremations (Vassallo, 2019). There are some areas of the West necropolis where burials occur at unusually high densities and are haphazard. A likely interpretation of these areas of high density is that they are people killed in the battle of 409 BCE whose bodies were buried by a few survivors after Himera was destroyed (Vassallo, 2015). The social significance of burial style variation is uncertain. A variety of factors can contribute to the selection of burial type and attendant artifacts, including circumstances of death, sociopolitical conditions at the time of death, season of death, ideology, personal or familial preferences, and more (Hutchinson and Aragon, 2002, Johnston, 1999, Robb et al., 2001). Initial comparisons between simple pit inhumations and a cappuccina burials at Himera indicate greater evidence of skeletal stress among individuals interred in simple pit inhumations,

(Bechtold and Vassallo, 2017). For adults, the most common burial styles are simple pit inhumations, followed by inhumations in tile-lined graves, often with tented tile roofs (a cappuccina burials). The tented tile roof burials at Himera are thought to be restricted to the late 6th century until the city’s destruction in 409 BCE (Vassallo and Valentino, 2012). Other burial styles are primary cremations, secondary cremations, boxes of various materials (tiles, stones, bricks, wood), and rocklined graves (Vassallo and Valentino, 2012: 54-58). Cremations are most common among the earliest generations of the colony. Bodies at Himera occur in many different states of torso and limb extension and flexion, although the most common body position is supine and extended, and oriented East-West. Grave goods, which occur in approximately 60% of the burials at Himera (excluding a enchytrismòs burials), are generally quite similar in type, quality and quantity. Of inhumation burials with grave goods, approximately one-third have only one accompanying object, usually a small ceramic vessel. Cremations are 3

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Fig. 2. A representative portion of the West necropolis showing burial style variation, including tile-capped graves, supine and flexed positions, and a enchytrismòs burials. Drawing courtesy of Soprintendenza di Palermo.

113-114, Luley, 2014). More than a reflection or marker of culture, diet also is social practice, an active means of expressing identity, which reinforces and creates similarities and differences among people (Bourdieu, 1990, Comaroff, 1987, Dietler, 2007, Hall, 2003, Reger, 2014: 123). In colonial encounters, expressions of identity can be chosen deliberately or strategically to achieve specific aims with other groups. Diet has the advantage of reflecting not only what aspects of identity people choose to deploy to negotiate cultural interactions, as is arguably the case with mortuary style, objects of daily use, and articles of clothing, but also the private, personal practice of ordinary people, which is advantageous in the study of the formation of cultural hybrids in colonial contexts. Looking to material culture alone, the coexistence of multiple expressed cultural forms is not tantamount to cultural hybridity. Rather, “for a hybrid ethnicity to take hold, people must feel it to be ‘true’” (Reger, 2014: 123), which is where biological data, which reflect the lived experiences and choices of the people themselves, are important. Ancient Greek cities had access to a very wide variety of local and imported plant and animal foods from their own territories and through trade. Arguably, the hallmark of Greek gastronomy was not a particular ingredient or dish, but rather people’s recognition of region-specific quality of many different foods (e.g., Athenaeus and Yonge, 1853). Syracuse, for example, was known for its pigs (Dalby, 1996: 108-109). Although foods consumed by ancient Greeks were varied, some patterns in Greek diet emerge. Meals typically comprised three parts: sitos, a dietary staple, opson, a “relish,” and oinos, wine (Bats, 1988: 31, Dalby, 1996: 23). “No single family of plants can be named as providing the staple food of Classical Greece” (Dalby, 1996: 89), but barley, wheat, and lentils were common. Stored grain was disproportionately more common in the diets of city-dwellers compared with people in the countryside (Erdkamp, 2015: 184). Wheat was preferred over barley (Garnsey, 1999: 119-121), and both could be prepared in many forms including cakes, breads, gruels, scones and pancakes. Other cereals were spelt, millet, rye, and oats. Acorns, rather than cereals, may have provided the dietary staple for the very poor (Dalby, 1996: 89). Lentils were the most widely eaten legume in the ancient Greek world, but

meaning burial style may be correlated with access to resources at Himera. However, whether this is due to a temporal shift or a status difference is uncertain (Kyle and Reitsema, under review, Kyle et al., 2018). Grave goods are not a definitive indicator of wealth or status, as reviewed by Hall (1997: 123-128). No single burial type is “Chalcidian,” “indigenous,” or “Dorian.” Flexed and multiple burials are traits of indigenous Sicilian burial customs prior to the arrival of Greeks, but do not definitively reflect an indigenous presence when they are encountered in the necropoleis of Greek Sicilian colonies, as discussed by Shepherd (2005). Importantly, burial styles are malleable, and can change and converge over time in colonial contexts, reflecting hybridity in the cultures of interacting groups. Indigenous people could adopt traditionally Greek burial customs or some aspects of those customs, and vice versa (e.g., Kyle et al., 2016), resulting in a gradual coherence in burial systems that was potentially unique to a single colony (Shepherd, 2005). Surveying evidence for “Greek” and “indigenous” burial styles at Greek Sicilian colonies, Shepherd describes that when it came to burial style, “ultimate [ethnic/geographic] origins may have been of little importance or relevance in a new community, whether created from an ethnic cocktail or not, which was trying to set itself up as a viable new polis with the necessary collective and independent identity (2015: 132). Gradually, a colony could develop its own pattern of burial styles that could no longer be readily associated with any one Greek city. This has been interpreted as a sign of inhabitants of Greek Sicilian colonies taking on a new pole of identity through the process of cultural hybridization. The new referential pole for self-identification could be city-specific, or regional in the case of the pan-Sicilian Sikeliotai identity (Antonaccio, 2001, Malkin, 2003), which is thought to be a case of aggregative identity formation in the Greek world. 2.4. Diet Diet refers to what people eat from among available foods, which is a matter of choice, access, and tradition. Diet, as an elementary and personal aspect of daily life, is an effective window into identity, diversity, and colonial encounters in the past (Dietler, 2007, Hall, 1997: 4

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Papathanasiou and Richards, 2015, Tanasi et al., 2017, Vika, 2011). Literature, material culture, and iconography, in contrast, do point to widespread fish consumption in Greek cities (Curtis, 1991, Davidson, 1997, Bresson, 2015: 175-186). At Himera, a large number of transport amphorae (approximately 3100) have been recovered, many of which were for the transport of salted fish and fish sauce (Bechtold and Vassallo, 2017: 40-41). Aside from the possibility of amphorae reuse, these amphorae suggest fish were a typical part of Himeran diet. Fishhooks and shells at Himera also attest to exploitation of aquatic resources by Himerans. Spaces within the household were sex-segregated, and men and women usually dined separately (Dalby, 1996). Males dined together in specialized banquet rooms (andron) where household size and wealth permitted them (Dalby, 1996: 15), including at Himera (Allegro, 1999: 288, Vassallo, 1997: 82-85, 2005: 59). Men often ate outside the home, as when visiting friends or relatives, during the workday, at taverns (kapeleia), and at public and municipal events (Dalby, 1996: 12-16, Margaritis, 2015). In contrast, women, who did not often leave the household, dined in the home’s more private spaces (cf. Burton, 1998, Pantel, 2015: 226, Pomeroy, 1975). The quantity, social desirability, and nutritional quality of foods eaten by women and children were likely inferior to those eaten by men (Dalby, 1996). Plant and animal remains have not been systematically studied at Himera. Instead, promising indicators of diet at Himera are those from the human skeletons themselves. This study explores diet variation at Himera, specifically focusing on potential differences associated with sex, burial style, body position, and burial “richness” (e.g., number of grave goods). Whereas assimilation models of culture contact would posit similarity in diet across the population, and admixture models would posit patterned differences relating to the coexistence of different groups, cultural hybridity models would posit that dietary variability exists, but that no single cultural pattern can be associated with any single group of people (Malkin, 2003, Reger, 2014). We hypothesize that diet is variable within the population, but that variations do not show patterns across the examined categories, in reflection of hybridization of the cultural forms of multiple interacting groups.

