From Gold Coast to Ghana: Changing political economy of mining towns

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From Gold Coast to Ghana: Changing political economy of mining towns ⁎

Patrick Brandful Cobbinaha,b, , Clifford Amoakoa a b

Department of Planning, Faculty of Built Environment, College of Art and Built Environment, KNUST, Kumasi, Ghana Institute for Land Water and Society, Charles Sturt University, P. O. Box 789, NSW 2640 Albury, New South Wales, Australia

A R T I C LE I N FO

A B S T R A C T

Keywords: Human settlements Urban planning Mining towns Political economy

This paper explores the influence of mining activities on towns in Ghana in order to appreciate their political economy and implications for urban planning. It first provides a historical account of the relations between mining activities and emergence of towns. Second, the legal environment informing the development or otherwise of mining towns is presented. Third, implications of mining induced towns on Ghana's urban planning are discussed. Using documentary review and empirical cases of selected mining towns, findings indicate that the political economic situation of Ghana's mining industry has produced and continues to shape affected intermediate towns in five ways: 1) some mining towns are experiencing relative growth, while others are slowly dying; 2) death or complete collapse of mining communities after mining boom 3) changed functions and local economy after mine operations are closed down; 4) emergence of new mining settlements resulting from new investments; and 5) resettlement communities resulting from displacement from the harmful effects of mine operations. These factors have implications for urban planning, and this paper proposes three entry points with implications for other developing countries: a space in Ghana's urban development policy for mining towns; a relook at the content and focus of corporate social responsibilities of mining firms; and a functional link between growth of mining and urban planning.

1. Introduction The debate on mining as a curse or blessing in African countries has been on-going for decades (Akabzaa, 2009; Aryeetey, Osei, & Twerefou, 2004; Obeng-Odoom, 2012, 2013; World Bank, 2006). Researchers with environmental sustainability focus (e.g., Akabzaa, 2000; Akabzaa & Darimani, 2001; Cobbinah, Poku-Boansi, & Peprah, 2017; Hilson, 2002a) argue that mining operations lead to destruction of local livelihoods in the form of farmlands, forest and water resources, and public health risks with their associated local conflicts and instability. Others with economic interests (e.g., Aryee, Ntibrey, & Atokui, 2003; Fobih, 2007; Obeng-Odoom, 2012, 2013) argue that mining's contributions in terms of foreign direct investments, infrastructure development, local employment and income generation are central to general economic growth of African countries. Similarly, in the context of Ghana, the situation is not different as discussions on the real and perceived outcomes of mining operations have been on-going over the past three decades (Agbesinyale, 2003; Annin, 1990; Obeng-Odoom, 2013). While many (e.g., Aryee, 2001; Heemskerk, Pistorio, & Scicluna, 2002; Owusu-Ansah & Smardon, 2015; Tom-Dery, Dagben, & Cobbina, 2012) believe that mining's contribution to economic growth is phenomenal, others (Agbesinyale,

⁎

2003; Akabzaa & Darimani, 2001; Cobbinah et al., 2017) have raised concerns about the negative impacts of mining on local livelihoods, such as destruction of farmlands, water pollution and spread of waterborne diseases, land degradation and other environmental and public health issues. In variety of contexts, the contribution of mining to economic development of mining countries cannot be denied. It is also true that concerns about destruction caused by mining activities to community livelihoods, environment and public health are also real and justified. While literature on the debate abounds, little is known about the role mining plays in shaping the growth and functionality of human settlements in developing countries of Africa, particularly Ghana where mining activities have existed over two centuries. This paper addresses this gap in past research by establishing the relationship between the mining industry and the establishment, functioning and, in some cases, demise of towns using Ghana as a case study. This paper answers three questions: i. In what ways does the mining industry contribute to the emergence of towns in Ghana? ii. How does the legal environment support the development or otherwise of mining towns? and

Corresponding author at: Department of Planning, Faculty of Built Environment, College of Art and Built Environment, KNUST, Kumasi, Ghana. E-mail addresses: [email protected] (P.B. Cobbinah), [email protected] (C. Amoako).

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cities.2018.06.011 Received 9 February 2018; Received in revised form 26 May 2018; Accepted 8 June 2018 0264-2751/ © 2018 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Please cite this article as: Cobbinah, P.B., Cities (2018), https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cities.2018.06.011

