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Framing “at risk” students: Struggles at the boundaries of access to higher education
Children and Youth Services Review 35 (2013) 1245–1251
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Children and Youth Services Review journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/childyouth
Framing “at risk” students: Struggles at the boundaries of access to higher education Sylvia Sims Gray Eastern Michigan University, United States
a r t i c l e
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Available online 28 April 2013 Keywords: “At risk” College Inequality Lower-income First generation Place
a b s t r a c t Access to an education is a social justice issue that requires a new courageous commitment to identifying and eliminating barriers to college success. For first generation, low income and students of color, education is the one remaining single most powerful factor to bring about a different outcome for their lives. This article explores what we can learn from the experience of students at a regional public university designated “at risk” and how to reclaim the place of public college education as an equalizing force in our nation. © 2013 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
1. Introduction In recent years, scholars, journalists, grant-makers, and politicians have drawn increasing attention to the failure of public universities to graduate the students that they enroll. These observers note that only 53% of those who enter college will graduate from the institution where they begin their studies within six years (National Center for Public Policy and Higher Education, 2002, p. 6). Institutions of higher education are failing particularly dramatically in efforts to graduate low-income students and students of color. Only 47% of Black women who start college earn bachelor degrees six years later (Education Trust, 2009) and for Black males the six-year graduation rate stands at 36% (Journal of Blacks in Higher Education, 2007). The majority of all first-generation college students fail to earn a bachelor degree in six years, with the six-year graduation rate of about 56% among these students (College Board, 2011). These failures to progress to a degree impact the lives of young people and their families particularly acutely because of the mounting levels of debt associated with each year spent in college (Grafton, 2011). As Jason DeParle recently argued in a New York Times report on college graduation rates, the nation appears to have arrived at a moment in which “education, a force meant to erode class barriers appears to be fortifying them” (DeParle, 2012, p. 1). The American Dream 2.0 Report concludes that in the past two decades, a college credential has become a prerequisite for entry into the middle class (2012, p. 10). Analyzing the failure of higher education to serve as an equalizer for poor or first-generation college students requires paying close attention to the experiences of students in regional public universities because of the role these institutions play as gateways to higher education for young people from poor and working class families. Public regional universities are viewed as “institutions of E-mail address: [email protected]. 0190-7409/$ – see front matter © 2013 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.childyouth.2013.04.011
choice” for many low-income students and students of color because of cost and local proximity. However, it is these institutions that have the most dismal record in enabling students to progress to a degree (Bowen, Chingos, & McPherson, 2009, p. 31), while at the same time, regional universities are expected to play a pivotal role in the social and economic development of their regions. Public universities face declining state financial support driving them to increase “credit hour production” while raising student tuition (Rosenstone, 2004). Passing the burden of rising cost to students further demonstrates the role that neoliberalism plays in higher education, which furthers the division between class and racial imbalances outside the university (Giroux & Giroux, 2004). Universities attend to recruiting students from local high schools, often cultivating a demand from first generation, low-income students, and students of color — but often without investing much effort into insuring the success or graduation of students they admit. While universities count on student loans and federal aid to foot the bill, critical questions are now being asked about the extent to which institutions invest in graduating the students that they recruit. Pennington (2012) argues that at many universities, it is simply assumed that low-income first generation students will inevitably “wash out” in significant numbers. It becomes expected that a large percentage of students – particularly first-generation, low-income or Black or Latino students – will not graduate. First-generation and poor students of color from high schools lacking the resources that suburban schools take for granted are sometimes admitted on a provisional basis, and framed as “at-risk” students. While the intention of that designation is to focus attention and support on students with academic needs, it may also naturalize the failure of students with the skills to succeed. In this article, I contend that access to an education is a social justice issue that requires a new courageous commitment to identifying and eliminating barriers to college success. For first-generation students, low-income students, and students of color, education is the
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one remaining single most powerful factor to bring about a different outcome for their lives. This article explores what we can learn from the experience of students designated “at risk.” I am a faculty member at Eastern Michigan University (EMU), and I will use my experience in a University program, which serves as the entry point for “at risk” students, entitled PASS (Promoting Academic Survival and Success) as my lens. Though the failure of higher education to equalize opportunity is a national issue, my hope is that careful exploration of the experience of students considered “at risk” at one regional institution might help to illuminate a way to reclaim the place of public college education as an equalizing force in our nation. 2. Locating students “at risk” I have served as a tenured professor at EMU in Ypsilanti, Michigan, for the past 30 years, carefully observing the University's growth and development over these decades. As a Black faculty member with a strong interest in issues of race, class, and social justice, I have had many opportunities to observe what I consider the University's shifting and often-conflicting messages regarding its student body. EMU, a public regional university serves 23,000 students who are pursuing undergraduate, graduate, specialist, doctoral, and certificate degrees in the arts, sciences, and professions. EMU has a main campus as well as satellite campus locations in Livonia and Detroit. Described as a “culturally diverse learning and teaching community set in a small city environment amid a major Metropolitan area,” the University is located 40 miles west of Detroit, Michigan and 8 miles east of Ann Arbor, Michigan. The University attracts students from the surrounding Metropolitan area with 90% of its students being Michigan residents. At the undergraduate level, students primarily include working class students, first generation students and students of color. From Eastern Michigan University's Student-View Report 2011, it appears that Black students from the surrounding area have the highest awareness of Eastern and hold the most favorable view of the University. Likewise, the University is viewed positively in Wayne County (where in Detroit 44% of its residents are below the poverty level) because it is viewed as the “Opportunity University,” and apparently known among students with lower ACT scores and more favorable among students from lower-income families. These students are attracted to the University because of its close proximity to home and its comparatively reasonable tuition cost, facilities, and financial aid. In 2010, 45% of freshmen students received Pell Grants, 24% of its student body underrepresented minority, 21% are Black and 2.5% are Latino. The University's four-year graduation rate is 12.3%, five-year graduation rate is 28.9% and six-year graduation rate is 37.7%. In the last five years, the University's graduation rates have come under increasing scrutiny from the state and from educational leaders both within and outside of the institution. Perhaps in part as a result of this scrutiny, a recent point of pride for the University is that the 2012 “incoming freshmen class shows distinctly higher grades than last year, and is more diverse as well, with 725 freshmen possessing a high school GPA of 3.50 or higher; compared to 532 last fall, an increase of 36%. In addition, 877 freshmen earned a high school GPA of 3.0 to 3.49 compared to 663 last year — a 32% increase.” Other State Universities with lower graduation rates such as Wayne State University have announced similar moves toward selective admission (Jesse, 2012). However, responding to the graduation rate crisis by focusing narrowly on student preparation is problematic in several ways. First, it may signal that the University does not see itself as a site of hope and possibilities for young people from surrounding areas whose lives are shaped by racism and racial inequalities. The strategy of solving a crisis in graduation rates through a more selective admissions process represents a potential disconnect between what is happening in the academy and what is happening in the surrounding urban