others included beans, peas, chickpeas, and, for the poor, lupins (Dalby, 1996: 24-25, Hansen, 2000). Archaeobotanical evidence for diet in ancient Sicily is scarce, but Stika et al. (2008) has found that at the Greek colony Selinunte on Sicily’s southern coast, free-threshing wheat was the dominant cereal, followed by barley, and bitter vetch was the most common legume. In contrast, at the roughly contemporary indigenous Elymian site of Monte Polizzo nearby, barley was by far the dominant grain, and fava beans the dominant legume. If money allowed, the dietary staple would be accompanied with a relish, or side dish. Relishes included vegetables and greens, cheese, fish, eggs, and infrequently, meat (Dalby, 1996: 23). Fruits and nuts were chiefly eaten as dessert foods. Chestnuts, walnuts, pistachios, and acorns were all present in Sicily during the time of Himera’s occupation judging by pollen from lake cores (Sadori et al., 2013). In the Greek diet, olives may only have been eaten whole as appetizers, but olive oil was ubiquitous (Dalby, 1996). Pollen from olive trees is documented in Sicily for thousands of years (Mercuri et al., 2006, Sadori et al., 2013). Interestingly, whereas olives are present in the archaeobotanical record of Greek Selinunte, at the nearby indigenous Elymian site of Monte Polizzo, they are entirely absent (Stika et al., 2008). Grapes and figs are found at both sites. For less well-off individuals, relishes were either absent in diet, or consisted of wild and foraged foods such as asparagus, capers, asphodel, chervil, goosefoot, mustard, and thistles (Dalby, 1996: 25-26, 89, Kron, 2015, Sarpaki, 1992). Meat and secondary products came chiefly from sheep, goats, and pigs, but also from cattle, geese, guinea fowl, and chicken, and to a lesser extent, wild fauna such as hare, boar, and deer (Dalby, 1996: 62, Kron, 2015: 176-177). Some foods, such as pigs, could have been raised within household courtyards (Chandezon, 2015: 137, Vassallo, 2005). Milk and butter were rarely eaten (Dalby, 1996: 67), but cheese, especially hard cheese, was common (Chandezon, 2015: 140). For most, terrestrial animal meat probably came through sacrifices and subsequent commensal feasting (Boardman, 2011: 1-2, Chandezon, 2015: 135). In most cases the meat was fresh and eaten the day of the sacrifice, but offal or sausages could be purchased from the market afterwards, meaning meat consumption was not purely a “day of” affair after sacrifices (Dalby, 1996: 23). Occasions for sacrifices occurred approximately 40 times per year, or every 8–9 days (Hitch, 2015: 345). The most commonly sacrificed animals were goats, sheep, and pigs, which, depending on the size of the event, were sacrificed either within the bounds of the household, at shrines (especially for people in smaller households), or in public areas within the city such as the agora. At large public events, cattle were preferred. The tail and thigh-bones were burned for the gods, while viscera and meat were distributed to members of the community (Hitch, 2015: 341-347). Meat carved up after a sacrifice was roasted or boiled, and sectioned into equal sized portions to share, which both symbolized and enacted ideals of social equality (Nadeau, 2015: 269). Terrestrial animals were not the only sacrifices: exceptionally, fruits, vegetables, and fish also were sacrificed (Collin-Bouffier, 1999, Durand, 1989a: 117, 1989b: 127-128, Hitch, 2015: 337-338). According to Boardman (2011: 1-2), “any animal bigger than a hare becomes a matter for sacrifice and the gods are involved.” The extent to which ancient Greeks ate fish in the Archaic and Classical Periods is debated (Bekker-Nielsen, 2005, Bresson, 2015: 175178, Gallant, 1985, Jacobsen, 2005, Wilkins, 2000, 2001, 2005). Zooarchaeological evidence for fishing and fish consumption is difficult to interpret due to classical archaeology’s focus on monumental over domestic contexts, taphonomic bias, and infrequent incorporation of excavation methods needed to recover small fish bones (Ault and Nevett, 1999, Morales-Muñiz and Rosello-Izquierdo, 2016, Mylona, 2008, Powell, 1996). Direct evidence for fish consumption in the form of skeletal stable carbon and nitrogen isotope ratios from human skeletons show little or no evidence for fish consumption in most Geometric/Archaic, Classical and Hellenistic populations’ diets (Borstad et al., 2018, Lagia, 2015, Panagiotopoulou and Papathanasiou, 2015,

2.5. Stable isotope analysis Isotopes are different variants of atoms of the same element that have the same number of protons in their nuclei, but different numbers of neutrons. Certain classes of plants and animals differ systematically in the ratio of one isotope to another. Diet reconstruction using stable isotope ratios in human tissues is possible because the isotopes making up those tissues ultimately derive from food and drink. Between diet and a consumer’s tissues is an isotopic offset (Ambrose and Norr, 1993) referred to as the diet-tissue space, which varies for different isotopes and different tissue types. For bone collagen, the diet-tissue space is on the order of 3–5‰ for nitrogen stable isotope ratios (δ15N) (Minawaga and Wada, 1984; Schoeninger and DeNiro, 1984), and 5‰ (herbivores) or 1‰ (omnivores, carnivores) for carbon stable isotope ratios (δ13C) (Schoeninger, 1989: 39-40). Drawing from known isotopic relationships between plants and animals, and considering historical and archaeological contextual clues for diet, it is possible to backtrack from a consumer’s tissue signatures to approximate the food items making up its overall diet (Schoeninger and Moore, 1992). Carbon stable isotope ratios vary in nature in two main ways of relevance in bioarchaeology. First, different classes of plants using different photosynthetic pathways exhibit different δ13C ranges of values (Craig, 1953, Hatch and Slack, 1970, Schoeninger and Moore, 1992, Smith and Epstein, 1971). For example, plants using the C3 photosynthetic pathway (e.g., wheat, barley, most vegetables and fruits) exhibit relatively more of the light isotope 12C in relation to 13C than do plants using the C4 photosynthetic pathway (e.g., millet, sorghum, maize, and sugar), and the overall carbon stable isotope ratios (δ13C) of C3 plants are always lower. Second, terrestrial and aquatic 5

