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Gaps in the worldwide information explosion: How the Internet is affecting the worldwide knowledge gap
Telematics and Informatics 16 (1999) 135±150
www.elsevier.com/locate/tele
Gaps in the worldwide information explosion: How the Internet is aecting the worldwide knowledge gap q Kimberly Speight* Graduate School of Journalism, University of Missouri-Columbia, 3705 Forum Blvd. Apt. 501, Columbia, MO 65203, USA
Ask almost any journalist where the future of mass media is headed, and he or she might answer that it is inevitably headed in the direction of more and more on-line news. Indeed, ``new media'' is being taught in many journalism schools now. And in a profession known for high salaries in only the rarest of cases, one can often hear journalists musing about the Internet, stating that that is where the ``real money'' is to be made. Indeed, more and more people are ®nding their way to this new media during this age of the ``communication revolution'' (Severin and Tankard, 1997) or ``information explosion'' (Severin and Tankard, 1997). Internet ``sur®ng'' is becoming not only a popular pastime, but also an invaluable source in several areas, including those of seeking information, wanting entertainment, or conducting business; for example, electronic commerce on the Internet was estimated as a $20 billion business last year (Muller, 1998; Kalin, 1996), and the number of Internet users is growing rapidly. Last year, the International Data Corporation estimated worldwide Internet use at more than 100 million people ± twice the number of users from the year before (Muller, 1998; Kalin, 1996). Indeed, these ®gures are rising rapidly in many countries. The number of Australians using the Internet at home rose from 250,000 in February 1996 to one million in February 1998 (Tattam, 1998). Almost 80 million
q Paper presented at the European Consortium for Communication Research Meeting on Socio-Cultural Consequences of the European Information Society at the Conference of the International Association for Media and Communication Research on 31 July 1999, in Leipzig, Germany. * Tel.: +1-573-874-2331. E-mail address: [email protected] (K. Speight).
0736-5853/00/$ - see front matter Ó 2000 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved. PII: S 0 7 3 6 - 5 8 5 3 ( 9 9 ) 0 0 0 2 4 - 6
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people in the United States and Canada are on-line. In the United States alone, 70.5 million, or 34.9 percent, of the countryÕs 202 million adults use the Internet, an increase of 340 percent from 1995 (Jet, 1998). The number of Asian Internet users ± 5 to 10 million ± is expected to increase tenfold ± to 100 million ± within the next ®ve years (Horwitt, 1997a). Of that number, 1.2 million live in China, and that number is expected to grow to 5 million by next year (Florcruz, 1998). There are 17 million Internet users in Europe, and countries such as Portugal, Belgium, Denmark, Spain, and Italy are seeing growth rates of more than 100 percent growth rate in numbers of Web hosts (Horwitt, 1997b). But the increase in Internet users has caused a decrease in time spent on other media: Data from Simmons Research, Cyber Dialogue, and Find/SVP show that 30 percent less time is spent watching television, 11 percent less on reading newspapers, and 7 percent less for listening to the radio (Horwitt, 1997b). Cyber Dialogue also found that 65 percent of Internet users are spending less time watching television in order to ``surf the Net,'' while 48 percent are cutting down on reading time, and 29 percent are sleeping less (The New York Times, 1998). As a result, many argue that the Internet is becoming a ``mainstream medium'' (The New York Times, 1998). The American television network NBC hopes to ``capitalize'' on this by using its television network and Web site to complement one another (The New York Times, 1998). In 1996, a survey found that 77 percent of newspapers and magazines planned to create on-line versions of their publications, compared with only 54 percent the year before (Middleberg and Ross, 1996). However, about 300 newspapers already had on-line counterparts in place (Williams, 1996). And as the Internet goes ``mainstream,'' people are relying on the Internet not just as a ``novelty or PR gimmick'' (Muller, 1998). In April 1998, 28.8 million U.S. households had potential Internet access (Holsendolph, 1997). But while 62 percent of the richest 25 percent of U.S. households contain computers, only 6.8 percent of the poorest 25 percent of U.S. households contain computers (Powell, 1995). A Business Week/Harris Poll found that of Internet users in May 1997, 42 percent had annual household incomes of more than $50,000, while only 12 percent were those who have annual household incomes of less than $15,000 per year (Westho, 1997). As low as this latter ®gure may seem, it is somewhat misleading. It is in¯ated, for it includes students ± who usually do not have a full-time job with a high annual salary ± and not just persons of low socioeconomic status. Thus, the actual number for just that group of persons is likely even lower. In Australia, the average Internet user is young, male, and university educated (Tattam, 1998). In China, Internet users tend to be young, highly educated, in¯uential, and auent (Florcruz, 1998). Drawing from this information, one would presume that persons of lower socioeconomic status would, for the most part, not have access to the Internet, or any other technology accessible by means of the computer. But there is not only a dierence in Internet accessibility among persons of lower and higher socioeconomic status within the United States; people living in one