school systems, raising questions about what the University's responsibility is to students whose schools failed to adequately prepare them. Additionally, any effort to address the problem of poor graduation rates by becoming more selective flies in the face of research such as that by Matthew Chingos of the Brookings Institution, who has found that “low-income students finish college less often than affluent peers even when they outscore them on skills tests” (DeParle, 2012, p. 28). Like the focus on selective admissions, many of the programs established within universities to increase graduation rates tend to locate the problem within the individual students. The programs that Eastern Michigan University aims at “at-risk” students are small efforts with very limited funding and limited involvement of faculty. PASS is one such program. Students are recommended to the program by the Admissions Office and, if they choose to participate, are provided with block scheduling and academic advising assistance for one semester. The requirements for the program include attending classes, meeting with an academic advisor, limiting employment and extra-curricular activities, waiting the second year to join a fraternity or sorority. In addition students in the PASS Program are expected to “maintain good academic and judicial standing while demonstrating the highest level of respect toward faculty, staff and fellow students.” There is a programmatic assumption that these students must be “policed” in some manner to assure that they meet the demands of University life. This program serves approximately 200 students each semester. All PASS students are enrolled in an introductory class known as UNIV 101, intended to prepare students for University life. I decided to teach UNIV 101 because I believe that low-income students, first-generation students, and students of color are the highest priority for the University. If the University is to lift graduation rates, this group of students must succeed. I believe that it is the mission of the University to be committed to students who come from the central city and surrounding communities who invested in remaining in the State and who desire to become contributing members of their communities. Perhaps reflecting my own undergraduate education at Tennessee State University — a historically Black university, I see the educational experience as a way to inspire students to discover their highest potential, find their passion, proudly earn their degrees, and return to their communities to serve. I embrace bell hooks' (1995, p. 13) description of engaged pedagogy, when she asserts that, “our work is not merely to share information but to share in the intellectual and spiritual growth of our students. To teach in a manner that respects and cares for the souls of our students is essential if we are to provide the necessary conditions where learning can most deeply and intimately begin”. As I approached UNIV 101 in 2010, I was grounded by a determination for the University to address the dynamics of race and economic class in our community and how this crisis translates into persistent graduation gaps. Large numbers of students never become self-sufficient members of the workforce in local communities, and this has a profound effect on job opportunities, potential earning, career possibilities, and the long-term prospects of their families, and the economic and social well-being of their communities. Young people remain in lower paying positions such as fast food and temporary jobs without the chance for advancement while burdened with huge student loan debt that follows them for years. I yearn for a sense of urgency and responsibility on behalf of the University when these students are described. 3. Power of discourses of “at risk” students at the University My work on UNIV 101 began with an orientation session for all new instructors offered by Academic Services. As I listened, I was struck by how the students were framed. A committed program director provided an overview of the UNIV 101 program and how the PASS Program ties in with UNIV 101. A significant amount of time was spent talking
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about the students. We were told, “we are dealing with a lack of maturity” and “when dealing with the first-generation student, they are packed different,” and “these students have a checkered history.” Students were introduced as “challenging students” who needed necessary penalties. A punitive approach to each student was recommended: “require participation with consequences,” “a point system is a must,” “these students need more structure and guidance,” “give daily assignments and pop quizzes,” “don't grade the work just put a check on it.” Clearly, these were the students expected to “wash out of the university” as Pennington has argued, and were not framed as students whose experiences and interests would enrich the University and succeed in college. Universities' use of the term “at risk” to identify students who are not perceived to succeed academically because of factors associated with socioeconomic status, family variables, and academic deficiencies. Since the early 90s, the term “risk” has been widely deployed in arenas of education, health and social services. Because it generally denotes a description of what is taking place in the lives of particular groups of people, risk analyses locate the problem in the students themselves or in their families or their histories. “At risk” students are believed to come from low-income communities, single parent families, and deprived neighborhoods, and they are believed to be insufficiently prepared for university level work (Swadener & Lubeck, 1995). Rozycki (2004) argues that the label “at risk” is taken to indicate a possible confrontation with something “undesirable.” I have traveled the campus to hear well-intended colleagues and administrators characterize low-income and racial minority students as “disadvantaged,” “underrepresented,” “unintelligent,” “underprepared,” or lacking in motivations with a need “to be spoon feed,” and possessing “inadequate study habits.” These characteristics overlap with persistent and long-standing cultural characterizations of the “culture of poverty” attributed to those from the “ghetto,” “inner-city” or “urban underclass.” The term “at risk” pathologizes youth of color and poor youth (Fine, 1995) because these terms encode the youth's race and “transmit particular sets of meanings” (Watson, 2011, p. 24). Students are stigmatized because of false conclusions about their ability; there are anticipated negative trajectories and outcomes because students are believed to experience emotional, behavioral, educational, and psychological challenges (Nakkula & Toshalis, 2006). In my campus observations (and in the perceptions of other scholars) there is heightened register of pathology when the term “at risk” is used to describe Black male students. As observed, there is a sort of slippage between young people “at risk” and those as “risk,” and when applied to Black students, the term tilts toward characteristics such as uneducable, endangered, dysfunctional, dangerous, and lazy. Strayhorn (2010) argues that these disparaging words become self-fulfilling and “self-threatening” to Black male students. It is usually assumed by peers and professors alike that students labeled “at risk” grew up in high-poverty-stricken urban ghettos and fatherless homes — an assumption that makes the range of experiences, needs, goals, and aspirations among male students of color invisible and irrelevant to the education process. Educational systems set up a hierarchy of worthiness and intelligence using language which carries with it all sorts of negative meaning that are placed on young people even before the professor meets the student the first day of class. When I encounter students identified as “at risk,” I remember my own experiences of attending public schools in Chicago shortly after desegregation where I first encountered a tracking system firsthand. Students were placed in rows based on their “perceived aptitudes.” Mostly White students were in the “smartest” rows and Black students seated in the rest. This system was demoralizing and discouraging. Today, despite decades of effort and rhetoric about equal opportunity, a different form of tracking exists in the form of perceived worthiness to succeed in college. American higher education admits a diverse student body, but many universities have retreated in their vision of
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what they owe particular students — particularly those students who are low-income, first-generation, and students of color. Universities' institutional practices and attitudes are closely interwoven with notions of race and class. Sorting and labeling students are imbedded in the educational culture of many universities, rendering it difficult to perceive, sustain, or support the “capacity to aspire” of students from differing backgrounds (Appadurai, 2004). When the campus environment does not highly value all its students and work to dispel stereotypes, then policies and procedures magnify those stereotypes, especially for Black males. For example, when universities are prompted to address their student conduct efforts this process often stereotypes Black male students, fueled by the media, which ignites fear. Policies are intended to promote a safe and secure learning environment for students and faculty without the campus environment altering its embedded perception of Black males. Timely Warnings, a requirement of the Clery Act requires alerting the campus community to certain crimes in a manner that is timely and will aid in the prevention of similar crimes. Timely Warnings are issued into a community already biased against Black males, and often these warnings describe the possible offender as, “Black male wearing a hoodie.” The University community is much more likely to remember emails in which Black males were described as suspects, and to compound the situation, at many universities, the actual outcome of the crime is rarely reported leaving the stereotypes in the minds of the campus community. These stereotypes are carried onto the classroom and the wider university community where the University has no investment to support the advancement of these students through the pipeline. While the impact of these stereotypes on Black male students is often unexamined, in the spring of 2011 in advance of the tragic Trayvon Martin shooting (the Black teen fatally shot in a gated Flordia community), male students of color and their faculty and staff allies protested, demonstrating in shirts that proclaimed “I am a student.” Universities must take leadership in reeducating their communities about the inaccuracy of commonly held beliefs and attitudes about Black men, if Black male students are to be spared this sort of racialized hostility. Teaching UNIV 101 seemed like a place to try to impact the way the University received its first-generation students of color. 4. UNIV 101: a semester with new students in the university community Though instructors were oriented to a set of expectations for PASS students by staff from Academic Affairs, provided with a course outline, we were also given flexibility in designing the structure and content of the course. I was determined that all of the activities in my section of the course would somehow convey that each student in my class held promise and possibilities and had family or community at home who believed in their potential and success. While the PASS students carried an “at risk” label into my classroom I wanted to do all I could to provide alternative framing to counter the damage done (Tinto, 2002). I was concerned that their conditional admission status would impact students psychologically because many do not have confidence in themselves and do not see themselves as strong, bright, and intelligent. Being accepted into a conditional program that requires students to adhere to strict outcomes would only deepen the psychological weight. One freshmen student writes, “I didn't have any confidence in myself that I would be able to do well in my college classes. To make it worse, I being accepted into Eastern Michigan University's PASS Program made me feel even dumber. It made me feel like I was at a big disadvantage to the other Eastern Michigan freshmen.” In this introductory course, I was committed to creating a space where students understood that they were valued, could embrace high expectations, and would come to appreciate how important a degree was to their future success. There were 25 students in the