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Vassallo and Valentino, 2012: 52). Another animal, a horse, was intentionally buried and is thought to represent cavalry from the historically documented battle in 480 BCE (Vassallo and Valentino, 2012: 58). Grave good counts and body position data currently are only available only for the West necropolis. Comparisons involving body position exclude those individuals buried in regions of the cemetery that may represent hasty burials following the battle in 409 BCE, as the positioning of bodies in these cases cannot reliably be considered deliberate and socially meaningful (Vassallo, 2015). As is typical for Classical Period Greek cemeteries, grave goods at Himera are few in number and modest in type, and the most common situation is for burials to have no accompanying objects whatsoever. Among 414 skeletons studied in 2016–2018 (excluding mass graves of soldiers), 42.3% have no accompanying objects, 27.8% have one, 10.6% have two, 10.1% have three, and 9.2% have more than three. Given this distribution whereby grave good counts of 2, 3, and 4+ are equally uncommon, isotopic correlates of burial “richness” are examined by comparing individuals with 0–1 objects and individuals with ≥ 2 grave goods, as well as through Spearman’s correlations between isotope ratios and number of grave goods. Additional comparative data from Mediterranean plants and animals are compiled from previously published literature. Plants include ancient wheat, peas and barley from manured fields from Neolithic Greece (Bogaard et al., 2013) and modern fruits and nuts from Greece (Papathanasiou, 2015). Plants at Himera likely also were raised in manured fields, judging from ceramic scatters indicative of manuring (Allegro, 1999, Belvedere, 2002: 11). Modern plants were “converted” to archaeological values by adding 1.5‰ to their δ13C values to account for the Suess effect, which refers to declines in the δ13C composition of post-industrial atmospheric CO2 (Marino and McElroy, 1991). Marine and freshwater/brackish fish include archaeological specimens from Mesolithic through Classical Greece (Triantaphyllou, 2001, Vika and Theodoropoulou, 2012) and Roman period Southern Italy (Craig et al., 2009), and the Danube Gorges region in Serbia (Nehlich et al., 2010). Modern Mediterranean Sea specimens also are included (Badalamenti et al., 2002, Bourbou and Garvie-Lok, 2015, Jennings and Warr, 2003, Keenleyside et al., 2006, Rumolo et al., 2018). In figures, 1‰ is added to every modern fish δ13C value to account for the “oceanic Suess effect.” This 1‰ correction factor was developed based on the Pacific, Atlantic, and Indian Oceans (Sonnerup et al., 1999), which are deeper and thus slower to equilibrate with atmospheric CO2 changes than is the Mediterranean Sea, but is adopted in the present study because Mediterranean Sea water is primarily recharged by the Atlantic Sea via the Strait of Gibraltar, approximately every 100 years (Louanchi et al., 2009). Adhering sediment, the outer surface of cortical bone, and trabecular bone were removed from bone pieces weighing approximately 0.500–1.200 g with a Dremel® hand-held rotary tool. Cleaned bone pieces were soaked in 0.2 M HCl for several days until demineralized and pliable, usually 3–4 days. Bone pieces that began to disintegrate in 0.2 M HCl were diluted by half with reverse osmosed distilled water (25 mL water, 25 mL 0.2 M HCl). Samples were then rinsed three times and soaked for 20 h in 0.125 M NaOH, again diluting by half in the case of disintegrating bone pieces. The ability to gauge disintegration at these different stages is one of the reasons the “whole bone method” was chosen (see Garvie-Lok, 2001). Samples were then rinsed four times, one rinse lasting overnight to fully remove NaOH. Samples were placed in 50 mL of 10−3 HCl in a 90˚C oven until dissolved, approximately 24 h. Dissolved material was drawn through a coarse frit filter, condensed to ~10 mL, frozen, freeze-dried, and homogenized by hand to talc-like consistency in an agate mortar and pestle. Collagen content was measured from most samples by dividing bone piece weight by collagen weight. In six cases, problems with the electronic scale’s tare or glass vials that cracked during freeze drying prevented collection of a final collagen weight. Powders weighing 0.800–1.100 mg were

ecosystems have different sources of carbon. On land, CO2 is the only source, but in waters, there are multiple potential sources of carbon, creating a broad range of δ13C values among aquatic flora and fauna (Katzenberg et al., 2010, Schoeninger and Moore, 1992). Despite isotopic variability in aquatic environments, terrestrial plants and animals tend to have lower δ13C values than marine plants and animals (Chisholm et al., 1982), and higher δ13C values than freshwater plants and animals (Lillie and Richards, 2000), but exceptions exist (Hecky and Hesslein, 1995; Katzenberg et al., 2010). Nitrogen stable isotope ratios (δ15N) chiefly reflect trophic position. When foods are consumed, 14N is preferentially excreted, whereas 15N is preferentially retained and used for tissue-building, leaving consumer bone collagen approximately 3-5‰ higher than diet (Hedges, 2003, Minawaga and Wada, 1984, Steele and Daniel, 1978). However, δ15N ratios of plants are also susceptible to environmental variables, including temperature, rainfall, soil chemistry, and anthropogenic soil improvement techniques (Szpak, 2014). It now is well known that both δ13C and δ15N values in bone collagen primarily reflect the protein sources in diet, because ingested protein is routed preferentially to collagen and other soft tissues (Ambrose and Norr, 1993, Fernandes et al., 2012). In contrast, bone mineral and tooth enamel reflect the overall diet, their atoms not being preferentially routed from protein. Therefore, bone collagen has a tendency to over-represent information on protein in the diet, whereas bone mineral and tooth enamel reflect total diet and are a better window on carbohydrate sources. Stable isotope data do not reveal exact menu items, which are better understood through zooarchaeology, paleobotany, and history. Additionally, stable isotope data are not precise indicators of preparation techniques, which are better understood through historical evidence, material culture, and dental microwear analysis. However, originating directly from the skeleton, bone δ13C and δ15N data offer direct, individualized accounts of past human diets, which may be unavailable or incomplete in historical accounts or the archaeological record. 3. Materials and methods Ninety human skeletons sampled during the 2016, 2017, and 2018 field seasons of the Bioarchaeology of Mediterranean Colonies Project are included in this study. Skeletons were selected for isotopic analysis on the basis of completeness, visual assessment of preservation, and with regard for representation and group sizes among the variables considered here. The grouping variables include sex, burial type (simple pit and tented tile graves), body position (flexed and supine, plus one individual buried prone), and burial “richness” (number of grave goods, not including coins which are rare). Seventy-two individuals are from the West necropolis and 18 are from the East necropolis. Thirty-two are male, 30 are female, 18 are adults of indeterminate sex, and 10 are subadults of ages 7–18 years. In ancient Greek societies, age seven years is when subadults had increased independence and began to form social networks (Golden, 2003: 15), and is past the age when weaning could confound stable isotope ratios. Age-at-death was estimated on the basis of tooth development, eruption, and attrition, auricular surface and pubic symphysis deterioration, and cranial suture closure (Steckel et al., 2006). Individuals are binned into four broad age groups for analysis: subadults (7–18 years old; n = 10), young adults (18–35 years old; n = 45), mid-aged adults (35–50 years old; n = 25), and old adults (50+ years old; n = 8). When the osteological age estimate of an individual spanned two categories, they are binned with the elder group. Sex of adults was estimated using sexually dimorphic traits of the skull and pelvis (Steckel et al., 2006). Cases where attributions of sex were probable have been grouped with those of definitive sex. Nine animals recovered as isolated bones from the West necropolis are included. Eight are pigs and sheep or goat encountered in infill of human graves, likely votive offerings (Kurtz and Boardman, 1971: 146, 6