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developing countries, particularly Africa, suggests that the trajectories of these small towns are based on weak political economy thinking, with conditions not different from those of the major cities (Baker & Pedersen, 1992; Hinderink & Titus, 2002; Owusu, 2008). The political economy thinking is required as a development philosophy and interventionist concept to guide the development of small towns, and to minimise, if not avoid, these negative externalities associated with growing cities in Africa (Drazen, 2008). The presumption is that political economy provisions – i.e. interests (political actors, both leaders and citizens, ability to adequately influenced policy), ideas (what should be done to remain consistent with basic beliefs and values of society) and institutions (the formal or informal rules of the game that structure society or human behaviour, including norms and the constitution) – will promote positive externalities to improve functionality of small towns (DFID, 2009; North, 1990). Interestingly, such positive externalities are reflected in sector specific level (e.g., small town level) and problem driven (e.g., community level employment situation) analytical stages, which are acknowledged as analytical tools of the political economy orthodoxy (see DFID, 2009). In fact, Timimi (2010) argues that political economy thinking, when appropriately applied, can lead to solution of issues such as immigration, environmental degradation, and other developmental issues pushing developing countries into increased poverty and dysfunctional state of human settlements. The literature on countries where studies on political economy of human settlements have been conducted shows varied arguments on the outcomes of political economy of small towns. Research by Hinderink and Titus (2002) in South East Asia, Sahelian region, Central America, and northern Mexico shows that there are variations in the political economy of small towns, and their contributions to regional economy, a situation which makes it difficult to make generalisations about the role and influence of small towns. Additionally, Owusu (2005) in Ghana demonstrates that promoting small towns, especially the district capitals under Ghana's decentralisation system, is a positive approach to rural development, and the development of dispersed urbanisation in the long term. In a study to understand the urban experience of small cities beyond the metropolitan regions across Europe, Asia, Africa and America, Bell and Jayne (2006) established varied economic, social, cultural, spatial and political features and functions of small towns, and the challenges thereof, despite their limited recognition in the national and global contexts. It is within this context that this study is based. In adopting the political economy thinking, this study assumes small mining towns in Ghana as spaces of intense political and economic interactions. These interactions are continuously being shaped by the changing governance, legal and socio-economic frameworks and processes that shape Ghana's mining industry. The inter-play of these processes and frameworks explains the emergence, functionality and patterns of growth of mining towns. It is therefore argued that understanding growth patterns and functionality of mining towns, one must explore the political and economic circumstances surrounding the mining industry.

iii. What are the implications of mining induced towns on Ghana's urban planning system? In providing answers to the above questions, the authors argue that the role of mining in shaping the growth and functioning of human settlements lies in the political economic circumstances of the industry at different stages of the country's development history. The changing faces of policy, regulation and investment efforts in the mining sector are used to explain its role in the hierarchy of settlements. In this era of rapid but unplanned urbanisation and rising urban poverty in Africa (see Cobbinah, Erdiaw-Kwasie, & Amoateng, 2015), this analysis is an important contribution to global discourse on political economy in the context of mining towns. It will further invigorate discussion among academics on the appropriate strategies for building effective political economy of mining towns. The paper is organised into five sections. Section 1 presents the background, theoretical perspective and research context of the study. Section 2 provides an understanding of human settlement hierarchy and the influence of mining activities in Ghana. Section 3 provides literature on the historical development of mining towns in Ghana. Section 4 discusses the legal and policy framework shaping the development of mining towns. Section 5 deals with the urban planning implications of mining towns. Section 6 presents the concluding remarks and key contributions from this research. 1.1. Political economy of small towns: theoretical perspective Several urban economic development theories, such as capitalism, economic welfare, and neoclassical theories, have been used to examine small towns development in the extant literature (e.g., Courtney & Errington, 2000; Hinderink & Titus, 2002; Owusu, 2008; Pedersen, 1997). This article, however, is based on insights from the political economy thinking. The origin of the term ‘political economy’ dates back to the study of the way production was carried out in countries born out of the new capitalist system, specifically the relation between the production system and law, customs and the government (Timimi, 2010). Although it has received some criticisms (see Drazen, 2008), political economy thinking drives small towns development in many developing countries, including Ghana though crevices exist (Cohn, 2016; ObengOdoom, 2013; Owusu, 2005). Political economy is fundamentally premised on Collinson's (2003) political-economic orthodoxy. This orthodoxy, inter alia, suggests that the interaction of political and economic processes within a community involves the distribution of power and wealth between different groups and individuals, and the processes that create, sustain and transform these relationships over time (Collinson, 2003, p. 3). In this context, political economy is largely concerned with how political forces shape and influence the economy and economic outcomes in human settlements, and vice versa. Therefore, understanding the political economy of small towns is fundamental in supporting their effective planning and development, and in addressing urban developmental failures (see Cobbinah et al., 2017; Drazen, 2008; Obeng-Odoom, 2013; Owusu, 2008). Urban planning and development failures across cities in developing countries of Africa are often associated with negative externalities such as lack of political will, undue political influences, inadequate economic support in the areas of investment, maintenance, management, and the non-provision of public goods including community parks and roads (Cobbinah et al., 2015; Cobbinah & Darkwah, 2016; Fuseini & Kemp, 2015). Given that African cities are stifled with, among others, the pressures of unplanned urbanisation, poverty, inadequate infrastructure service provision, and corruption (see Cobbinah et al., 2015; Drazen, 2008; Fuseini & Kemp, 2015), there is an increasing quest by urban planning scholars and practitioners (e.g., Bell & Jayne, 2006, 2009; Jayne, Gibson, Waitt, & Bell, 2010; Owusu, 2005) to consider small towns as alternative growth centres, and to reduce pressure on the major cities. Unfortunately, literature on the state of small towns in

1.2. Research context and methods This study uses Ghana as one of the foremost sub-Saharan African countries which has established prominence in mining and mineral exploitation. The historical importance of mining in the economic development of the country is well established, with the country's colonial name ‘Gold Coast’ reflecting the importance of the mining sector (Agbesinyale, 2003; Akabzaa, 2000). The potential and contribution of Ghana's mining industry, especially gold, to global minerals output, is well acknowledged. The country was one time, a leading producer of gold in the world, but has had its share of the global output of gold dwindled over the years (Akabzaa, 2007). This notwithstanding, Ghana currently ranks about tenth in the global league of major gold producers 2