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class, all 19–20 years of age, 11 males and 14 females, 14 of whom were Black Americans, 1 Asian American, 2 Latina Americans and 8 Whites. The majority of the students were first-generation college students. In the first day of class, I could see the anticipation and fear on the faces of the students as I walked in the front of the class. I welcomed the class and told them, this step into college was the first step to changing their lives forever because “they were the change the world was waiting for.” I used the messages with these students that I had received when I arrived at my freshmen orientation at Tennessee State University, “You are expected to succeed and return to your community to serve.” As a way to get to know the students, I asked them to respond to the following question in writing: What do you want me to know about you to help assure your success in this course? Some students wanted me to understand their learning style. One student said, “I'm a student that sees as well as hears it, so when lecturing and we're taking notes, I'd like you to explain it.” Another said, “I am hard working but sometimes I can become overwhelmed and stressed about things especially involving school.” Other themes related to their families and their confidence. One student wanted me to understand that she was family focused. She said, “I am very family oriented so I will miss my family greatly. Also I am smart and capable of doing a great job although I am in the PASS Program.” A student who is driven to do well in school because of wanting to be an example to her sisters and brothers said, “I am a hard worker who sometimes needs to be reminded of my goal or a peak at the finish line. I do not have any examples to go by because I am leading the example by being the first in my family to go to college. So no shoes to fill but I want my sisters and brothers to easily be able to fill mine.” From these written comments, I understood that the student saw themselves as learners and wanted to engage in the learning process that helped them be successful. From these comments it is also possible to see the students struggling a bit with their status as college students and trying to contend with concerns and doubts (both their own and those of others). As I got to know the students better, I understood the burden of uncertainty and worry that they carried about their ability to succeed in college. In reflecting on their admission into a conditional program, students stated: I remember sitting in the Student Center with a hand full of kids including Lexus and the advisor saying how we felt like we were in Special Ed or something. When I was first admitted to Eastern in the PASS Program I was embarrassed because I thought that I would not be in normal classes. Barely making admission, I found the PASS Program to feel somewhat degrading and belittling for freshmen. Given the burden of doubt that students brought with them to UNIV 101, I conceptualized this course as having several functions. First, I worked to create a space in the classroom that helped students see themselves as participating citizens of the University and potential leaders grounded in a sense of social responsibility. Second, I wanted to ensure that each student participated in an environment of high expectations that was challenging and nurturing. This meant that students learned how to navigate and decode the institutional culture and expectations of higher education, helping students to build their academic culture (Boom, 2008 p. 4). Third, I tried to build a personal connection with each class member — learning each student's name, greeting students as they entered the class, and talking with students already seated in the class when I arrived. I told them I knew they would not miss class often, because if they were not present “I would miss their heartbeat” — and that was
true! To reinforce graduation as the end goal, I addressed the class as members of the University's graduating class of 2014 at any appropriate opportunity. Every time a guest speaker came to the classroom to present to students, the class was introduced as the “Class of 2014.” This was an effort to counter the discourse of risk and the fear of failure with an alternative framing, underscoring for students that: “you're the future,” “you are an educated person,” and “you will return to your community to serve.” A class motto was established to help build confidence: I will, I can, I must. The class motto was chosen to inspire and motivate the students to develop to their fullest potential and to resolve to themselves that they would obtain their degree. This discourse of education has to be linked to the practices that sustain it — so we scanned the free copies of the New York Times made available at newsstand across campus, encouraging students to understand themselves among those who must remain informed about what is happening in the world. I structured the class to address those nonacademic matters that are essential for academic success — the skills of navigating college life that tend to “go without saying.” In the first few classes, we discussed time management, study skills, campus resources, and how to manage their money. Students were interested in these topics and felt they were being viewed as responsible young adults. We discussed getting along in a diverse campus community, building relationships with professors, how to write an email to a professor, visiting professors during office hours and how to let your professor know why you are absent. An academic advisor spoke to the students and informed them of the University requirements for Basic Studies. She provided them with an understanding of the requirements for their program of study. Her presentation added a sense of relief for many students who worried whether they knew which courses to take the following semester. I worked throughout the class to build networks of support and connection for the students—especially among faculty and staff on campus who, like the PASS students, began their studies as low-income, first-generation college students. One administrator explained that she grew up in poverty and in foster care. She talked candidly about her background, the mistakes she made, and how she remained on track. She offered a personal level of engagement that allowed students to ask their own questions and talk with real “actors” on campus (Boom, 2008, p. 6). I expanded the list of speakers to include not only those from the University writing center and health services but also speakers from the University Ombudsmen Office and the McNair Scholars Program. After each speaker, students talked in small groups and then large groups about the impact of the new information on their educational future. Aware that too often students of color learn about campus rules through “after the fact” encounters with campus police, I decided that a proactive approach might be beneficial. A campus police officer with a great presentation style visited class to talk about day-to-day struggles that the average student interacts with on campus. Subjects the officer covered in her presentation included review of the code of contact (putting one's hands on another), expectations for behavior in the dormitories, and the kinds of interactions that engage students with campus police. The students found this presentation to be one of the most helpful to them — as students viewed these unexamined “codes of contact” as potential traps that could derail the education of those who did not understand University policy. Seniors on the verge of graduation came to class, too, to speak openly about their backgrounds and how they navigated their journey through the University. These graduating students shared their personal scripts that allowed them to reach senior status. They spoke about classroom decorum, teacher expectations, how they developed friendship, time management, and what it feels like to be seniors and about to go on to graduate school or back to their community employed. Students learned the history of the University. Our discussions offered them a place in the University history: “When you graduate,
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you will be among the 76,000 graduates from the University.” As a part of the class, all students attended a university Thanksgiving Dinner. The President of the University hosts this dinner, which is open to the campus community for a nominal cost. It is an opportunity for students to sit in the same room with University officials and feel a sense of belonging to the campus community. I bought tickets for the class and we sat together at three tables. This was an opportunity to expose students to a formal luncheon where they could interact with each other as young adults and be valued members of the University community. 5. Lessons the students teach us Students walked into class as part of a stigmatized, “at risk” cohort. But as I came to know them, I was amazed at the unique interests, struggles, and experiences they brought to their education at EMU. For example, Kendell has an interest in learning Chinese. He took a course in Chinese and successfully passed. He liked the Faculty Advisor of the Chinese Club and the support the students in the club provided each other. Being on the shy side and not very social, he said he felt connected. After changing his major twice, Kendell felt he was attracted to Political Science and history courses. He has decided he will major in Political Science and wants to go on to Law School. He plans to graduate in 2014 but because of finances, he takes a smaller credit load. Jocelyn's financial aid was short of $3000 to register for the following semester. Her mother refused to sign a loan to cover those expenses and she was forced to drop out after the first semester. Jocelyn sought help and guidance from the University but received none. She is working in the local community and taking classes at the community college. Gus says he is strictly focusing on his studies and sports. He recently organized the University Lacrosse Team and serves as one of the coaches. In looking back to why he did poorly in high school, he said he never developed study habits. He plans to graduate in 2014. Necie works as a Resident Advisor in the freshmen residence hall. She has been able to maintain adequate academic status but admits that the position took too much time away from her studies. She took the position because of her need for additional help with room and board. She has been accepted into the Disney Internship Program. Dominique encountered many difficulties. Her grandfather was shot and killed and her family has experienced other losses but she is still at the University and expecting to graduate in 2014. Melissa has decided to become a social work major. She feels her calling is Juvenile Justice. After she graduates she wants to join the Peace Corp. She says she is very interested in learning about different cultures and wants to see the world. Lupe has been admitted into the Honors Program and is a McNair Scholar. To become a McNair Scholar, the student needs a minimum GPA of 3.0 and committed to the PhD. degree. She hopes to apply to Loyola in Chicago for Graduate School. Emet shares that his parents call him frequently to tell him how proud they are of him. He has 4 brothers and 1 sister. His sister graduated with a degree in Psychology and is now getting a graduate degree in Nursing.