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pooled. There are no significant isotopic differences between subadults (ages 7–18 years) and adults (δ13C: p = 0.1610; δ15N: p = 0.8106). When the necropoleis are considered separately, there are no significant isotopic differences between subadults and adults in either the West necropolis (δ13C: p = 0.1345; δ15N: p = 0.6715) or the East necropolis (δ13C: p = 0.9145; δ15N: p = 0.9576). Among the four different age groups, there are no significant differences when the necropoleis are pooled (δ13C: p = 0.5558; δ15N: p = 0.9050) nor when they are considered separately (East necropolis: δ13C: p = 0.2474; δ15N: p = 0.3276; West necropolis: δ13C: p = 0.9598; δ15N: p = 0.9500) (Fig. 4F). There are no significant isotopic differences between individuals buried in flexed (n = 11) versus supine (n = 16) position in the West necropolis (δ13C: p = 0.9406; δ15N: p = 0.4586) (Fig. 4C). The single individual buried prone is indistinguishable from the rest of the individuals (Fig. 4C). There are no significant isotopic differences between individuals buried in tented tile graves (n = 44) versus simple pit graves (n = 42) (δ13C: p = 0.8214; δ15N: p = 0.3367) (Fig. 4D). There remain no significant differences in isotope ratios in pit versus tented tile graves when the West and East necropoleis are considered separately (West necropolis δ13C: p = 0.8262; δ15N: p = 0.7437 and East necropolis δ13C: p = 0.4047; δ15N: p = 0.4081). The tented tile graves in the East necropolis have significantly lower δ13C values than tented tile graves in the West necropolis (p = 0.02327), with no significant differences in δ15N values (p = 0.1146). The simple pit graves of the East and West necropolis do not differ significantly in isotope ratios (δ13C: p = 0.3011; δ15N: p = 0.08548). There are no significant isotopic differences between males and females when the necropoleis are pooled (δ13C: p = 0.1217, δ15N: p = 0.5871; Fig. 4B). However, when each is considered separately, δ13C values are significantly lower among females compared to males at the West necropolis (δ13C: p = 0.02615, δ15N: p = 0.1174) (Fig. 5). Males and females do not differ isotopically in the East necropolis, but the sample size for females is small (n = 4) (δ13C: p = 0.8383, δ15N: p = 0.8366). Expanding on these sex-based comparisons, when only young adult individuals are considered in the West necropolis, there are sex-based differences in both δ13C (p = 0.001613) and δ15N (p = 0.02866). When only mid-aged adults are considered in the West necropolis, there are no sex-based differences in isotope ratios (δ13C, p = 0.6334; δ15N, p = 0.8578) (Fig. 6). Despite a sex-based difference involving age groups, the isotope ratios of West necropolis young versus mid-aged adult females do not significantly differ (δ13C, p = 0.1911; δ15N, p = 0.7788). Sex differences within age groups are not considered for older adults or for the East necropolis due to small sample sizes. Grave good counts are only available for the West necropolis. There are no significant isotopic differences between individuals buried with 0–1 objects (n = 59) versus 2–6 objects (n = 12; δ13C: p = 0.2658; δ15N: p = 0.3539) (Fig. 4E). Spearman’s rank correlation shows no relationship between number of grave goods and δ13C (p = 0.7651) or δ15N (p = 0.4151).

analyzed at the Center for Applied Isotope Studies (CAIS) in Athens, Georgia USA using a Carlo Erba NA1500 CN elemental analyzer coupled to a Thermo Delta V isotope ratio mass spectrometer via the Thermo Conflo III open split interface. Previous research has identified parameters of collagen with biogenic isotope signatures as follows: carbon-to-nitrogen ratios (C:N) of 2.9–3.6, carbon content (%C) of > 5.2%, nitrogen content (%N) of > 1.8%, and > 3.5% collagen by weight (%coll) (Ambrose, 1990, DeNiro, 1985), which are considered in evaluating collagen quality in the present study. At CAIS the standard deviations of repeated measurements of the 1577c standard were 0.08‰ for δ13C, 0.06‰ for δ15N, 0.12% for %C, and 0.59% for %N; and of the internal spinach standard were 0.17‰ for δ13C, 0.09‰ for δ15N, 8.89% for %C, and 2.11% for %N. Results of replicate measurements of 33 bone collagen samples were 0.06‰ δ13C and 0.09‰ for δ15N. Isotopic results are reported to the nearest 0.1‰ or 0.1%, accordingly. Mann-Whitney U and Kruskal-Wallis tests were used to compare groups statistically, and Spearman’s correlations are used to examine relationships between two variables in a group, using the statistical software package R. All these tests are nonparametric tests suitable for small samples sizes and non-normal distributions. Shapiro Wilk tests for normality show that most of the data are normally distributed, but some subsets of the data are not, including δ15N, and δ13C in the East necropolis. 4. Results From the 143 bones attempted, 90 human bones yielded sufficient (> 0.800 mg) collagen material with “acceptable” carbon and nitrogen concentrations (%C, %N) and carbon-to-nitrogen ratios (C:N). The other 53 human bones failed to yield enough collagen for analysis, failed to yield collagen with enough carbon or nitrogen for measurement, or failed to yield material with collagen quality indicators within acceptable parameters. The C:N, %C, %N, and %coll values of all samples are presented in Tables 1 and 2. Only samples with C:N ratios of 2.9–3.6 (n = 90) are included in the following interpretations, following DeNiro (1985). Human samples’ carbon content ranged from 4.8% to 39.9% (mean: 26.9 ± 7.9%) and nitrogen content ranged from 1.7% to 14.4% (mean: 9.7 ± 2.9%), excepting one otherwise wellpreserved outlier with anomalously high %C and %N values (61.9% and 22.4%, respectively) but a normal C:N value of 3.2, best explained as a weight recording error prior to analysis; this sample is included in isotopic interpretations. The average concentration of collagen in human bone (%coll) ranges from 1% to 11% (mean: 4.3 ± 1.9%). Collagen was extracted from 15 animal bones, of which six failed to yield sufficient material of acceptable quality, and are not reported. Many of the animal bones that failed to provide collagen of sufficient quantity or quality showed signs of having been burned (see also DeNiro 1985). Of the remaining nine animals, C:N values range from 3.2% to 3.4% (mean: 3.3 ± 0.1%), %C values range from 24.0% to 39.6% (mean: 33.5 ± 5.6%), %N values range from 8.6% to 14.4% (mean: 12.0 ± 2.1%), and %coll values range from 1% to 9% (mean: 3.8 ± 2.4%). Humans’ (n = 90) δ13C values ranged from −20.3‰ to −18.6‰ (mean: −19.4 ± 0.4‰), and δ15N values ranged from 6.6‰ to 12.9‰ (mean: 10.3 ± 0.9‰) (Table 1). Nine animals exhibit δ13C values ranging from −21.1‰ to −19.2‰ (mean: −20.1 ± 0.6‰) and δ15N values ranging from 6.9 to 12.0‰ (mean: 8.1 ± 1.8‰), and C:N ratios of 3.2–3.4 (mean: 3.3 ± 0.1) (Table 2). Summary information for the different subgroups of data appear in Table 3. Figs. 4–6 display individual data points and in some cases means and standard deviations (error bars). Both δ13C and δ15N values of humans buried in the East necropolis are significantly lower than those in the West necropolis (δ13C: p = 0.001619; δ15N: p = 0.01016; Fig. 4A). Due to the differences in isotope ratios between necropoleis, differences in isotope ratios among subgroups always are examined within each necropolis separately, as well as when the necropoleis are

5. Discussion 5.1. Diet reconstruction Stable isotope evidence suggests diet at Himera was based on terrestrial plants and animals with no discernable input from any kind of fish, freshwater or marine. Although Greek diet is considered by many to be a tetrad of wine, oil, legumes and grain, δ15N evidence at Himera shows the daily staple here was grain. Sicily was agriculturally rich in comparison to mainland Greece, and while legumes may have formed the staple in other regions of the Mediterranean world, it is perhaps 7

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Table 1 Results. Necropolis

ID

Burial Style*

East East East East East East East East East East East East East East East East East East West West West West West West West West West West West West West West West West West West West West West West West West West West West West West West West West West West West West West West West West West West West West West West West West West West West West West West West West

L-314 RO-1025-A RO-1025-B RO-1105 RO-1112 RO-1117 RO-1463 RO-1613 RO-1741 RO-1747 RO-284 RO-410 RO-503 RO-511 RO-536 RO-706 RO-982 SG-140 W0213 W0303 W0306 W0421 W0843 W0908 W0916 W1046 W1078 W1133 W1138 W1153 W1411 W1562 W1636 W1685 W1708 W1746 W1829 W1838 W1896 W1901 W1902 W2065 W2073 W2219 W2309 W2485 W2715 W2816 W2851 W2865 W2881 W2907 W2923 W2924 W2926 W2992 W3242 W3275 W3452 W3523 W3606 W3612 W3636 W3637 W3699 W3700 W3725 W3967 W4242 W4294 W4412 W4433 W4460 W4532