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administrative functions; human settlements within grade three, four and five were mainly emerging intermediate towns with potential for growth and functional importance. A more recent hierarchy of human settlements provided by Adarkwa (2014) identifies a system of five levels of central places based on their centrality indices and population sizes. Accra, the capital is categorised as the only city in grade one, followed by Kumasi in grade two, the eight remaining regional capitals form the third grade. In Adarkwa's (2014) view, Ghana has only 10 rapidly growing service centres attracting substantial proportion of urban investments. The fourth and fifth grades of human settlements form the system of intermediate towns. These are settlements with population ranging between 5000 and 100,000. Out of about 366 urban settlements in Ghana, 356 belong to the category of intermediate towns. This population based classification and definition of settlement hierarchy, particularly the intermediate or small towns, in Owusu's (2008) view, is an oversimplification of Ghana's urban system. The aforementioned researcher argues that overconcentration on population with little consideration for the complexities of functional administrative roles, and population dynamics undermines the process of ‘boxing’ or categorising human settlements. It is worth acknowledging that despite the limitations of this classification model, it still offers a simple model for analytical assessment of location suitability and appropriateness of human settlements particularly small towns within Ghana's human settlement hierarchy (see Owusu, 2005, 2008). For example, with over 88,000 villages and hamlets (Adarkwa, 2014), Ghana's system of settlements appears skewed and unbalanced towards a high percentage of small sized settlements as against large settlements. What then is the role of mining in the hierarchy of human settlements? The discovery and exploitation of mineral resources have been key determinants for the rise and fall of many intermediate human settlements leading to their reduced importance and functionality in the hierarchy of human settlements. The situation is not only limited to Ghana, but had its roots from the investment patterns of early European merchants and colonial administrations which favoured mineral rich parts of their colonies to serve the interests of their metropolitan markets (Poku-Boansi & Amoako, 2015). Unfortunately, this skewed spatial development approach has been perpetuated by all post-independence Ghanaian governments and multi-national mining companies. Small mining towns received huge investments in the form of services and infrastructure (Adarkwa, 2014) with the discovery and exploitation of gold (Global Business Report, 2014). These investments are sustained, and attract other investments while the mines are in operations, but are hardly maintained after the mine closure. Evidence of weak political economy reflected in the act of not balancing interests, ideas and institutions (DFID, 2009) has led to mining communities experiencing considerable decline in their local economies and vibrancy after collapse of mainstream mining activities leading to mass migration of the population to nearby cities. Such has been the situation of many previously vibrant mining towns which virtually ‘decayed’ with the closure of mining operations in Ghana and beyond (see ObengOdoom, 2012, 2013).

but remains the second largest gold producer in Africa, after South Africa. Gold production accounts for, on average, 90% of total value of minerals in Ghana (Akabzaa, 2007). Other mineral resources including manganese, diamond and bauxite are currently under commercial exploitation. The country also started oil exploitation in 2010, having identified the potential for commercial gas and oil production in 2007 (Obeng-Odoom, 2013). Given this background, Ghana presents an insightful case for understanding how the political, economic and policy environment of extractive industries influence settlement growth and functioning. Using documentary reviews, institutional consultations, and observation of the growth of selected mining towns, this paper adopts a stage-by-stage historical narrative of human settlement growth in Ghana, similar to the one used by Adarkwa (2012) in his analysis of “the changing face of Ghanaian towns”. The paper uses a political economy discussion of mining towns at different stages of the country's history: Mining in the pre-colonial period; pre-independence; and after independence till date. Implications of the changing faces of the mining sector for the growth, functionality and decline of mining towns have subsequently been drawn to form the basis for planning responses. The paper concludes with three key policy recommendations for re-examining the development of mining towns in Ghana, with implications for other developing countries. 2. Hierarchy of human settlements in Ghana: the place of mining The absence of universal consensus on, and uncertainties surrounding, hierarchy and interpretations of human settlements remain perhaps as old as urban planning. Categorising human settlements into hierarchy of small, medium, and big towns as well as cities and metropolitan areas is even more challenging. It is true that some countries at least have official definitions and interpretations for urban and rural areas. However, it remains to be demonstrated whether such definitions exist for the hierarchy of urban areas such as small towns, medium and big towns (Owusu, 2008). Within this context, it is understandable that definitions and interpretations proffered for these categories of urban areas are varied among researchers and countries, and even within the same country. Previous studies on Zimbabwe, for instance, found different interpretations for what should constitute small towns. While Kamete (1998) explains small towns as human settlements having populations of 2500 to 9999, Pedersen (1997) proposes populations of 2000 and 50,000 as acceptable limits. Owusu (2008) argues that regardless of the definitional variations, interpretations and categorisations of human settlements are certainly relevant and important for any meaningful analyses and discussions. Some efforts to address this definitional challenge were proffered by Hardoy and Satterthwaite (1988) and Simon (1992) who propose the use of a functional and relative approach compared to an absolute one. This functional approach should consider hierarchy of settlements that are small, medium or big based on their respective national urban and economic systems (Owusu, 2008). In sum, the functional and relative approach emphasises definitions and categorisation of human settlements based on the settlement hierarchical structure in each country. It is in the foregoing context that this study is undertaken. Delimiting hierarchy of settlements on the basis of Ghana's official definitions of order of settlements, Grove and Huszar (1964) were first to provide a comprehensive hierarchy of human settlements in Ghana based on their range of services provided, functions performed and sphere of influence. Human settlements covered by the 1964 ranking were described as ‘central places’ providing higher order services for their regional areas. Based on the level of services, Grove and Huszar (1964) identified five major hierarchies: grade one human settlements included Ghana's major cities of Accra (the national capital), Kumasi (the second largest city), Sekondi-Takoradi (the third largest city), Tamale (the fourth largest city) and Cape Coast (capital of the then Gold Coast); grade two human settlements were regional capitals performing