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The “at risk” label or the stigma that label carries with it does not promote understanding of the needs and aspirations of each of these students. The students in my UNIV 101 class are learners who are active members of the intellectual learning community of Eastern. From the first day of class, I learned from the students that they wanted to be successful in college and that they arrived at college with a clear understanding of areas in their education that needed further strengthening. They wanted to let the faculty know what kind of learners they are and how best they are able to learn. Early in the semester, the goal was to help the students labeled “at risk” understand that I did not see them as “at risk” but as future contributors to our society. I wanted them to think of themselves differently… see themselves as socially responsible for making the world a better place. I wanted students to know that I believed in their capability in learning and that they could succeed in this University. I also wanted to help the students understand that they were at the starting place of their journey but the end of the journey was graduation and they must understand the urgency to graduate with a degree to become contributing, self sustaining member of their community's workforce. Appadurai (2004, p. 76) describes the capacity to aspire as the ability to read “a map of a journey into the future.” In order for students to get to their destination of graduation they need to learn how to get in charge of navigating their college experience to get them to graduation. They need to see themselves at the destination of graduation and the map helps students build their own knowledge through their own lived experiences. Therefore, though the emphasis is on college preparation, I learned that what is done with and for the admitted students matters a great deal. Too many institutions fail to touch the mind, body, and spirit of the students in order to tie them on the journey to success. There must be a clear and personal understanding of what is required for academic success. This can happen, as comments like this from UNIV 101 students attest: I have come a long way. Starting from the kid that falls asleep in front of the class every session, to the person that can't wait to hear what's going on. The problems I went up against this semester were very difficult to overcome from working late in the night to having my car breakdown… I still never gave up coming to school. I learned that I could do the work; not just do it, but also do fantastic on the work. I didn't have any confidence in my writing skills at all. I thought I was a terrible writer, till I came to college. I started to notice that I was actually a good writer. I refuse to be another statistic and be placed in a category that no one wants to be in. 6. What really matters for persistence to graduation: students must be expected to succeed The core mission of the University must be the promotion of student learning and the success of each student admitted into the University. Instead of adding on programs, the University must be able to serve the students it attracts especially if they come from schools that failed to prepare them for college. The University must stop making excuses about why the student cannot graduate. The University must make a commitment to its location and the students who come from the Metropolitan Detroit area. The entire campus community must be involved in coordinated programs that address both academic and non-academic factors in an integrated manner. When the University admits students, labels must be removed and replaced with high expectations, honoring and embracing each student's voice, providing road maps to navigate
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and engage with the University community and overall, students could achieve academic and personal success. I expected students to be successful in the course and each student strived to rise up to those expectations. Out of 25 students, 88% of the students passed with B- or better, 2 students received an incomplete grade, and 1 student did not successfully complete. The student who did not successfully complete the course drove to the University from her home in Flint, MI. She worked at a fast food restaurant until midnight. Many days, she was unable to drive to campus because of lack of gas or a problem with her car. She became so frustrated with her situation, stopped coming to all of her classes and passed the deadline to withdraw from the University.
must place high priority on the best faculty and these incentives and rewards result in significant credit and acknowledgment in annual faculty evaluation. Intensive work must be undertaken to reshape the faculty priorities and reward them for participating in the core mission of the University as a valued faculty member when teaching beginning freshmen classes. The best teachers must be a part of the core mission of the University where they value undergraduate education and value and receive recognition for their role in assuring freshmen students are properly grounded and launched at the University.
10. Changing the way the University frames students 7. Financial aid must be revisited There needs to be a re-orientation of student aid and college subsidies to focus on student outcomes and as some educators have recommended, tilt the institutional incentive toward student success. This strategy will, in many cases, help to prevent students from dropping out of school. Often it is a small amount of money that is needed to help students remain in school. Joselyn was $3000.00 short in her student loans and unable to register for the next semester and DeAndra was $600.00 short. Both students were meeting academic expectations but could not register because of short falls to register. This situation that students find themselves in must change. It is imperative that the University be prepared to support students to address even the smallest challenge or stumbling blocks. 8. Faculty must engage in conversations about race and place The quality of interaction a student has with a concerned person on campus (Guiffrida, 2005) is essential for the student's emotional and intellectual growth. Watson (2011) argues that teachers prefer the behavior, beliefs, and values that they perceive most resemble suburban-ness or middle-class-ness. When students were more culturally suburban, faculty held more positive expectations for them. The University must be committed to serve its region and the young people from the region that are most in need of college degree. Efforts must be directed to engage with the University community and dispel the stereotypes about the students and community that are lodged within the University through attitudes and beliefs. An upside at Eastern is that for over a year, I have met with a core group of experienced faculty who has an interest in building knowledge of, curiosity for, and commitment to the Southeast Michigan region. The aim of the group is to discuss the place of the University and examine ways in which our own teaching, research and service as well as our vision of the University can be inflected and enriched by an understanding of EMU's location. When discussing her participation in the group, one professor said she wanted to “have a dialogue about the realities of the region and wants a greater understanding of the history of the area and possibilities for re-entry for young people returning to the community.” Another member said she wanted to discuss “not simply how to teach “underserved” students at urban institutions but how to create a more inclusive learning environment by connecting the classroom to community by understanding the intersecting factors of space, race, gender and class.” We must continue to grapple with the meaning of what we are doing and what it means to be located in the Metropolitan area. 9. The best teachers should instruct introductory courses The classroom experience is critical to promoting persistence. Because of the busy lives of young people in college, the classroom is the centerpiece where students interact with faculty and student peers. The best teachers must be provided incentives and rewards to engage with students in introductory and basic studies classes. The University
We must challenge racist and classist thinking that the so-called “at-risk” students do not have the same desire to succeed as other more affluent students and must be “policed.” We must counter the belief that low-income, first-generation, students of color families do not value education. Universities must value the potential in every student and commit to revolutionary improvements because too much is at stake to settle for less. As Social Work educators we must recognize that student persistence to graduation is a social justice issue. We must take the lead in pushing our universities to step up to their responsibility to successfully educate the students they admit and to do whatever it takes to solve those problems that may stand in the way of the student's ability to graduate. We should work to lead conversations about race and the region and work to transform the University culture, which is lodged with stereotypes, and attitudes against the talented students who want to come to our University to successfully obtain their degree. The crisis in public education to graduate first generation, low income and students of color is one of the shameful outcomes in this century. We know what needs to be done, so now we must do it.
References Appadurai, A. (2004). The capacity to aspire: Culture and the terms of recognition. In V. Rao, & M. Walton (Eds.), Culture and public action (pp. 59–84) Palto, Alto, California: Stanford University Press. Boom, J. (2008). The pedagogy of college access programs: A critical analysis. ASHE/ Lumina Policy Briefs and Critical Essays. Arnes: Iowa State University, Department of Educational Leadership and Policy Studies (No. 5). Bowen, William, Chingos, Matthew, & McPherson, Michael (2009). Crossing the finish line: Completing college at America's public universities. New Jersey: Princeton University. College Board (2011). The College Completion Agenda, State Capitals Campaign. Retrieved March 25, 2013. http.//advocacy.collegeboard.org/sitesdefaultmes/Overview DeParle, Jason (2012). For poor, leap to college often ends in a hard fall. The New York Times (December 22, 1). Education Trust (2009). http://www.Collegeresults.org Fine, M. (1995). The politics of who's “at risk”. In B. B. Swadener, & S. Lubeck (Eds.), Children and families “at promise”: Deconstructing the discourse of risk. Albany NY: Suny Press. Giroux, Henry, & Giroux, Susan (2004). Take back higher education. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Grafton, A. (2011). Our universities — Why are they failing? : New York Review of Books (November 21. Retrieved on January 21, 2012 at http://www.nybooks.com/articles/ archives/2011/nov/24/our-universities-why-are-they-failing/?pagination=false) Guiffrida, D. (2005). Othermothering as a framework for understanding African American students' definition of student-centered faculty. Journal of Higher Education, 76(6), 701–723. Hooks, B. (1995). Teaching to transgress: Education as the practice of freedom. New York, NY: Routledge. Jesse, David (2012). Wayne State will get stricter requirements for admissions. Detroit Free Press (February 22, 6). Journal of Blacks in Higher Education (2007). Black student college graduation rates inch higher but a large racial gap persists. http://www.jbhe.com/preview/ winter07previewhtml (August 17) Nakkula, M. J., & Toshalis, E. (2006). Understanding youth: Adolescent development for educators. Cambridge, MA: Harvard Education Press. National Center for Public Policy and Higher Education (2002). Measuring up 2002: The state-by-state report card for higher education. Retrieved from http:// measuringuphighereducation@org
S.S. Gray / Children and Youth Services Review 35 (2013) 1245–1251 Pennington, H. (2012). For student success, stop debating and start improving. April 8. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Retrieved September 12, 2012 from http// chronicle.com/article/For-StudentSuccess-Stop/131451) Rosenstone, Steven (2004). Challenges facing higher education in America: Lessons and opportunities. Paper presented to the University of Toronto conference on taking public universities seriously (December 4). Rozycki, Edward (2004). Identifying the “at risk” student: What is the concern? http: www.newfoundations.com/EGR/AtRisk.html Strayhorn, T. L. (2010). When race and gender collide: Social and cultural capital's influence on the academic achievement of African American and Latino males. The Review of Higher Education, 33(3), 307–332.