C C C C B P P P E C P P P E P P P C C P C C C C C C C C C C C C P C C C C P P C P C P P P C P C C C P P P P C C C C P C P P P P P P P C P C C C C C

Grave Goods (n = )

Sex

Age (age group)

δ13CVPDB (‰)

δ15NAIR (‰)

%C

%N

CN

%Coll

1 0 1 2 4 1 1 1 0 1 3 1 0 6 0 0 1 0 1 0 5 1 0 2 1 3 3 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 0 3 0 2 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

Male Male Male Male? Subadult Subadult Male? Indeterminate Female? Male Female Male Male Subadult Male Male? Female? Female Female? Female Female? Female Male Male? Subadult Subadult Female Female Male Male Male? Female? Male Indeterminate Female? Indeterminate Female Male Female? Female? Male Female Indeterminate Male? Female Female Indeterminate Indeterminate Indeterminate Female? Indeterminate Female? Indeterminate Indeterminate Indeterminate Male? Subadult Female Indeterminate Male? Male Subadult Female? Female? Female? Subadult Indeterminate Female Male Male? Female Female? Female? Male

Mid-aged (3) Mid-aged (3) Mid-aged (3) Mid-aged (3) Subadult (1) Subadult (1) Young (2) Young (2) Mid-aged (3) Old (4) Young (2) Mid-aged (3) Young (2) Subadult (1) Young to mid-aged (3) Mid-aged (3) Young (2) Young (2) Adolescent (1) Young (2) Young (2) Old (4) Mid-aged (3) Young (2) Subadult (1) Subadult (1) Mid-aged (3) Adolescent (2) Young (2) Mid-aged (3) Young to mid-aged (3) Young (2) Young (2) Young (2) Young (2) Young (2) Young (2) Mid-aged (3) Young (2) Mid-aged (3) Young (2) Young (2) Young (2) Young (2) Young (2) Mid-aged (3) Young (2) Young (2) Adult Mid-aged (3) Young (2) Young (2) Young (2) Young (2) Young (2) Young (2) Subadult (1) Young (2) Adult Young (2) Mid-aged (3) Subadult (1) Mid-aged (3) Subadult (1) Mid-aged (3) Subadult (1) Mid-aged (3) Young (2) Mid-aged (3) Young (2) Young (2) Young (2) Young (2) Old (4)

–19.8 –19.8 –20.1 –20.3 –20.3 –19.1 –19.4 –18.8 –19.8 –18.8 –19.8 –19.4 –19.4 –20.2 –19.9 –20.2 –20.2 –19.9 –19.6 –19.6 –19.8 –19.2 –19.2 –18.8 –19.5 –19.0 –19.3 –18.9 –19.0 –19.1 –19.7 –19.9 –19.2 –19.2 –19.3 –19.4 –19.5 –19.1 –19.5 –19.3 –19.2 –19.6 –19.3 –19.1 –20.0 –19.2 –19.6 –19.4 –19.0 –19.7 –19.0 –19.1 –19.8 –19.6 –19.7 –19.0 –19.0 –19.9 –19.5 –19.8 –19.3 –19.9 –19.6 –18.7 –19.5 –19.1 –19.4 –19.8 –19.4 –19.0 –19.7 –19.9 –19.3 –19.0

+7.2 +9.9 +9.9 +10.0 +8.5 +11.2 +9.6 +10.5 +11.2 +11.3 +9.8 +9.2 +10.6 +8.0 +9.8 +6.6 +9.2 +10.2 +10.5 +11.2 +10.2 +10.1 +11.8 +10.2 +10.7 +10.0 +10.5 +11.1 +10.4 +10.4 +10.4 +9.6 +11.3 +9.9 +11.2 +9.6 +8.7 +10.5 +10.0 +11.0 +10.8 +11.0 +9.3 +11.5 +9.7 +9.1 +9.0 +10.9 +11.4 +11.0 +12.9 +9.8 +10.1 +10.2 +10.5 +10.1 +11.0 +10.3 +10.5 +10.7 +10.3 +9.8 +10.4 +11.6 +9.8 +10.5 +9.5 +10.0 +10.7 +11.0 +10.2 +11.6 +9.3 +11.0

23.8% 14.0% 10.2% 4.8% 8.6% 28.1% 16.4% 14.7% 23.4% 38.2% 24.7% 24.9% 28.6% 29.5% 14.5% 16.9% 25.2% 31.2% 28.7% 35.5% 20.4% 30.8% 35.1% 38.3% 22.8% 31.4% 18.4% 34.2% 15.3% 31.0% 31.9% 38.9% 36.2% 27.2% 25.6% 24.5% 30.6% 28.5% 24.2% 34.9% 61.9% 31.5% 20.1% 27.8% 33.5% 29.8% 29.9% 33.3% 32.4% 26.8% 28.1% 28.5% 32.3% 26.5% 34.0% 36.3% 10.5% 38.2% 36.8% 27.6% 34.0% 31.5% 29.1% 31.4% 22.0% 27.9% 27.9% 25.6% 19.3% 29.6% 35.1% 37.4% 33.3% 39.0%

8.8% 4.9% 3.4% 1.7% 3.0% 10.1% 6.0% 5.1% 7.6% 13.8% 8.8% 8.8% 10.3% 10.7% 5.1% 6.1% 9.0% 11.3% 10.2% 12.7% 7.3% 11.1% 12.4% 13.8% 8.4% 11.7% 6.6% 12.2% 5.7% 11.1% 11.3% 14.1% 12.8% 10.4% 9.5% 9.4% 11.0% 9.8% 8.5% 13.1% 22.4% 11.4% 6.9% 9.7% 11.7% 11.0% 10.2% 12.5% 11.5% 9.9% 9.6% 10.3% 11.3% 9.5% 12.6% 13.1% 4.0% 13.6% 13.3% 9.9% 12.3% 11.4% 9.9% 11.1% 7.6% 9.7% 9.5% 8.8% 7.1% 10.9% 12.7% 14.0% 12.0% 14.0%

3.2 3.3 3.5 3.3 3.3 3.2 3.2 3.3 3.6 3.2 3.3 3.3 3.2 3.2 3.3 3.2 3.3 3.2 3.3 3.3 3.2 3.2 3.3 3.2 3.2 3.1 3.2 3.3 3.2 3.2 3.3 3.2 3.3 3.0 3.2 3.1 3.2 3.4 3.3 3.1 3.2 3.2 3.4 3.4 3.3 3.2 3.4 3.1 3.3 3.2 3.4 3.2 3.3 3.2 3.1 3.2 3.0 3.3 3.2 3.3 3.2 3.2 3.4 3.3 3.4 3.4 3.4 3.4 3.2 3.2 3.2 3.1 3.2 3.2

0.95% 4.9% 4.0% 1.5% 0.6% 2.6% 5.5% 5.8% 3.2% 6.3% 7.5% 5.6% 2.4% 3.7% 1.8% 0.9% 3.0% 6.1% 2.9% 10.8% 4.1% 3.7% 5.7% 8.6% 3.8% 3.8% 2.7% 7.9% 1.9% 4.8% 7.9% 3.0% 1.5% 3.7% 8.1% 3.1% 5.5% 6.2% 3.9% 4.5% 2.4% 3.8% 2.6% nd 4.1% 4.1% 6.0% nd nd 5.2% 3.8% 4.8% 2.7% 3.0% 5.8% 3.6% nd 2.4% 9.7% 3.7% 6.3% 5.3% 4.1% 2.3% 3.9% 5.4% 3.9% 0.7% nd 2.4% 4.0% 2.7% 3.5% 5.7%