3. Historical development of mining towns in Ghana 3.1. Colonisation and establishment of mining towns Conventional knowledge and research indicate that most of Africa was colonised by the Europeans, mostly the British, French, and the Portuguese. Scholarly opinion (e.g., Cobbinah & Darkwah, 2016; Njoh, 2004) indicates that colonisation remained probably the most notable phenomenon that characterised and continues to shape Africa's development trajectories. Not only conventional and formal urban planning systems in Africa are remnants of colonisation (Okpala, 2009), but also many adopted their colonial masters' languages, leading to different classification of cultural and geographical origins such as Anglophone, 3

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Fig. 1. Important mining towns in Ghana.

later around other small towns including Obuasi, Prestea and Bibiani. Previous research (Ablorh, 1967; Dickson & Benneh, 1995) indicates that the location and growth of mining towns such as Bibiani, Obuasi and Prestea were based on their functional and economic importance around gold mining in the forest region of Ghana. Towns which acted as ports for the export of gold such as Elmina, Axim and Takoradi also grew in economic and functional importance. These settlements received substantial investments in infrastructure and services to make them places of commercial interactions, resource exploitation for export and colonial administration rather than sustainable ‘industrial production’ (Adarkwa, 2012). This period witnessed the construction of the Takoradi to Kumasi Railway Line to link Gold Mining towns to Ghana's first port. Most of these towns were located in the southern belt of Ghana which had the largest proportion of the country's natural and mineral resources (Grant & Yankson, 2003). Around 1919, the colonial administration introduced various legislation (e.g., mercury law ordinance of 1932 and the minerals ordinance)

Francophone, and Lusophone Africa for English, French, and Portuguese speaking territories respectively (Silva & Matos, 2014). In the context of Ghana, the Portuguese vessels reached the then Gold Coast in 1472 which marked the commencement of European trade in gold (Ade Ajayi & Espie, 1969). The trade involved the collection of pieces of gold from river beds or extracted from easily worked alluvial material deposited on river terraces (Dickson & Benneh, 1995). Indigenes of mining towns engaged in artisanal small scale mining (Annin, 1990) trading gold locally for ornamental purposes or sold to early European merchants. The possibility of large scale gold mining was revealed in 1877 by a Frenchman, Pierre Bonnat, who prospected around a small town, Tarkwa, in the western part of Ghana (see Fig. 1). This discovery resulted in the establishment of one of Ghana's first mining town, and a corresponding mining company in Paris to import and refine gold resources from Ghana. Several other foreign mining companies followed as well as the emergence of other mining towns. By 1890s, there were gold mining activities at Tarkwa and Bogoso and 4

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(Akabzaa, 2000; Akabzaa & Darimani, 2001). Expectedly, some mining towns (e.g., Bibiani, Prestea and Obuasi) lost their importance and began to decline.

that prohibited and/or limited indigenous small-sale gold mining activities (Aryee et al., 2003: 132). The legislation made it illegal for Ghanaians to use mercury for mining. As a consequence, large-scale mining by British and other foreign investors began in the late 19th century (Akabzaa & Darimani, 2001). With indigenous and small-scale gold mining criminalised, most mining towns grew and functioned around the activities of foreign mining companies which employed local artisans and other mine workers. Considering Colonial Administration's interests in the Gold Coast, the emergence of mining towns and activities were not only shaped by investments in mining in the Gold Coast, but also by the contours of politico-economic and strategic investment decisions by the colonialist. For example, exploitation of manganese started at the request of the Wartime Ministry of Munitions, as manganese was in high demand for war purposes (Akabzaa & Darimani, 2001). Similarly, the British Aluminium Company Limited, acting as the agents of British Ministry of Aircraft Production, started exploitation of the Awaso deposits during World War II. Adarkwa (2012) argues that colonial [settlement] development policies were mainly geared towards investments in towns and regions with “exploitable and exportable” resources. A notable feature in the growth of mining towns before independence in 1957 was the influx of foreign mining companies, employment boom and in-migration of “job-seekers” from surrounding villages and other small towns. Mining towns attracted skilled workers and educated locals who could work in the mines and other establishments, creating a platform for socio-economic and cultural interaction between indigenes, and Europeans including infiltration of ‘English lifestyle’. Same cannot be said about areas without mining operations. This is an indication of the importance of mining to the formation and development of towns hence mining towns.