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Swadener, B. B., & Lubeck, S. (1995). Children & families at “promise”: Deconstructing the discourse of risk (pp. 1–14) Albany, NY: State University of New York Press. Tinto, Vincent (2002). Enhancing student persistence: Connecting the dots. Paper presentation. Optimizing the nation's investment: Persistence and success in postsecondary education. Madison, Wisconsin: University of Wisconsin (October 23–25, 2002). Watson, D. (2011). Urban but not too urban. Unpacking teachers' desire to teach urban students. Journal of Teacher Education, 62(1), 23–34 (January–February).
Contents lists available at SciVerse ScienceDirect
Children and Youth Services Review journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/childyouth
Framing “at risk” students: Struggles at the boundaries of access to higher education Sylvia Sims Gray Eastern Michigan University, United States
a r t i c l e
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Available online 28 April 2013 Keywords: “At risk” College Inequality Lower-income First generation Place
a b s t r a c t Access to an education is a social justice issue that requires a new courageous commitment to identifying and eliminating barriers to college success. For first generation, low income and students of color, education is the one remaining single most powerful factor to bring about a different outcome for their lives. This article explores what we can learn from the experience of students at a regional public university designated “at risk” and how to reclaim the place of public college education as an equalizing force in our nation. © 2013 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
1. Introduction In recent years, scholars, journalists, grant-makers, and politicians have drawn increasing attention to the failure of public universities to graduate the students that they enroll. These observers note that only 53% of those who enter college will graduate from the institution where they begin their studies within six years (National Center for Public Policy and Higher Education, 2002, p. 6). Institutions of higher education are failing particularly dramatically in efforts to graduate low-income students and students of color. Only 47% of Black women who start college earn bachelor degrees six years later (Education Trust, 2009) and for Black males the six-year graduation rate stands at 36% (Journal of Blacks in Higher Education, 2007). The majority of all first-generation college students fail to earn a bachelor degree in six years, with the six-year graduation rate of about 56% among these students (College Board, 2011). These failures to progress to a degree impact the lives of young people and their families particularly acutely because of the mounting levels of debt associated with each year spent in college (Grafton, 2011). As Jason DeParle recently argued in a New York Times report on college graduation rates, the nation appears to have arrived at a moment in which “education, a force meant to erode class barriers appears to be fortifying them” (DeParle, 2012, p. 1). The American Dream 2.0 Report concludes that in the past two decades, a college credential has become a prerequisite for entry into the middle class (2012, p. 10). Analyzing the failure of higher education to serve as an equalizer for poor or first-generation college students requires paying close attention to the experiences of students in regional public universities because of the role these institutions play as gateways to higher education for young people from poor and working class families. Public regional universities are viewed as “institutions of E-mail address: [email protected]. 0190-7409/$ – see front matter © 2013 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.childyouth.2013.04.011
choice” for many low-income students and students of color because of cost and local proximity. However, it is these institutions that have the most dismal record in enabling students to progress to a degree (Bowen, Chingos, & McPherson, 2009, p. 31), while at the same time, regional universities are expected to play a pivotal role in the social and economic development of their regions. Public universities face declining state financial support driving them to increase “credit hour production” while raising student tuition (Rosenstone, 2004). Passing the burden of rising cost to students further demonstrates the role that neoliberalism plays in higher education, which furthers the division between class and racial imbalances outside the university (Giroux & Giroux, 2004). Universities attend to recruiting students from local high schools, often cultivating a demand from first generation, low-income students, and students of color — but often without investing much effort into insuring the success or graduation of students they admit. While universities count on student loans and federal aid to foot the bill, critical questions are now being asked about the extent to which institutions invest in graduating the students that they recruit. Pennington (2012) argues that at many universities, it is simply assumed that low-income first generation students will inevitably “wash out” in significant numbers. It becomes expected that a large percentage of students – particularly first-generation, low-income or Black or Latino students – will not graduate. First-generation and poor students of color from high schools lacking the resources that suburban schools take for granted are sometimes admitted on a provisional basis, and framed as “at-risk” students. While the intention of that designation is to focus attention and support on students with academic needs, it may also naturalize the failure of students with the skills to succeed. In this article, I contend that access to an education is a social justice issue that requires a new courageous commitment to identifying and eliminating barriers to college success. For first-generation students, low-income students, and students of color, education is the
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one remaining single most powerful factor to bring about a different outcome for their lives. This article explores what we can learn from the experience of students designated “at risk.” I am a faculty member at Eastern Michigan University (EMU), and I will use my experience in a University program, which serves as the entry point for “at risk” students, entitled PASS (Promoting Academic Survival and Success) as my lens. Though the failure of higher education to equalize opportunity is a national issue, my hope is that careful exploration of the experience of students considered “at risk” at one regional institution might help to illuminate a way to reclaim the place of public college education as an equalizing force in our nation. 2. Locating students “at risk” I have served as a tenured professor at EMU in Ypsilanti, Michigan, for the past 30 years, carefully observing the University's growth and development over these decades. As a Black faculty member with a strong interest in issues of race, class, and social justice, I have had many opportunities to observe what I consider the University's shifting and often-conflicting messages regarding its student body. EMU, a public regional university serves 23,000 students who are pursuing undergraduate, graduate, specialist, doctoral, and certificate degrees in the arts, sciences, and professions. EMU has a main campus as well as satellite campus locations in Livonia and Detroit. Described as a “culturally diverse learning and teaching community set in a small city environment amid a major Metropolitan area,” the University is located 40 miles west of Detroit, Michigan and 8 miles east of Ann Arbor, Michigan. The University attracts students from the surrounding Metropolitan area with 90% of its students being Michigan residents. At the undergraduate level, students primarily include working class students, first generation students and students of color. From Eastern Michigan University's Student-View Report 2011, it appears that Black students from the surrounding area have the highest awareness of Eastern and hold the most favorable view of the University. Likewise, the University is viewed positively in Wayne County (where in Detroit 44% of its residents are below the poverty level) because it is viewed as the “Opportunity University,” and apparently known among students with lower ACT scores and more favorable among students from lower-income families. These students are attracted to the University because of its close proximity to home and its comparatively reasonable tuition cost, facilities, and financial aid. In 2010, 45% of freshmen students received Pell Grants, 24% of its student body underrepresented minority, 21% are Black and 2.5% are Latino. The University's four-year graduation rate is 12.3%, five-year graduation rate is 28.9% and six-year graduation rate is 37.7%. In the last five years, the University's graduation rates have come under increasing scrutiny from the state and from educational leaders both within and outside of the institution. Perhaps in part as a result of this scrutiny, a recent point of pride for the University is that the 2012 “incoming freshmen class shows distinctly higher grades than last year, and is more diverse as well, with 725 freshmen possessing a high school GPA of 3.50 or higher; compared to 532 last fall, an increase of 36%. In addition, 877 freshmen earned a high school GPA of 3.0 to 3.49 compared to 663 last year — a 32% increase.” Other State Universities with lower graduation rates such as Wayne State University have announced similar moves toward selective admission (Jesse, 2012). However, responding to the graduation rate crisis by focusing narrowly on student preparation is problematic in several ways. First, it may signal that the University does not see itself as a site of hope and possibilities for young people from surrounding areas whose lives are shaped by racism and racial inequalities. The strategy of solving a crisis in graduation rates through a more selective admissions process represents a potential disconnect between what is happening in the academy and what is happening in the surrounding urban