(continued on next page) 8

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Table 1 (continued) Necropolis

ID

Burial Style*

Grave Goods (n = )

Sex

Age (age group)

δ13CVPDB (‰)

δ15NAIR (‰)

%C

%N

CN

%Coll

West West West West West West West West West West West West West West West West

W4613 W4781 W4940 W4941 W4945 W4981 W4982 W4984 W4986 W4990 W4991 W5189 W6022 W6057 W6081 W6537

P C P P P C P P P P P C P P P C

0 1 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 2

Indeterminate Male? Female? Indeterminate Male Male Subadult Indeterminate Indeterminate Male? Subadult Female Male Indeterminate Indeterminate Male

Mid-aged to old (4) Mid-aged (3) Young (2) Mid-aged (3) Mid-aged (3) Young (2) Subadult (1) Mid-aged (3) Young (2) Young (2) Subadult (1) Young (2) Old (4) Mid-aged to old (4) Mid-aged (3) Young to mid-aged (3)

–19.5 –19.2 –19.1 –19.1 –19.7 –18.6 –19.4 –19.4 –19.6 –19.5 –19.3 –19.5 –19.7 –19.6 –19.3 –19.8

+10.6 +10.4 +10.6 +10.8 +10.5 +11.5 +8.7 +10.0 +10.1 +10.7 +10.4 +10.0 +9.6 +10.0 +11.4 +9.9

25.9% 28.7% 38.6% 31.4% 16.5% 14.9% 39.9% 26.9% 29.7% 33.0% 28.1% 27.3% 20.6% 25.3% 34.9% 17.7%

8.9% 10.5% 14.4% 11.3% 5.8% 5.1% 14.3% 9.7% 10.9% 11.7% 10.4% 9.7% 7.1% 8.8% 12.6% 6.5%

3.4 3.2 3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4 3.3 3.2 3.2 3.3 3.2 3.3 3.4 3.4 3.2 3.2

4.8% 4.4% 6.7% 4.0% 2.2% 4.7% 2.9% 3.6% 3.9% 5.0% 2.8% 4.0% 5.0% 3.4% 4.0% 2.1%

* Burial style: B = burial in box/crate (a cassa); C = burial beneath tented tile (a cappuccina); P = simple pit grave (a fossa); E = burial in reused pottery (a enchytrismòs) (Vassallo and Valentino, 2012); nd = missing data (see text). Table 2 Results from fauna. Necropolis

ID

Type

δ13CVPDB (‰)

δ15NAIR (‰)

%C

%N

CN

%Coll

West West West West West West West West West

W303-BOS W1993-D W704-H W3030-H W813-H W4434-H W1509-SUS W1114-SUS W951-OV

Cow Dog Horse Horse Horse Horse Pig Pig Sheep

–21.1 –19.7 –20.2 –19.7 –19.7 –20.3 –20.8 –19.2 –19.8

+7.0 +9.9 +8.5 +7.6 +7.5 +6.2 +6.9 +12.0 +7.2

33.5% 38.7% 24.0% 37.9% 39.6% 26.4% 37.7% 29.8% 34.1%

12.0% 13.9% 8.6% 13.8% 14.4% 9.2% 13.4% 10.9% 12.2%

3.3 3.2 3.3 3.2 3.2 3.4 3.3 3.2 3.3

4.5% 6.5% 1.7% 4.5% 7.6% 3.3% 3.8% 3.7%

a daily basis. However, a large range in δ15N values (6.2‰) contrasts the idea that this meat was shared equally among the entire population. Historical evidence suggests animal protein was a regular relish of the wealthiest individuals, a periodic relish of most of the population, and rare or absent in the diets of the poorest individuals (Dalby, 1996). The scatter in δ15N values may reflect such status-based divisions in food access. The lack of clear isotopic evidence for fish in Himeran diet is surprising, given the city’s location on the Tyrrhenian Sea coast at the mouth of the Himera River, as well as the fact that fishing hooks, shells, and salted fish transport amphorae are recovered archaeologically at Himera. The discrepancy between isotopic and other evidence may be a matter of scale and timing. By the Roman period, fish (including fish sauces) were daily fare for most people, but the same cannot be said for the Archaic period (ca. 700–480 BCE). While fish were likely produced, distributed, and consumed in Sicily from the 7th century BCE, this niche of the economy could have been fledgling until the 5th century BCE (De Angelis, 2016: 239). Most evidence, including processing facilities (De Angelis, 2016: 309-318), ceramics specifically for serving fish (e.g., Bresson, 2015:186-187), iconography, and literary sources (Boardman, 2011, Curtis, 1991), suggests the fish economy took off during the Classical Period (ca. 480–323 BCE) and only reached the level of a “real ‘industry’” in the 1st century CE (Botte, 2016: 244). The earliest evidence for specialized fish processing seems to come from Punic settlements in the Western Mediterranean (Botte, 2016, Trakadas, 2003). It is likely that salted fish and fish sauces were imported from Phoenicians (Bernal-Casasola, 2016, Morales-Muñiz, 1993), and at Himera, the majority of Punic transport amphorae date to the 5th century, rather than the 7th or 6th centuries (Bechtold and Vassallo, 2017). The Greek and Punic fish processing workshops on Sicily date to no earlier than the late 5th century BCE, and likely the 4th century BCE (Botte, 2016: 239-242).

unsurprising that cereals were the staple at Himera. Humans’ δ15N values are 3–7‰ higher than those of previously reported cereals grown in Neolithic managed fields (Bogaard et al., 2013), but more than 10‰ higher than other plants such as vegetables, fruits, nuts and legumes (Bogaard et al., 2013, Papathanasiou, 2015), some of which have negative δ15N values (see Fig. 3). The δ13C values and contextual evidence shows these cereals were most likely barley and wheat, consistent with historical evidence (Dalby, 1996: 49). No evidence for millet or sorghum (C4 plants) is seen in the δ13C values of Himera. Historical evidence suggests millet was not a sought-after cereal, but it has been recovered from numerous Geometric and Classical Period sites in Greece (Hansen, 2000: 18). Some of the only archaeobotanical research from Archaic and Classical Period Sicily has found no trace of millet at either Greek or indigenous sites (Stika et al., 2008). Animal consumption is low for most of the people studied at Himera. This is particularly true of the East necropolis where several individuals ate virtually no animal protein (Fig. 3). The diet-tissue spaces for humans eating at one trophic position higher than terrestrial animals are expected to be approximately 1.0‰ for δ13C (Schoeninger and DeNiro, 1984) and 3-5‰ for δ15N (see discussion in Hedges and Reynard, 2007). At the East necropolis, the average human δ13C value is just 0.3‰ higher than the faunal mean, and the average δ15N value is just 1.5‰ higher. At the West necropolis, humans are 0.7‰ higher than fauna in terms of δ13C, and 2.3‰ higher than fauna in terms of δ15N. The scarcity of animal protein in Himeran diet could have been missed if human data were compared to fauna from elsewhere in the Mediterranean: Himeran fauna are higher in 15N compared to the same species from other sites (Fig. 4). Aridity, salinity, and soil improvement techniques may be responsible for high δ15N values of Himera’s fauna (soil improvement at Himera: Allegro, 1999, Belvedere, 2002: 11). The paucity of animal protein in Himeran diet supports historical evidence that meat chiefly was consumed after sacrifices, rather than on 9

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Table 3 Summary data from subgroups.