4. The changing policy/legal environment and contemporary mining towns Mining in contemporary Ghana was characterised by a major political and economic redirection in 1986 in the form of reforms. Key among these policy reforms were changes in mining sector legislations; fiscal liberalisation and privatisation of state mining assets (Akabzaa & Darimani, 2001). The promulgation of the Minerals and Mining Law, 1986, PNDCL 153 liberalised the mining sector and extended benefits to prospective investors including a 10% reduction in government's entitlements in new mining operations, elimination of import duties on capital equipment, and generous retention allowances on foreign exchange profit (Hilson & Potter, 2005). This was followed by the legalisation of small-scale private mining operations through the promulgation of the Mercury Law (PNDCL 217), Small-Scale Gold Mining Law (PNDCL 218), and Precious Minerals and Marketing Law (PNDCL 219) in 1989 (Aryee et al., 2003). These legal changes opened up the mining sector to huge local and foreign investments in the 1990s. The period was characterised by massive influx of investors and significant surge in production. For example, by December 2009, 128 local and 51 foreign companies held prospecting/reconnaissance licences while 37 companies were granted mining leases. The dominant multinational companies currently working in Ghana's mining sector include: Gold Fields (South Africa), Newmont (United States), Golden Star Resources (United States) and AngloGold Ashanti (South Africa) (see Table 1). Running parallel to these multinational mining companies is the small scale artisanal mining sector – which has made contributions to local employment generation as well as generated enormous sociospatial conflicts and land disputes in mining communities (Amankwah & Anim-Sackey, 2003; Aryee et al., 2003; Cobbinah et al., 2017; Hilson & Potter, 2005). There are currently seven small-scale mining district centres to facilitate the provision of technical extension services (Aryee et al., 2003). These centres, which are manned by experienced mining engineers, provide assistance within small-scale mining areas in close proximity to their respective locations in Tarkwa, Asankragwa, Bibiani, Assin Foso, Akim Oda, and Dunkwa on-Offin. Based on the mining towns in Table 1, those with unique characteristics in relation to reported blend of socio-economic and environmental challenges and opportunities were selected for further analysis. As presented in Table 2, four mining towns of Obuasi, Tarkwa, Abirem and Kyebi have experiences of positive and negative outcomes of small-scale mining activities. A targeted study of small-scale mining activities in Obuasi, Tarkwa, Kyebi and Abirem and their environs revealed thriving local mining operators and indigenous mining groups, gradually taking over the local subsistence agricultural and commercial sub-sectors. In the four mining towns, impacts of small scale mining were categorised into social, economic and environmental viewpoints. Small scale mining operators and their activities remain the cause of several community unrests and socio-spatial conflicts in the study towns. Key among these are: conflicts over unjustifiable acquisition of agricultural lands for mining; unpaid compensation to affected individuals and households; unfulfilled promises of corporate social responsibility; and destruction of livelihoods and community cohesion. A case in point is in Kyebi, Obuasi and Tarkwa and their surrounding communities, where some youth accused their community leaders, small scale miners and local politicians of colluding to deprive them of fertile soils for agriculture and other forestry resources. There were also reported cases of teenage pregnancy, child delinquencies, truancy, and school dropouts in all the four towns. Economically, the small scale mining sub-sector provides employment to many young people. Though injurious to the sustainability of both

3.2. Mining towns post-independence Ghana The period after Ghana's independence in 1957 was characterised a complete state ownership of all mineral resources. This change was a reflection of a developing country trend as the period between 1965 and 1980 was characterised by the declaration of permanent sovereignty over natural resources by developing countries. This was done through large-scale nationalisation of mineral extractive facilities, the re-negotiation of existing arrangements, and the creation of state enterprises and numerous commodity producer associations. Ghana's mining industry was state-controlled from 1957 to 1986. The government set up the State Gold Mining Corporation (SGMC) in 1961 to acquire five gold mines at Bibiani, Tarkwa, Prestea, Konongo and Dunkwa from British companies. By 1972, the government had majority shares (55%) in Ashanti Goldfields Corporation (AGC) which operates the Obuasi mines. These key mining towns received attention in public investments. Ghanaian government's overarching objectives for these towns were protection of employment, and the access to foreign currency generated by the mines (Tsikata, 1997). The policy at the time was aimed at maximising government revenue, control of resources and employment generation for local labour. As a result, these towns were to receive economic and infrastructure investments. Ironically, this period witnessed stagnation and/or a dramatic decline in mining activities and mining towns. Between 1970 and 1983, the mining industry was characterised by a general decline except for few spikes recorded immediately after independence, and in the early 1970s; although it did not change significantly for bauxite and manganese, and actually increased for diamonds, mainly as a result of the influx of small-scale diamond miners into that sub-sector during that period. Several reasons accounted for the sluggish growth of the sector including market conditions, investor uncertainty about the security of their investment under a Ghanaian government. The mining sector was, therefore, constrained by lack of investment and exploration. This situation led to the closure of the Bibiani and Konongo mines, and a significant decline in the Tarkwa, Prestea and Dunkwa operations 5

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Table 1 Mining operations and performance in selected towns in Ghana. Sources: Compiled from field surveys and review of company documents, October 2015. Town

Mining company

Status of operation

Productivity and performance rating

Obuasi

AngloGold Ashanti

Bibiani

Noble Mineral Resources

Output dwindled from 312,595 oz in 2011 to 280,084 oz in 2012. This further reduced to 239,052 oz in 2013 but appreciated marginally to 243,223 oz. Data not availablea

Tarkwa

Gold Fields Ghana Ltd

Damang

Gold Fields Ltd

Bogoso

Golden Star Resources

Chirano

Kinross Gold Corporation

Iduapriem

AngloGold Ashanti

Prestea

Golden Star Resources

Wassa

Golden Star Resources

Akyem

Newmont Ghana Gold Ltd

Nzema Edikan/Ayanfuri

Endeavour Mining Perseus Mining Ltd

Ahafo-Kenyase

Newmont Ghana Gold Limited

In operation but declining In operation and expanding In operation but declining In operation but declining In operation but declining In operation but dwindling In operation but dwindling In operation but declining In operation but declining In operation and expanding Data not availablea In operation and expanding In operation but declining