school systems, raising questions about what the University's responsibility is to students whose schools failed to adequately prepare them. Additionally, any effort to address the problem of poor graduation rates by becoming more selective flies in the face of research such as that by Matthew Chingos of the Brookings Institution, who has found that “low-income students finish college less often than affluent peers even when they outscore them on skills tests” (DeParle, 2012, p. 28). Like the focus on selective admissions, many of the programs established within universities to increase graduation rates tend to locate the problem within the individual students. The programs that Eastern Michigan University aims at “at-risk” students are small efforts with very limited funding and limited involvement of faculty. PASS is one such program. Students are recommended to the program by the Admissions Office and, if they choose to participate, are provided with block scheduling and academic advising assistance for one semester. The requirements for the program include attending classes, meeting with an academic advisor, limiting employment and extra-curricular activities, waiting the second year to join a fraternity or sorority. In addition students in the PASS Program are expected to “maintain good academic and judicial standing while demonstrating the highest level of respect toward faculty, staff and fellow students.” There is a programmatic assumption that these students must be “policed” in some manner to assure that they meet the demands of University life. This program serves approximately 200 students each semester. All PASS students are enrolled in an introductory class known as UNIV 101, intended to prepare students for University life. I decided to teach UNIV 101 because I believe that low-income students, first-generation students, and students of color are the highest priority for the University. If the University is to lift graduation rates, this group of students must succeed. I believe that it is the mission of the University to be committed to students who come from the central city and surrounding communities who invested in remaining in the State and who desire to become contributing members of their communities. Perhaps reflecting my own undergraduate education at Tennessee State University — a historically Black university, I see the educational experience as a way to inspire students to discover their highest potential, find their passion, proudly earn their degrees, and return to their communities to serve. I embrace bell hooks' (1995, p. 13) description of engaged pedagogy, when she asserts that, “our work is not merely to share information but to share in the intellectual and spiritual growth of our students. To teach in a manner that respects and cares for the souls of our students is essential if we are to provide the necessary conditions where learning can most deeply and intimately begin”. As I approached UNIV 101 in 2010, I was grounded by a determination for the University to address the dynamics of race and economic class in our community and how this crisis translates into persistent graduation gaps. Large numbers of students never become self-sufficient members of the workforce in local communities, and this has a profound effect on job opportunities, potential earning, career possibilities, and the long-term prospects of their families, and the economic and social well-being of their communities. Young people remain in lower paying positions such as fast food and temporary jobs without the chance for advancement while burdened with huge student loan debt that follows them for years. I yearn for a sense of urgency and responsibility on behalf of the University when these students are described. 3. Power of discourses of “at risk” students at the University My work on UNIV 101 began with an orientation session for all new instructors offered by Academic Services. As I listened, I was struck by how the students were framed. A committed program director provided an overview of the UNIV 101 program and how the PASS Program ties in with UNIV 101. A significant amount of time was spent talking
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about the students. We were told, “we are dealing with a lack of maturity” and “when dealing with the first-generation student, they are packed different,” and “these students have a checkered history.” Students were introduced as “challenging students” who needed necessary penalties. A punitive approach to each student was recommended: “require participation with consequences,” “a point system is a must,” “these students need more structure and guidance,” “give daily assignments and pop quizzes,” “don't grade the work just put a check on it.” Clearly, these were the students expected to “wash out of the university” as Pennington has argued, and were not framed as students whose experiences and interests would enrich the University and succeed in college. Universities' use of the term “at risk” to identify students who are not perceived to succeed academically because of factors associated with socioeconomic status, family variables, and academic deficiencies. Since the early 90s, the term “risk” has been widely deployed in arenas of education, health and social services. Because it generally denotes a description of what is taking place in the lives of particular groups of people, risk analyses locate the problem in the students themselves or in their families or their histories. “At risk” students are believed to come from low-income communities, single parent families, and deprived neighborhoods, and they are believed to be insufficiently prepared for university level work (Swadener & Lubeck, 1995). Rozycki (2004) argues that the label “at risk” is taken to indicate a possible confrontation with something “undesirable.” I have traveled the campus to hear well-intended colleagues and administrators characterize low-income and racial minority students as “disadvantaged,” “underrepresented,” “unintelligent,” “underprepared,” or lacking in motivations with a need “to be spoon feed,” and possessing “inadequate study habits.” These characteristics overlap with persistent and long-standing cultural characterizations of the “culture of poverty” attributed to those from the “ghetto,” “inner-city” or “urban underclass.” The term “at risk” pathologizes youth of color and poor youth (Fine, 1995) because these terms encode the youth's race and “transmit particular sets of meanings” (Watson, 2011, p. 24). Students are stigmatized because of false conclusions about their ability; there are anticipated negative trajectories and outcomes because students are believed to experience emotional, behavioral, educational, and psychological challenges (Nakkula & Toshalis, 2006). In my campus observations (and in the perceptions of other scholars) there is heightened register of pathology when the term “at risk” is used to describe Black male students. As observed, there is a sort of slippage between young people “at risk” and those as “risk,” and when applied to Black students, the term tilts toward characteristics such as uneducable, endangered, dysfunctional, dangerous, and lazy. Strayhorn (2010) argues that these disparaging words become self-fulfilling and “self-threatening” to Black male students. It is usually assumed by peers and professors alike that students labeled “at risk” grew up in high-poverty-stricken urban ghettos and fatherless homes — an assumption that makes the range of experiences, needs, goals, and aspirations among male students of color invisible and irrelevant to the education process. Educational systems set up a hierarchy of worthiness and intelligence using language which carries with it all sorts of negative meaning that are placed on young people even before the professor meets the student the first day of class. When I encounter students identified as “at risk,” I remember my own experiences of attending public schools in Chicago shortly after desegregation where I first encountered a tracking system firsthand. Students were placed in rows based on their “perceived aptitudes.” Mostly White students were in the “smartest” rows and Black students seated in the rest. This system was demoralizing and discouraging. Today, despite decades of effort and rhetoric about equal opportunity, a different form of tracking exists in the form of perceived worthiness to succeed in college. American higher education admits a diverse student body, but many universities have retreated in their vision of
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what they owe particular students — particularly those students who are low-income, first-generation, and students of color. Universities' institutional practices and attitudes are closely interwoven with notions of race and class. Sorting and labeling students are imbedded in the educational culture of many universities, rendering it difficult to perceive, sustain, or support the “capacity to aspire” of students from differing backgrounds (Appadurai, 2004). When the campus environment does not highly value all its students and work to dispel stereotypes, then policies and procedures magnify those stereotypes, especially for Black males. For example, when universities are prompted to address their student conduct efforts this process often stereotypes Black male students, fueled by the media, which ignites fear. Policies are intended to promote a safe and secure learning environment for students and faculty without the campus environment altering its embedded perception of Black males. Timely Warnings, a requirement of the Clery Act requires alerting the campus community to certain crimes in a manner that is timely and will aid in the prevention of similar crimes. Timely Warnings are issued into a community already biased against Black males, and often these warnings describe the possible offender as, “Black male wearing a hoodie.” The University community is much more likely to remember emails in which Black males were described as suspects, and to compound the situation, at many universities, the actual outcome of the crime is rarely reported leaving the stereotypes in the minds of the campus community. These stereotypes are carried onto the classroom and the wider university community where the University has no investment to support the advancement of these students through the pipeline. While the impact of these stereotypes on Black male students is often unexamined, in the spring of 2011 in advance of the tragic Trayvon Martin shooting (the Black teen fatally shot in a gated Flordia community), male students of color and their faculty and staff allies protested, demonstrating in shirts that proclaimed “I am a student.” Universities must take leadership in reeducating their communities about the inaccuracy of commonly held beliefs and attitudes about Black men, if Black male students are to be spared this sort of racialized hostility. Teaching UNIV 101 seemed like a place to try to impact the way the University received its first-generation students of color. 4. UNIV 101: a semester with new students in the university community Though instructors were oriented to a set of expectations for PASS students by staff from Academic Affairs, provided with a course outline, we were also given flexibility in designing the structure and content of the course. I was determined that all of the activities in my section of the course would somehow convey that each student in my class held promise and possibilities and had family or community at home who believed in their potential and success. While the PASS students carried an “at risk” label into my classroom I wanted to do all I could to provide alternative framing to counter the damage done (Tinto, 2002). I was concerned that their conditional admission status would impact students psychologically because many do not have confidence in themselves and do not see themselves as strong, bright, and intelligent. Being accepted into a conditional program that requires students to adhere to strict outcomes would only deepen the psychological weight. One freshmen student writes, “I didn't have any confidence in myself that I would be able to do well in my college classes. To make it worse, I being accepted into Eastern Michigan University's PASS Program made me feel even dumber. It made me feel like I was at a big disadvantage to the other Eastern Michigan freshmen.” In this introductory course, I was committed to creating a space where students understood that they were valued, could embrace high expectations, and would come to appreciate how important a degree was to their future success. There were 25 students in the