East Necropolis Male Female Subadult Indet. sex Young adult Mid-aged adult Old adult Tented-tile graves Simple pit graves Other* West Necropolis Male Female Subadult Indet. sex Young adult Mid-aged adult Old adult Tented-tile graves Simple pit graves 0–1 Grave goods 2–6 Grave goods Supine Flexed Prone Both Necropoleis Male Female Indet. sex Subadult Young adult Mid-aged adult Old adult Tented-tile graves Simple pit graves

n=

δ13CVPDB (‰)

18 10 4 3 1 6 8 1 6 9 3 72 22 26 7 17 39 18 6 38 34 60 12 16 12 1 90 32 30 18 10 45 26 7 44 43

–19.7 –19.7 –19.9 –19.9 –18.8 –19.6 –19.9 –18.8 –19.8 –19.6 –20.1 –19.4 –19.2 –19.5 –19.3 –19.4 –19.4 –19.4 –19.4 –19.4 –19.4 –19.3 –19.5 –19.4 –19.4 –19.4 –19.4 –19.4 –19.5 –19.4 –19.5 –19.4 –19.6 –19.3 –19.4 –19.4

δ15NAIR (‰)

± ± ± ±

0.5 0.5 0.2 0.7

± ±

0.5 0.3

± ± ± ± ± ± ± ± ± ± ± ± ± ± ± ± ±

0.5 0.5 0.3 0.3 0.3 0.3 0.3 0.2 0.4 0.2 0.3 0.3 0.3 0.3 0.4 0.3 0.3

± ± ± ± ± ± ± ± ± ±

0.4 0.4 0.3 0.3 0.5 0.4 0.3 0.3 0.4 0.3

+9.6 +9.4 +10.1 +9.2 +10.5 +10.0 +9.2 +11.3 +9.8 +9.6 +9.2 +10.4 +10.6 +10.3 +10.1 +10.4 +10.4 +10.4 +10.3 +10.5 +10.4 +10.4 +10.3 +10.3 +10.4 +9.5 +10.3 +10.3 +10.3 +10.4 +9.9 +10.4 +10.1 +10.4 +10.4 +10.2

± ± ± ±

1.3 1.4 0.8 1.7

± ±

0.5 1.5

± ± ± ± ± ± ± ± ± ± ± ± ± ± ± ±

1.3 1.3 1.7 0.7 0.5 0.7 0.8 0.9 0.8 0.7 0.5 0.7 0.8 0.7 0.8 0.8 1.1

± ± ± ± ± ± ± ± ± ±

0.9 1.1 0.7 0.9 1.1 0.8 1.1 0.6 0.8 1.0

Fig. 3. Humans from Himera and comparative plants and animals. Humans from Himera are shown in comparison to animals from Himera, as well as to other plants and animals from relevant sites (Acosta et al., 2019, Badalamenti et al., 2002, Bourbou and Garvie-Lok, 2015, Craig et al., 2009, Keenleyside et al., 2006, McConnan Borstad et al., 2018, Nehlich et al., 2010, Panagiotopoulou and Papathanasiou, 2015, Prowse et al., 2004, Tafuri et al., 2009, Triantaphyllou, 2001, Vika, 2011, Vika and Theodoropoulou, 2012). Some data are presented as means of multiple fish (Badalamenti et al., 2002, Keenleyside et al., 2006, Prowse et al., 2004). Terrestrial animals in the figure are from the Late Neolithic through the Classical Period. Fish are Mesolithic through modern. To correct for changes in the carbon stable isotope composition of atmospheric CO2 since pre-industrial times, 1.5‰ is added to any modern terrestrial δ13C values and 1.0‰ added to any modern fish δ13C values (Marino and McElroy, 1991, Sonnerup et al., 1999).

necropolis. This difference is not merely attributable to the lower δ13C values of females in the Eest necropolis (see Fig. 5). The differences are most pronounced among males. Foods low in 13C and 15N include C3 plants, and among C3 plants, legumes, olives, and nuts are particularly low (Fig. 3). Olive oil and cereals likely were ubiquitous in ancient Greek diets regardless of wealth, but certain legumes and nuts were disproportionately consumed by the poor (Dalby, 1996). Specifically, lupins and acorns, which have the lowest δ15N values of possible food items, were the staple foods of the very poorest people; both were present on Sicily (Sadori et al., 2013). Differential consumption of these foods may explain the differences between the necropoleis, raising the possibility that individuals buried in the East necropolis are of lower social standing or lower wealth than those buried in the West necropolis. Based on mortuary archaeology alone, there is no reason to suspect social or economic differences between the two necropoleis. A temporal shift in diet between earlier and later generations must be considered, because while both necropoleis were used in the 6-5th centuries BCE, only the East necropolis was in use during the 7th century BCE. To explore this possibility, we restricted our isotopic comparisons only to tented tile graves in both necropoleis, as these graves were in use during the 6-5th centuries. Among just the tented tile graves, δ13C values are still significantly lower in the East necropolis (p = 0.02327; δ15N, p = 0.1146), strengthening the interpretation of socially meaningful differences between those who used the East versus the West necropolis.

* Other burial types include in a box/crate and in reused pottery.

Isotopic evidence for scant fish consumption in the ancient Mediterranean has been reported by several other paleodiet studies (Acosta et al., 2019, Borstad et al., 2018, Lagia, 2015, Panagiotopoulou and Papathanasiou, 2015, Papathanasiou and Richards, 2015, Tanasi et al., 2017, Vika, 2011). These studies, like the present study, use carbon and nitrogen isotope data, which are not necessarily ideal indicators of aquatic protein consumption due to occasional overlap in the isotopic ranges of aquatic and terrestrial animals (Garvie-Lok, 2001, Katzenberg et al., 2010, Vika and Theodoropoulou, 2012; and see Fig. 3). Aquatic organisms such as sardines, anchovies, and bivalves are especially likely to exhibit δ13C and δ15N values near or within the ranges of terrestrial fauna, and all these organisms likely were eaten by Greeks and Romans, including as common constituents of fish sauces (Bernal-Casasola, 2016, Morales-Muñiz, 1993). In other words, it is still possible that Greek Mediterranean people, including Himerans, consumed fish despite δ13C and δ15N values consistent with terrestrial-only diets. Because carbon and nitrogen isotope data are imperfectly suited to identify fish consumption in the Mediterranean region, the question of fish in ancient Greek diet warrants sustained zooarchaeological research, and research using sulfur stable isotope ratios (δ34S), which stand to be more precise indicators of aquatic sources of protein than δ13C and δ15N values (Nehlich et al., 2010, Nehlich et al., 2012, Sayle et al., 2013).