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country may dier in their abilities to access this medium over people living in another country. According to the Gartner Group, the United States has the most inexpensive and plentiful Internet access in the world. In 1996, the United States was the location of 64 percent of all Internet servers, while Germany was a distant second, with only 5 percent, and the United Kingdom in third, with 3 percent of all servers. And because of the monopoly on Internet servers in these countries, Internet service there costs up to seven times as much as it does in the United States. For example, in 1996, corporate access to a 64 kb line was about $350 per month in the United States, while in Italy and France the average was $2500 per month (Kalin, 1996). And in Japan, people are forced to wait until after midnight, when dial-up prices are at their lowest, to access the Internet (Abate, 1996). Thus, once again, it seems that people living in certain countries must be of especially high socioeconomic status to be able to aord Internet service. Furthermore, because the United States has the most plentiful and inexpensive Internet service in the world, it seems that someone living in this country would have access to a greater amount of knowledge than someone living in another country where the Internet service is more expensive or less plentiful than in the United States. Because increasing numbers of people are spending ever-increasing amounts of time on-line and away from other media, it seems natural that more and more information ± mass mediated-information in particular ± would be sent to mass audiences via the Internet. So then what implications exist for people who do not own a personal computer or who do not have access to the Internet? How will this aect their knowledge and reception of information? How does this aect the difference in the amount of knowledge held by people in dierent countries? One theory that needs to be examined in relation to this idea is the knowledge gap hypothesis, which was ®rst proposed by Tichenor et al. (1970) They stated the hypothesis as follows: As the infusion of mass media information into a social system increases, segments of the population with higher socioeconomic status tend to acquire this information at a faster rate than the lower status segments so that the gap in knowledge between these segments tends to increase rather than decrease (Tichenor et al., 1970). The Internet is becoming more widely used at a startlingly rapid rate. It is now being thought of as a ``mainstream medium'' and not simply as a medium used for just chatting or playing games. But persons of lower socioeconomic status, as it has been demonstrated, often do not have access to new technologies for many reasons: the high costs involved, the limited access at local libraries and universities, and the lack of computers at work places or other areas in which these people spend their lives (Westho, 1997). Thus, the questions arise: What implications do these ®ndings have regarding knowledge held by persons of lower socioeconomic status? In other words, how will the Internet aect the knowledge gap?
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This paper uses the knowledge gap hypothesis of Tichenor et al. to examine where the future of the gap in knowledge between persons of higher and lower socioeconomic status is headed as a result of relatively new and not easily accessible media technologies; in particular, the future of the knowledge gap will be examined in relation to the content of on-line news media accessible via the Internet. This paper is approaching this question from the viewpoint of content of the Internet news media, rather than simply access to the Internet. This will be examined from two contradictory viewpoints: ®rst, with evidence showing that the knowledge gap is more likely to be widened than decreased due to the content of on-line news media; and second, with arguments stating that this may not decrease the knowledge gap, but it certainly may not increase it, either (resulting in no signi®cant change). 1. The knowledge gap hypothesis ``The addition of a new medium to a culture alters the functions, signi®cance, and eects of earlier media,'' according to Meyrowitz (1998), and others agree with him (Postman, 1985). Based on the ®ndings that people are spending more time on the Internet and less time with other media, one could certainly argue that the Internet is evolving as a primary source for receiving mass-mediated information. Thus, the ``signi®cance'' of other media is becoming less important, while the ``signi®cance'' of the Internet is becoming very important. But the signi®cance of this mediumÕs eects on the knowledge gap also is an area which needs to be studied. Tichenor et al. (1970) stated the knowledge gap hypothesis in two ways: 1. Over time, acquisition of knowledge of a heavily publicized topic will proceed at a faster rate among better-educated persons than among those with less education. 2. At a given time, there should be a higher correlation between acquisition of knowledge and education for topics highly publicized in the media than for topics less highly publicized (Tichenor et al., 1970). However, the knowledge gap hypothesis has been re®ned somewhat since its inception. Donohue et al. (1975) stated these modi®cations: 1. When there is perceived con¯ict over a local issue, the knowledge gap is likely to decline. 2. Widening knowledge gaps are more likely to occur in pluralistic communities, with numerous sources of information, than in homogeneous communities, with informal but common communication channels. 3. When an issue has immediate and strong local impact, the knowledge gap is likely to decline (Donohue et al., 1997). In 1970, the researchers gave ®ve reasons for the existence of a knowledge gap: (1) a dierence in communication skills between those high and low in socioeconomic status; (2) a dierence in the amount of information that is stored or background knowledge that is previously acquired; (3) more relevant social contact for people of higher socioeconomic status; (4) the possible presence of selective exposure, accep-
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tance, and retention; and (5) the nature of the mass media system, in that it is geared toward persons of higher socioeconomic status (Donohue et al., 1997, pp. 281±282 ). Socioeconomic status has been measured by knowledge gap researchers by at least one of these factors: education, income, and occupation (Gaziano, 1997a). Knowledge has been measured in these ways: (1) awareness of a topic versus depth, or more complex knowledge; (2) open-ended versus closed-ended researcher-determined content; and (3) limited content (capable of reaching ®nite, or ceiling, eects) versus unlimited content''(Gaziano, 1997a, p. 241). Measurement of the gap can be done either through a ``one-shot'' examination between the most and least educated respondents, and/or over time to capture changes in the gap (Gaziano, 1997a).