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class, all 19–20 years of age, 11 males and 14 females, 14 of whom were Black Americans, 1 Asian American, 2 Latina Americans and 8 Whites. The majority of the students were first-generation college students. In the first day of class, I could see the anticipation and fear on the faces of the students as I walked in the front of the class. I welcomed the class and told them, this step into college was the first step to changing their lives forever because “they were the change the world was waiting for.” I used the messages with these students that I had received when I arrived at my freshmen orientation at Tennessee State University, “You are expected to succeed and return to your community to serve.” As a way to get to know the students, I asked them to respond to the following question in writing: What do you want me to know about you to help assure your success in this course? Some students wanted me to understand their learning style. One student said, “I'm a student that sees as well as hears it, so when lecturing and we're taking notes, I'd like you to explain it.” Another said, “I am hard working but sometimes I can become overwhelmed and stressed about things especially involving school.” Other themes related to their families and their confidence. One student wanted me to understand that she was family focused. She said, “I am very family oriented so I will miss my family greatly. Also I am smart and capable of doing a great job although I am in the PASS Program.” A student who is driven to do well in school because of wanting to be an example to her sisters and brothers said, “I am a hard worker who sometimes needs to be reminded of my goal or a peak at the finish line. I do not have any examples to go by because I am leading the example by being the first in my family to go to college. So no shoes to fill but I want my sisters and brothers to easily be able to fill mine.” From these written comments, I understood that the student saw themselves as learners and wanted to engage in the learning process that helped them be successful. From these comments it is also possible to see the students struggling a bit with their status as college students and trying to contend with concerns and doubts (both their own and those of others). As I got to know the students better, I understood the burden of uncertainty and worry that they carried about their ability to succeed in college. In reflecting on their admission into a conditional program, students stated: I remember sitting in the Student Center with a hand full of kids including Lexus and the advisor saying how we felt like we were in Special Ed or something. When I was first admitted to Eastern in the PASS Program I was embarrassed because I thought that I would not be in normal classes. Barely making admission, I found the PASS Program to feel somewhat degrading and belittling for freshmen. Given the burden of doubt that students brought with them to UNIV 101, I conceptualized this course as having several functions. First, I worked to create a space in the classroom that helped students see themselves as participating citizens of the University and potential leaders grounded in a sense of social responsibility. Second, I wanted to ensure that each student participated in an environment of high expectations that was challenging and nurturing. This meant that students learned how to navigate and decode the institutional culture and expectations of higher education, helping students to build their academic culture (Boom, 2008 p. 4). Third, I tried to build a personal connection with each class member — learning each student's name, greeting students as they entered the class, and talking with students already seated in the class when I arrived. I told them I knew they would not miss class often, because if they were not present “I would miss their heartbeat” — and that was
true! To reinforce graduation as the end goal, I addressed the class as members of the University's graduating class of 2014 at any appropriate opportunity. Every time a guest speaker came to the classroom to present to students, the class was introduced as the “Class of 2014.” This was an effort to counter the discourse of risk and the fear of failure with an alternative framing, underscoring for students that: “you're the future,” “you are an educated person,” and “you will return to your community to serve.” A class motto was established to help build confidence: I will, I can, I must. The class motto was chosen to inspire and motivate the students to develop to their fullest potential and to resolve to themselves that they would obtain their degree. This discourse of education has to be linked to the practices that sustain it — so we scanned the free copies of the New York Times made available at newsstand across campus, encouraging students to understand themselves among those who must remain informed about what is happening in the world. I structured the class to address those nonacademic matters that are essential for academic success — the skills of navigating college life that tend to “go without saying.” In the first few classes, we discussed time management, study skills, campus resources, and how to manage their money. Students were interested in these topics and felt they were being viewed as responsible young adults. We discussed getting along in a diverse campus community, building relationships with professors, how to write an email to a professor, visiting professors during office hours and how to let your professor know why you are absent. An academic advisor spoke to the students and informed them of the University requirements for Basic Studies. She provided them with an understanding of the requirements for their program of study. Her presentation added a sense of relief for many students who worried whether they knew which courses to take the following semester. I worked throughout the class to build networks of support and connection for the students—especially among faculty and staff on campus who, like the PASS students, began their studies as low-income, first-generation college students. One administrator explained that she grew up in poverty and in foster care. She talked candidly about her background, the mistakes she made, and how she remained on track. She offered a personal level of engagement that allowed students to ask their own questions and talk with real “actors” on campus (Boom, 2008, p. 6). I expanded the list of speakers to include not only those from the University writing center and health services but also speakers from the University Ombudsmen Office and the McNair Scholars Program. After each speaker, students talked in small groups and then large groups about the impact of the new information on their educational future. Aware that too often students of color learn about campus rules through “after the fact” encounters with campus police, I decided that a proactive approach might be beneficial. A campus police officer with a great presentation style visited class to talk about day-to-day struggles that the average student interacts with on campus. Subjects the officer covered in her presentation included review of the code of contact (putting one's hands on another), expectations for behavior in the dormitories, and the kinds of interactions that engage students with campus police. The students found this presentation to be one of the most helpful to them — as students viewed these unexamined “codes of contact” as potential traps that could derail the education of those who did not understand University policy. Seniors on the verge of graduation came to class, too, to speak openly about their backgrounds and how they navigated their journey through the University. These graduating students shared their personal scripts that allowed them to reach senior status. They spoke about classroom decorum, teacher expectations, how they developed friendship, time management, and what it feels like to be seniors and about to go on to graduate school or back to their community employed. Students learned the history of the University. Our discussions offered them a place in the University history: “When you graduate,
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you will be among the 76,000 graduates from the University.” As a part of the class, all students attended a university Thanksgiving Dinner. The President of the University hosts this dinner, which is open to the campus community for a nominal cost. It is an opportunity for students to sit in the same room with University officials and feel a sense of belonging to the campus community. I bought tickets for the class and we sat together at three tables. This was an opportunity to expose students to a formal luncheon where they could interact with each other as young adults and be valued members of the University community. 5. Lessons the students teach us Students walked into class as part of a stigmatized, “at risk” cohort. But as I came to know them, I was amazed at the unique interests, struggles, and experiences they brought to their education at EMU. For example, Kendell has an interest in learning Chinese. He took a course in Chinese and successfully passed. He liked the Faculty Advisor of the Chinese Club and the support the students in the club provided each other. Being on the shy side and not very social, he said he felt connected. After changing his major twice, Kendell felt he was attracted to Political Science and history courses. He has decided he will major in Political Science and wants to go on to Law School. He plans to graduate in 2014 but because of finances, he takes a smaller credit load. Jocelyn's financial aid was short of $3000 to register for the following semester. Her mother refused to sign a loan to cover those expenses and she was forced to drop out after the first semester. Jocelyn sought help and guidance from the University but received none. She is working in the local community and taking classes at the community college. Gus says he is strictly focusing on his studies and sports. He recently organized the University Lacrosse Team and serves as one of the coaches. In looking back to why he did poorly in high school, he said he never developed study habits. He plans to graduate in 2014. Necie works as a Resident Advisor in the freshmen residence hall. She has been able to maintain adequate academic status but admits that the position took too much time away from her studies. She took the position because of her need for additional help with room and board. She has been accepted into the Disney Internship Program. Dominique encountered many difficulties. Her grandfather was shot and killed and her family has experienced other losses but she is still at the University and expecting to graduate in 2014. Melissa has decided to become a social work major. She feels her calling is Juvenile Justice. After she graduates she wants to join the Peace Corp. She says she is very interested in learning about different cultures and wants to see the world. Lupe has been admitted into the Honors Program and is a McNair Scholar. To become a McNair Scholar, the student needs a minimum GPA of 3.0 and committed to the PhD. degree. She hopes to apply to Loyola in Chicago for Graduate School. Emet shares that his parents call him frequently to tell him how proud they are of him. He has 4 brothers and 1 sister. His sister graduated with a degree in Psychology and is now getting a graduate degree in Nursing.