5.2.2. Men and women The only other statistically significant isotopic difference detected at Himera is related to sex, and is restricted to the West necropolis, with females exhibiting significantly lower δ13C values (Fig. 5). One of the most substantial disparities in the food culture of ancient Greek men and women is the frequency with which men may have eaten outside the home, compared with women who, for the most part,

5.2. Intrapopulation variations in diet 5.2.1. East and West necropoleis There is evidence for dietary differences between the two necropoleis, with δ13C significantly lower and δ15N slightly lower in the East 10

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Fig. 4. Intrapopulation variations. Error bars represent the mean and standard deviation of each subgroup. (A) East and West necropoleis. (B) Sex differences; adults from both necropoleis. (C) Body position; West necropolis. (D) Burial type; individuals from both necropoleis. (E) Grave “richness;” West necropolis. (F) Age groups; individuals from both necropoleis.

spent the majority of their lives – and meals – within the household (Dalby, 1996: 12-16, Margaritis, 2015). Even within the household, women were expected to prioritize other household members (such as husbands, in-laws, and sons) in terms of food access. Lower δ13C and δ15N values of females suggest diets comprising less animal protein (aquatic or terrestrial), consistent with the expectation that Greek men consumed more animal protein than women (Dalby, 1996), and possibly, differences in the types of plants consumed. Plants exhibiting lower δ13C and δ15N ratios include olives, other fruits, legumes, and nuts, suggesting women may have eaten more of these types of foods at Himera. However, as demonstrated graphically in Figs. 4B, 5, and 6, the differences in males’ and females’ diets are, in fact, slight, only pertaining to young adult individuals, and there arguably are more similarities than differences in the diets of men and women. Differences in the legal status, social status, and daily activities of men and women are well known for ancient Greek society (Pomeroy,

1975, 2016, Schaps, 1998). Therefore, it is surprising that dietary differences between the sexes are not more pronounced, and do not span all age groups. On one hand, broadly similar bone collagen isotope ratios of males and females may reflect the custom of sharing sacrificed animals among kin. On the other hand, focusing on binary groupings (e.g., male versus female) may be inappropriate, because it overlooks dynamics in people’s social identities that transgress sex categories. As can be seen in Figs. 4 and 6, isotope ratios are varied within each sex, which already implicates other variables impacting access or choice in what to eat besides sex – variables that might blur sex-based differences in diet. Some of the plausible explanations for sex-based differences in diet during young adulthood, but not in later years, concern patrilocal postmarital residency and the acclimatization of women to new households. Greek women left their homes to join their husbands’ households at marriage, which for women, occurred in adolescence, approximately 11

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Error bars represent the mean and standard deviation of each subgroup.

Error bars represent the mean and standard deviation of each subgroup.

Error bars represent the mean and standard deviation of each subgroup.

Error bars represent the mean and standard deviation of each subgroup.

Fig. 5. Sex differences in each necropolis. Error bars represent the mean and standard deviation of each subgroup.

Fig. 6. Sex differences within age groups; West necropolis. Error bars represent the mean and standard deviation of each subgroup.

age 14–15 years (Neils and Oakley, 2003). In their new households, young women were outranked by their husbands, elder in-laws, and male children. Over time, and as they outlived their in-laws, women may have gained more status and authority in their households, potentially resulting in women consuming foods more similar to those of their male relatives into middle age; namely, more animal-based protein. Isotopic evidence for the diets of males and females offers new information to the discussion regarding indigenous women at Himera. The idea that indigenous women were marrying Greek Himerans is based on the presence of domestic objects of indigenous manufacture and style in the city (Allegro and Fiorentino, 2010, Vassallo, 2014). Young women from different, indigenous cultural backgrounds (and food traditions) who married into Greek society may have experienced their dietary differences subside as they acclimated to their husbands’ and in-laws’ food traditions. It is not yet well known to what extent indigenous diets can be expected to differ from “Greek” diets in Sicily. Archaeobotanical comparison of Greek and indigenous sites by Stika et al. (2008) suggest differences in types of plants preferred, with wheat and olives more common in Greek than indigenous diets, and Bechtold and Vassallo (2017) make the case on the basis of transport amphorae that fish consumption was greater at Himera than in the indigenous settlements of its hinterlands (Bechtold and Vassallo, 2017: 100).

colonization. On one hand, the mere existence of variations in diet at Himera join other archaeological evidence that contrasts Hellenization models of colonization, whereby those living at Greek colonies assimilated under a new and perceptible “Greek culture.” On the other hand, the absence of patterns in this variation contrasts the notion that cultural diversity at Greek colonies merely took the shape of a mixture. Reger (2014) makes the distinction between mixtures and compounds when it comes to intercultural interactions, arguing that a “mixture” comprises coexisting but separate entities, whereas a “compound” is a new, irreversibly changed entity formed through interactions of multiple groups. At Himera, people’s private traditions, seen in the paleodiet record, do not neatly sort with their expressed identities, seen (in part) in burial style. No suite of cultural forms, such as burial style or diet, is unilaterally associable with one group. Diet variations exist, but as this study shows, the lines along which diet traditions are developed are more complex than the binaries exemplified in Fig. 4. Examining any one facet of a complex identity is problematic, because identity results from the intersection of social variation (including occupation, kinship network, citizenship), religion (which was broadly similar across the Greek Mediterranean but differentiated somewhat into local cults), ethnic affiliation (which itself may represent a hybrid identity), and networks between cities, including mother-city and colony relationships (Hall, 1997, Malkin, 2003). Intersectionality in identity arguably is facilitated through cultural hybridization, in which elements of multiple groups mingle and are “re-worked and abstracted” into new forms with new meaning that facilitate interactions among a city’s diverse populace (Malkin, 2003). Intersectionality in identity

5.2.3. Variation with few patterns The fact that potential markers of “identity” – burial type, body position, types and numbers of grave objects – are unassociated with patterned variations in diet, supports hybridity models of Greek 12

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impacts which daily activities, traditions (including food traditions), and social relationships in which a person participates, and this intersectionality serves to “scramble” variations among different people, including dietary variations given how integral food is in social and economic life.

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6. Conclusion We analyzed carbon and nitrogen stable isotope ratios of 90 individuals from the Greek colony Himera to reconstruct diet within the population. Results show a diet based on terrestrial protein. For most people, the majority of this protein came from plants, not animals. Barley and wheat formed the dietary staples, and other plants and animals were consumed in smaller, supplementary amounts. No clear isotopic evidence for consumption of fish is detected, which upholds results of other isotopic studies of ancient Greek diet but contrast archaeological evidence of fish hooks, shells, and Punic transport amphorae recovered at Himera, ecological evidence that fish were abundant, and historical evidence that fish consumption was commonplace for ancient Greeks. The possibility that some fish varieties, such as sardines, have carbon and nitrogen isotope ratios similar to those of terrestrial animals, means further research is warranted using other methods, such as sulfur isotope analysis. There are significant stable isotope differences between Himera’s East and West necropoleis, slight differences in terms of sex, and no patterned differences associated with burial types, body position, burial “richness,” or age group. Greek colonies were the sites of inter-cultural interactions that were more complex than domination or assimilation of cultures under a broader “Greek” umbrella. Lack of patterned variation at this Greek colony is consistent with the idea that identities were intersectional, diverse, and hybrid. CRediT authorship contribution statement Laurie J. Reitsema: Conceptualization, Writing - original draft, Project administration, Funding acquisition, Data curation, Formal analysis, Investigation, Methodology. Britney Kyle: Writing - review & editing, Project administration, Funding acquisition, Data curation. Stefano Vassallo: Resources, Writing - review & editing, Project administration. Declaration of Competing Interest The authors declare that they have no known competing financial interests or personal relationships that could have appeared to influence the work reported in this paper. Acknowledgements We are grateful to the following individuals and institutions for their assistance with this research: Katie Reinberger, Chelsea Batchelder, Autumn Schmitz, Matteo Valentino, Pier Francesco Fabbri, Norma Lonoce, Giorgia Vincenti, the University of Georgia Center for Applied Isotope Studies, and the Soprintendenza di Palermo. We thank two anonymous reviewers for their suggestions improving this manuscript. This research was funded by National Science Foundation Research Experience for Undergraduates award numbers 1560227 and 1560158, the University of Georgia, and the University of Northern Colorado. References Acosta, A.N., Killgrove, K., Moses, V.C., Turner, B.L., 2019. Nourishing urban development: A palaeodietary study of Archaic Gabii, Italy (6th - 5th c BCE). J. Archaeolog. Sci.: Rep. 27, 1–10. Allegro, N., 1999. Imera. In: Greco, Emanuele (Ed.), La Città Greca Antica: Instituzioni,

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