2. The knowledge gap and the Internet In theory, the addition of more mass media outlets would seemingly help to bene®t all people in society in terms of increasing the number of sources from which they could receive information and increase their knowledge (Severin and Tankard, 1997). Parker and Dunn state: The greatest single potential of an information utility might be the opportunity to reduce the unit cost of education to the point where our society could aord to provide open and equal access to learning opportunities for all members throughout their lives (Parker and Dunn, 1972). In reality, however, these eects are not abundantly clear (Severin and Tankard, 1997). Gaziano examined 97 knowledge gap studies and found that some of the research has indicated that ``electronic media can contribute to lower SES groupsÕ knowledge gain, yet not narrow knowledge gaps, a contrasting result predicted by the knowledge gap hypothesis'' (Gaziano, 1997b). Although she does not mention any studies speci®cally investigating on-line news media, she states that the less-educated usually gain more knowledge from television than the more-educated, but the eect of television news on the knowledge gaps themselves has not been examined. Also, those more dependent on television held larger knowledge gaps than those dependent on newspapers (Gaziano, 1997b, pp. 249±250). As with many new technologies, accessing the Internet carries high monetary costs; the Internet, usually accessed via costly computers1 and often requiring fees be paid to an Internet provider for use of the service, is no exception. Because of the costs, persons of higher socioeconomic status have these technologies more readily available to them than persons of lower socioeconomic status (Severin and Tankard, 1997). Again, it should be noted that Internet users in China and Australia are highly 1
The Internet also can be accessed through a television however, one must still pay fees for the use of this service.
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educated and auent and that the costs of Internet service in other countries, such as Japan, Italy, and France are much higher than those in the United States. But even in the United States, not everyone has computer or Internet access: While 62 percent of the richest 25 percent of U.S. households contain computers, only 6.8 percent of the poorest 25 percent of U.S. households contain computers (Powell, 1997). Further, in May 1997, 42 percent of Internet users had annual household incomes of more than $50,000, while only 12 percent were those who have annual household incomes of less than $15,000 per year (Westho, 1997). As a result, Lepper (1985) noted that the knowledge gap might be widened due to the existence of technologies such as the Internet. Gaziano also noted that equal acquisition of knowledge is not assured even if knowledge distribution is equal among members of a social system. Exposure to information sources is correlated to socioeconomic status and ``having a greater number of information sources often correlates with knowledge gaps'' (Gaziano, 1997). Thus, one would expect those of lower socioeconomic status not to have access to electronic news sources, thereby increasing the knowledge gap. In particular, re®nement of Donohue et al. (1975) to the original knowledge gap hypothesis has important implications for the future of the knowledge gap in relation to the Internet. One of the modi®cations states that ``widening knowledge gaps are more likely to occur in pluralistic communities, with numerous sources of information, than in homogeneous communities, with informal but common communication channels'' (Severin and Tankard, 1997). Seemingly, the addition of more information sources would increase peopleÕs ability to get information. But based on this modi®cation, one could certainly argue that although there are ``numerous sources'' available from which to get information today, the Internet being one of them, persons of lower socioeconomic status would not gain more knowledge as a result, thereby increasing the knowledge gap. Katzman (1974) hypothesized that not just unequal access to new technologies but also unequal use of them may increase the knowledge gap, especially if access and use are linked to socioeconomic dierences. Although his study focused on television, one can apply it to on-line news media. If people of lower socioeconomic status do not have equal access, and as a result, do not have equal use of them, the knowledge gap may increase. Rubinyi supported this idea with evidence that dierences in the abilities of persons of lower versus higher socioeconomic status extended to organized groups. Of 72 small nonpro®t organizations studied, he found that the resource-poor groups that adopted computer technology had not bene®ted from that technology in the same way that the more auent groups had (Rubinyi, 1989). So, even if persons of lower socioeconomic status have access to on-line news, they may not bene®t in the same way as those of higher socioeconomic status who also have access. This may be related to motivation or interest. But it also may be related to credibility; selective perception attention, exposure, or retention; uses and grati®cations; or the diusion of innovations theories. Each of these aforementioned possible explanations of why