a

Output increased from 717,342 oz in 2011 to 718,878 oz in 2012. This reduced to 632,244 and 558,222 oz in 2013 and 2014 respectively Output dwindled from 217,719 oz in 2011 to 166,448 oz in 2012. This further reduced to 153,177 oz in 2013 but rose marginally 177,741 oz in 2014. The combined output of Bogoso and Prestea mines rose from 166,147 in 2011 to 172,379 oz in 2012.this dwindled to 144,997 oz in 2013 but rose marginally to 147,957 oz in 2014. Output rose sharply from 256,240 oz in 2011 to 292,534 in 2012. This reduced to 274,683 oz in 2013 but rose to 286,326 oz in 2014 The output dwindled from 199,004 oz in 2011 to 180, 238 oz in 2012. This increased to 220,658 oz in 2013 but again dwindled to 176, 930 oz in 2014. The combined output of Bogoso and Prestea mines rose from 166,147 in 2011 to 172,379 oz in 2012.this dwindled to 144,997 oz in 2013 but rose marginally to 147,957 oz in 2014. Output reduced from 160,618 oz in 2011 to 146,703 oz in 2012. It rose sharply to 185,808 oz in 2013 but reduced sharply to 112, 835 oz in 2014. Commercial production started in 2013 with output 129,211 oz which rose sharply to 471,658 Data not availablea Output increased 185,740 oz in 2012 to 198,608 oz in 2013 but dwindled to 187,363 oz in 2014. Output dwindled from 572,256 oz in 2011 to 561,356. This increased to 570,155 oz in 2013 but drastically reduced to 442,020 oz in 2014.

There was no information given or obtained from other sources.

The social, economic and environmental impacts of small scale mining operation in Ghana are known in the literature (Amankwah & Anim-Sackey, 2003; Aryee et al., 2003; Cobbinah et al., 2017; Hilson, 2002b; Hilson & Potter, 2005). For instance, Hilson (2002b, p. 64) suggests that small scale gold mining activities in Ghana remain a major contributor of mercury pollution to water resources, and land degradation. Lately, increasing armed conflicts between youth of mining communities and Chinese small scale mining operators have been reported by sections of the Ghanaian media. These have attracted both

the natural and built environment, the small scale mining sector was reported to have provided alternative livelihood, supporting job opportunities such equipment operation and repairs, driving, labourers, security etc. Many of these small scale mine workers have shifted from the local agricultural sector, are migrants from neighbouring communities or towns outside the districts. The most worrying and visible are the environmental impacts of small scale mining including land degradation, destruction of farmlands, depletion forest resources; water and air pollution. Table 2 Small scale mining activities in selected mining towns. Source: Author's Field Data, June 2015. Mining towns

Type of small-scale mining activities

Estimated number of people employed

Reported social, economic and environmental impacts

Obuasi

• Registered small scale gold mining activities • Illegal gold mining activities

Over 7000 people of ages between 9 and 70 years. About 40% of these are illegal operators

Tarkwa

• Registered small scale gold mining activities • Illegal gold mining activities

Between 3000 and 4000 people aged between 10 and 60 years

Abirem

• Emerging small scale gold mining activities

Pockets of operators numbers unknown

Kyebi

• Registered small scale gold mining activities • Illegal gold mining activities

About 1800 small scale mine workers

Social – child labour, teenage pregnancy, school dropouts, child delinquencies, youth violence and unrests etc. Economic – job creation, alternative livelihoods aside farming, increasing household incomes etc. Environmental – soil degradation, un- reclaimed mine pits, depletion of forest resources and farmland, water and air pollution and related public health issues etc. Social – child labour, teenage pregnancy, school dropouts, child delinquencies, youth violence and unrests, internal migration etc. Economic – job creation, alternative livelihoods aside farming, increasing household incomes etc. Environmental – soil degradation, un- reclaimed mine pits, depletion of forest resources and farmland, water and air pollution and related public health issues etc. Social – socio-spatial conflicts, school dropouts, land litigations and institutional conflicts, internal migration etc. Economic - alternative livelihoods, off-farm season job creation, attraction of other related investments and local economic activities Environmental – destruction of farmlands, pockets of un-reclaimed mine pits, land degradation, etc. Social – conflicts among stakeholders such as crop farmers, traditional authorities, small scale mine operators; community unrests etc. Economic – alternative livelihoods, ancillary job creation, local investments in mining, support for commercial sub-sector etc. Environmental – destruction of farmlands and crops; land degradation; depletion of forest resources, air and water pollution.

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Table 3 Population changes in selected mining towns in Ghana. Source: Population figures from Ghana Statistical Service, 2012. Mining towns

Obuasi Prestea Tarkwa Konongo Bibiani Bogoso Wassa Damang a

a

Figures from population and housing census

Annual growth rates between census periods (%)

1960

1970

1984

2000

2010

1960–1970

1970–1984

1984–2000

2000–2010

– 13,246 13,545 10,331 9691 4669 1607 –

31,005 5143 4702 10,881 29,691 3662 2085 530

60,617 16,922 22,107 13,677 10,182 4536 3077 144

115,564 21,844 30,631 26,735 22,381 8659 6170 2851

168,641 31,607 33,466 30,951 18,517 6625 5750 5492

– −9 −11 1 11 −2 3 –

5 9 11 2 −8 2 3 −9

4 2 2 4 5 4 4 11

4 4 1 1 −2 −3 −1 6

Annual growth rates computed by authors, December 2016.