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The “at risk” label or the stigma that label carries with it does not promote understanding of the needs and aspirations of each of these students. The students in my UNIV 101 class are learners who are active members of the intellectual learning community of Eastern. From the first day of class, I learned from the students that they wanted to be successful in college and that they arrived at college with a clear understanding of areas in their education that needed further strengthening. They wanted to let the faculty know what kind of learners they are and how best they are able to learn. Early in the semester, the goal was to help the students labeled “at risk” understand that I did not see them as “at risk” but as future contributors to our society. I wanted them to think of themselves differently… see themselves as socially responsible for making the world a better place. I wanted students to know that I believed in their capability in learning and that they could succeed in this University. I also wanted to help the students understand that they were at the starting place of their journey but the end of the journey was graduation and they must understand the urgency to graduate with a degree to become contributing, self sustaining member of their community's workforce. Appadurai (2004, p. 76) describes the capacity to aspire as the ability to read “a map of a journey into the future.” In order for students to get to their destination of graduation they need to learn how to get in charge of navigating their college experience to get them to graduation. They need to see themselves at the destination of graduation and the map helps students build their own knowledge through their own lived experiences. Therefore, though the emphasis is on college preparation, I learned that what is done with and for the admitted students matters a great deal. Too many institutions fail to touch the mind, body, and spirit of the students in order to tie them on the journey to success. There must be a clear and personal understanding of what is required for academic success. This can happen, as comments like this from UNIV 101 students attest: I have come a long way. Starting from the kid that falls asleep in front of the class every session, to the person that can't wait to hear what's going on. The problems I went up against this semester were very difficult to overcome from working late in the night to having my car breakdown… I still never gave up coming to school. I learned that I could do the work; not just do it, but also do fantastic on the work. I didn't have any confidence in my writing skills at all. I thought I was a terrible writer, till I came to college. I started to notice that I was actually a good writer. I refuse to be another statistic and be placed in a category that no one wants to be in. 6. What really matters for persistence to graduation: students must be expected to succeed The core mission of the University must be the promotion of student learning and the success of each student admitted into the University. Instead of adding on programs, the University must be able to serve the students it attracts especially if they come from schools that failed to prepare them for college. The University must stop making excuses about why the student cannot graduate. The University must make a commitment to its location and the students who come from the Metropolitan Detroit area. The entire campus community must be involved in coordinated programs that address both academic and non-academic factors in an integrated manner. When the University admits students, labels must be removed and replaced with high expectations, honoring and embracing each student's voice, providing road maps to navigate
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and engage with the University community and overall, students could achieve academic and personal success. I expected students to be successful in the course and each student strived to rise up to those expectations. Out of 25 students, 88% of the students passed with B- or better, 2 students received an incomplete grade, and 1 student did not successfully complete. The student who did not successfully complete the course drove to the University from her home in Flint, MI. She worked at a fast food restaurant until midnight. Many days, she was unable to drive to campus because of lack of gas or a problem with her car. She became so frustrated with her situation, stopped coming to all of her classes and passed the deadline to withdraw from the University.
must place high priority on the best faculty and these incentives and rewards result in significant credit and acknowledgment in annual faculty evaluation. Intensive work must be undertaken to reshape the faculty priorities and reward them for participating in the core mission of the University as a valued faculty member when teaching beginning freshmen classes. The best teachers must be a part of the core mission of the University where they value undergraduate education and value and receive recognition for their role in assuring freshmen students are properly grounded and launched at the University.
10. Changing the way the University frames students 7. Financial aid must be revisited There needs to be a re-orientation of student aid and college subsidies to focus on student outcomes and as some educators have recommended, tilt the institutional incentive toward student success. This strategy will, in many cases, help to prevent students from dropping out of school. Often it is a small amount of money that is needed to help students remain in school. Joselyn was $3000.00 short in her student loans and unable to register for the next semester and DeAndra was $600.00 short. Both students were meeting academic expectations but could not register because of short falls to register. This situation that students find themselves in must change. It is imperative that the University be prepared to support students to address even the smallest challenge or stumbling blocks. 8. Faculty must engage in conversations about race and place The quality of interaction a student has with a concerned person on campus (Guiffrida, 2005) is essential for the student's emotional and intellectual growth. Watson (2011) argues that teachers prefer the behavior, beliefs, and values that they perceive most resemble suburban-ness or middle-class-ness. When students were more culturally suburban, faculty held more positive expectations for them. The University must be committed to serve its region and the young people from the region that are most in need of college degree. Efforts must be directed to engage with the University community and dispel the stereotypes about the students and community that are lodged within the University through attitudes and beliefs. An upside at Eastern is that for over a year, I have met with a core group of experienced faculty who has an interest in building knowledge of, curiosity for, and commitment to the Southeast Michigan region. The aim of the group is to discuss the place of the University and examine ways in which our own teaching, research and service as well as our vision of the University can be inflected and enriched by an understanding of EMU's location. When discussing her participation in the group, one professor said she wanted to “have a dialogue about the realities of the region and wants a greater understanding of the history of the area and possibilities for re-entry for young people returning to the community.” Another member said she wanted to discuss “not simply how to teach “underserved” students at urban institutions but how to create a more inclusive learning environment by connecting the classroom to community by understanding the intersecting factors of space, race, gender and class.” We must continue to grapple with the meaning of what we are doing and what it means to be located in the Metropolitan area. 9. The best teachers should instruct introductory courses The classroom experience is critical to promoting persistence. Because of the busy lives of young people in college, the classroom is the centerpiece where students interact with faculty and student peers. The best teachers must be provided incentives and rewards to engage with students in introductory and basic studies classes. The University
We must challenge racist and classist thinking that the so-called “at-risk” students do not have the same desire to succeed as other more affluent students and must be “policed.” We must counter the belief that low-income, first-generation, students of color families do not value education. Universities must value the potential in every student and commit to revolutionary improvements because too much is at stake to settle for less. As Social Work educators we must recognize that student persistence to graduation is a social justice issue. We must take the lead in pushing our universities to step up to their responsibility to successfully educate the students they admit and to do whatever it takes to solve those problems that may stand in the way of the student's ability to graduate. We should work to lead conversations about race and the region and work to transform the University culture, which is lodged with stereotypes, and attitudes against the talented students who want to come to our University to successfully obtain their degree. The crisis in public education to graduate first generation, low income and students of color is one of the shameful outcomes in this century. We know what needs to be done, so now we must do it.
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S.S. Gray / Children and Youth Services Review 35 (2013) 1245–1251 Pennington, H. (2012). For student success, stop debating and start improving. April 8. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Retrieved September 12, 2012 from http// chronicle.com/article/For-StudentSuccess-Stop/131451) Rosenstone, Steven (2004). Challenges facing higher education in America: Lessons and opportunities. Paper presented to the University of Toronto conference on taking public universities seriously (December 4). Rozycki, Edward (2004). Identifying the “at risk” student: What is the concern? http: www.newfoundations.com/EGR/AtRisk.html Strayhorn, T. L. (2010). When race and gender collide: Social and cultural capital's influence on the academic achievement of African American and Latino males. The Review of Higher Education, 33(3), 307–332.
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Swadener, B. B., & Lubeck, S. (1995). Children & families at “promise”: Deconstructing the discourse of risk (pp. 1–14) Albany, NY: State University of New York Press. Tinto, Vincent (2002). Enhancing student persistence: Connecting the dots. Paper presentation. Optimizing the nation's investment: Persistence and success in postsecondary education. Madison, Wisconsin: University of Wisconsin (October 23–25, 2002). Watson, D. (2011). Urban but not too urban. Unpacking teachers' desire to teach urban students. Journal of Teacher Education, 62(1), 23–34 (January–February).