underpinned by an outdated planning law - the Town and Country Planning Ordinance 1945 (Fuseini & Kemp, 2015; Kasanga & Kotey, 2001). The new planning law, the Land Use and Spatial Planning Act, Act 925, 2016, though has made many significant changes to Ghana's urban planning regime, did not pay any attention to mining towns and other resource-rich human settlements. The Act, apart from establishing a Land Use and Spatial Planning Authority from the hither to Town and Country Planning Department, has only made human settlement planning more bureaucratic and largely detached from the ordinary citizens, as there are no new provisions to ensure adequate community or local level engagements. Meanwhile, mining towns in Ghana are exhibiting complex characteristics of relative growth, gradual decay, complete collapse, changed of functions, emergence of new mining settlements, and resettlement. Regrettably, current urban development policy framework (the National Urban Policy 2012) and legal regimes have not given any space for the important position of mining towns in Ghana, let alone designing appropriate approaches for their planning and development. In this sense, it is understandable that urban planning problems resulting from weak political economy of mining towns abound in Ghana: total collapse and/or dwindling fortunes of the traditional agricultural sector which continues to lose its labour force to the mining industry; emergence of illegal mining activities by community members which usually lead to violent and antagonistic relationships between state agencies, community leadership and NGOs in the communities; leftover unsustainable commercial local economy; total destruction of the environment posing public health threats to inhabitants (see Cobbinah et al., 2017). The overall effect of these challenges has been the mass migration of youth to the two major cities of Accra and Kumasi for nonexistent economic opportunities. Considering the population decline of mining towns, Table 3 presents the population trend dynamics of selected mining towns that have recorded considerable decline, growth and stagnation as a result of mining activities. These challenges of mining towns are particularly worrying in this era of rapid and unplanned urbanisation, global climate change and increasing urban poverty across Africa (see Cobbinah et al., 2015). More importantly, in recent times, the international community including Ghana, donor and development agencies have made a strong commitment to achieving internationally agreed specified set of 17 goals ‘Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs)’, which form part of the global human development strategy. Goal 11of the SDGs focuses on creating and building sustainable cities and human settlements (UN, 2016). This goal, in the view of Cobbinah (2017), encourages national governments to pursue economically and socially sound, as well as environmentally friendly, interventions (e.g. through urban policy) for making cities inclusive, safe, resilient and sustainable., including improving service provision. Invariably, the achievement of goal 11 and other related goals of the SDGs will require considerable improvement in urban planning, and attention to the political economy and infrastructure service provision and delivery in small towns including

local and international attention, and internal security operations, but in terms of policy and regulation, little has been achieved. Beyond the debate on the impacts of mining, both large and small scale, this paper argues that mining towns have shown mixed responses to mineral exploitation in Ghana. The establishment, growth and functioning of mining towns throughout Ghana's history as a colony (Gold Coast) and a republic (Ghana) have been shaped by the socio-economic and political circumstances of the mining sector. 5. Political economy of mining towns: urban planning implications While research works on urban planning in Ghana abound, they have mostly concentrated on the ‘big’ cities and have been particularly concerned with urbanisation and its consequences (e.g., Adarkwa, 2011, 2012, 2014; Cobbinah, 2017; Cobbinah & Aboagye, 2017; Fuseini & Kemp, 2015; Grant & Yankson, 2003; Poku-Boansi & Amoako, 2015). Not much has been done on the political economy of mining or small towns as it affects urban planning efforts in Ghana (Obeng-Odoom, 2013). This situation, however, is not limited only to Ghana (see Njoh, 2007). Several reasons are proffered in the literature for this state of affairs, including the perception that complexity of urban planning issues in mining and other small towns are less compared to big cities, and the over recognition of big cities as centres of innovation requiring all the attention (Adarkwa, 2011; Fuseini & Kemp, 2015). In addition, unlike the big cities, statistical and other planning data on mining and small towns in Africa are not considered independently but rather conglomerate with either a larger rural area or a large urban centre data (Satterthwaite, 2006). Focusing specifically on Ghana, the absence of a comprehensive and implementable urban development policy and strategy has contributed to the lack of a systematic assessment of the role of towns and their implications for planning. Although the National Urban Policy Framework was developed in 2012, as of today, it remains to be established whether it has any influence on the planning of urban settlements in Ghana. For example, despite the existence of the urban policy, all attention both in policy and practice continues to focus on big cities. Cobbinah and Erdiaw-Kwasie (2016), Adarkwa (2011) and Grant and Yankson (2003) observe that Accra continues to be marketed as a major investment hub in West Africa resulting in increasing concentration of foreign direct investments in the capital to the neglect of other urban settlements in Ghana. This situation of overconcentration of direct investment in big cities transcends the borders of Ghana (see Turok, 2014). Similarly, it is true that, in many ways, mining towns have been produced by Ghana's political economic circumstances which in turn shaped their internal dynamics and prospects for growth and decline in functional and economic importance. This appears not to be visible to the country's current town and urban planning regime which in itself is a colonial legacy, just like many African countries (see Cobbinah & Darkwah, 2017). Until recently, urban planning in Ghana has been 7

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of mining activities on mining towns has been mixed: while in some cases mining activities have led to creation of new settlements and resettlements, in many cases mining has contributed to the decline and decay of mining towns. But generally, the experience, reported in this article, has been negative for mining towns, as the new towns and resettled ones end up with the same predicament of decline. Does this mean that Obeng-Odoom's (2012, 2013) claim of resource curse of African countries endowed with mineral resources holds for Ghana? In a variety of contexts, his claim holds for Ghana. However, conscious efforts by planning authorities and government to focus on small towns particularly mining towns as alternative growth centres, and developing strong political economy based on transparency, participation, strong institutions and legal regimes can better position and reinforce the role that mining towns play in regional development and poverty reduction. This strategic commitment is also consistent with global efforts towards creating sustainable and liveable human settlements (SDGs). As argued by Owusu (2008) such strategic approach requires formulation of implementable urban planning policies and programmes for small towns particularly mining towns that support rural–urban connections, and emphasises the use of local resources to create opportunities for residents and economies. This, however, requires interventions (e.g., policies) that are based on strong political economy thinking and local context. In the view of the foregoing, three main entry points or policy recommendations are proffered: a space in Ghana's urban development policy and legal framework for mining towns due to their huge growth potential; a re-look at the contents and focus of corporate social responsibilities of mining firms; and a functional link between mineral resources and urban planning. Being a key determinant for human settlement growth, the discovery and exploitation of mineral resources should be a key thematic area in Ghana's urban planning and development policy. As noted by Obeng-Odoom (2012), a transparent, participatory and engaging planning process for building and developing resource rich communities, and for mineral exploitation is critical to ensure widespread benefit from mineral resources. There is also the need to re-examine the current focus of social responsibilities pursued by mining companies to align them to community aspirations and urban planning requirements. Corporate social responsibilities have only focused on the immediate needs of mining and/or resettlement communities and not what will make these settlements functionally and economically relevant in the hierarchy of human settlements. To ensure conscious efforts to position mining towns to take full advantages of their huge economic potential, Ghana's urban planning regime will have to be sensitive to the discovery and exploitation of mineral resources. A major contribution from this study is that it transcends the boundaries of existing narratives of the potential and actual economic contributions of the mining sector (Akabzaa & Darimani, 2001; Eggert, 2001; Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, 2007; Obeng-Odoom, 2012. 2013), and negative environmental impacts of mining activities (Amankwah & Buah, 1998; Amegbey, Dankwa, & AlHassan, 1997; Cobbinah et al., 2017; Suglo, Al-Hassan, & Amankwah, 1998). It focuses on the influence of political economy on the growth and decay of mining towns, and the centrality of urban planning. Even though it is widely acknowledged that mining is an important sector in many developing countries, its historical and contemporary influences on establishing and (re)shaping human settlements remain relatively unexplored. This study addresses this gap, and again suggests that further research into the processes of mining policy formulation and programme development as well as implementation in developing countries is required to understand the reasons accounting for the ineffectiveness of these policies and programmes in creating sustainable mining towns.

mining towns. In the context of Ghana, in the medium to long term, mining towns provide convenient locations for reversing the rapid trend of migration into cities, by improving the political economy of these towns (e.g., service provision and delivery), and generating regionalwide benefits for residents. Regrettably, despite Ghana being a signatory to this global commitment, no concrete urban planning steps or efforts have been, or are proposed towards achieving these global goals, particularly goal 11. From the foregoing, it seems increasingly clear that the political economy of mining towns in Ghana is weak, and has considerable implications for urban planning. Consistent with the claims of ObengOdoom (2012, 2013), mineral resource endowment does not necessarily translate into strong political economies and effective urban planning. If not appropriately planned and designed based on important development concepts, such as political economy, mining towns may not be able to play their roles as sustainable small and medium towns. Past and current experiences have shown that mining towns in Ghana are grappling with under-development in spite of the benefits the state derives from the minerals being mined in these communities by multinational mining companies. Adequately adhering and upholding the principles of political economy (i.e., ideas, interests and institutions) in the planning of mining towns maybe a potential first step towards addressing a century long distortions, inadequacies and conflicts that characterise the development of mining towns in Ghana, and other parts of Africa. The next section provides practical recommendations to improve planning of mining towns in Ghana and Africa generally. 6. Concluding remarks and key contributions The paper shows important peculiarities about the growth, functional importance and decline of mining towns explained by the changing political economic circumstances of Ghana's mining sector. Prior to Ghana's independence in 1957, the mining industry has played, and continues to play, an important role in the socio-economic development of the country. Although Ghana does not have a well-defined and implementable urban policy framework, international commitments (e.g., SDGs) and national interventions (e.g., Land Use and Spatial Planning Act) have been geared towards improving the functionality and sustainability of human settlements, particularly urban settlements. The known foci of these global commitments and national efforts are, of course, to address the challenges of urbanisation, poverty and climate change, and to promote socio-economic growth. The exploitation of gold since colonial times has resulted in the development, emergence and decay of mining towns. These mining towns have considerable responsibility of absorbing both skilled and unskilled migrants. It is within this context that the political economy of mining towns needs to be placed. This also underlines the centrality of urban planning in managing and developing mining towns. From an urban planning perspective, mining towns have the potential to play important roles in the socio-economic development of their surrounding regions, and the country as a whole. These roles include: serving as employment creation centres, which can link local opportunities to national and international markets, and further facilitate the improvement of regional living, and sustainability of incomes; centres for absorption of migrants, which can reduce the migration burden on major cities, and enhance balance socio-economic development across the country; and alternative investment centres to Accra and other cities, thereby contributing to decentralised investments. These potential roles of mining towns become even more meaningful when linked to the reality that a large proportion of human settlements are rural and small towns, and may depend on mining towns for jobs and other related services (see Adarkwa, 2014). As earlier discussed, Adarkwa (2014) identifies 356 small and intermediate towns and several thousands of villages and hamlets that are spread throughout Ghana. This article has revealed that in the context of Ghana, the influence 8

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