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persons of lower socioeconomic status may not bene®t as those higher in socioeconomic status do will be discussed in a later section of this paper. Regardless of the reasons why, the implications are that even if persons of lower socioeconomic status do have access to on-line news, maybe the knowledge gap would still widen. Harper (1996) found that smaller newspapers have invested little money into producing electronic newspapers. These smaller, or perhaps local, newspapers are not as economically capable as the larger newspapers to maintain their sites, perhaps in the speed with which they post or update stories, or the amount of news they publish on-line. The larger newspapers with more money, then would be the ones who could deliver the most information to on-line news readers; thus, one might conclude that most of the news would be on a national or global level than local or regional. Two of re®nements to the knowledge gap hypothesis of Donohue et al. are as follows: 1. When there is perceived con¯ict over a local issue, the knowledge gap is likely to decline. ... 2. When an issue has immediate and strong local impact, the knowledge gap is likely to decline (Donohue et al., 1997). But although there may be ``perceived con¯ict over a local issue,'' or even if the issue has ``immediate and strong local impact,'' if persons of lower socioeconomic status have access to the new technology, their knowledge gap may not decrease, contrary to what this hypothesis predicts. This is why: If most of the news on the Internet comes from large news organizations, chances are that the news people receive would not be a ``local issue'' or would not have ``immediate and strong local impact.'' If this is the case, then the knowledge gap would probably not decrease. An area that needs further investigation is what types of information on-line news sources are publishing, for example, local versus national news. But what if the Internet news is local, and what if persons of lower socioeconomic status do have access to it? This does not ensure that the knowledge gap would decrease, either. Brantgarde found that better-educated persons who reported greater exposure to national issues were also likely to have more knowledge regarding local issues (Brantgarde, 1983). Viswanath and Finnegan (1996), after having examined knowledge gap research for the 25 years prior to 1996, found that the role of community structure could ``prove fruitful'' for future research. They focused on rural residentsÕ access to knowledge, however, rather than local issues. But they do state that, among other ``phenomena,'' it is important to study the ``reduction of information and channel availability in rural areas, and the consequent marginalization of rural residents as participants in the ¯ow of information,'' how rural communities ``compensate in light of their having less access to information,'' and the ``continued development in cities of diverse media channels'' (cf. Viswanath and Finnegan, 1996). Thus, much more research needs to be done on rural residents and local issue in terms of the knowledge gap, particularly related to the Internet.
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Many studies have shown that motivation and interest play roles in the reasons that people seek information. Sharp found that for information seeking, individual motivation is an important factor, and knowledge gaps could decrease rather than increase when there is strong motivation to seek information. But what about the motivation to seek information through varied or new sources, such as the Internet? Is there a dierence in interest in new technologies between people of lower and higher socioeconomic status? As it has been stated, most people of lower socioeconomic status probably do not have access to the Internet. If they have not been exposed to this technology, would they even have any interest in it? If these people have not seen ®rst-hand what the bene®ts of a new technology are, chances are that they will not have any interest in actively seeking exposure to it, according to both the diusion of innovations theory and the idea of selective exposure; both of these will be discussed in a later section of this paper. But it seems that the knowledge gap could widen not only between person of lower and higher socioeconomic status but also between persons living in dierent countries. For example, the Internet may cause an increase in the knowledge gap between people living in the United States and people living in Japan. As it was previously discussed, costs of accessing the Internet are much higher in some countries than others, and the United States has the most plentiful and inexpensive Internet access in the world. Moreover, in the United States two years ago, 20 percent of all private households had Internet access, while only 5 percent of households in Western Europe had access. This dierence is attributed to costs (Pospischil, 1998). Further, a survey of 1005 adults in Great Britain found that only 3 percent of women and 9 percent of men had home Internet access. 2 And while 91 percent of Britons are aware of the Internet, only 11 percent use it regularly, and 42 percent do not even have access to a computer (Bilefsky, 1998). In fact, it is estimated that Europe is four years behind the United States in both home and business Internet applications. On-line subscriptions in that continent are increasing at a rate of 30 percent annually (Baker et al., 1998). Moreover, when creating Internet sites in Europe, one must contend with barriers related to dierences among the various countries. These barriers include disparate tastes, cultures, preferences, languages, and monetary units (Horwitt, 1997). However, even in Europe, some countries are ahead of others in terms of Internet access; for example, in Eastern Europe, the Internet leaders are Russia, Poland, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Estonia, and Slovenia (Sroka, 1998). In Asia, the Internet leaders are Singapore, Hong Kong, and Japan; these countries are ``rich, educated, and globally oriented with advanced telecommunications infrastructures'' (Horwitt, 1997). However, widespread Internet use in Asia is hindered because of the continuing high costs of Internet services, poverty, low educational levels, and primitive infrastructure (Horwitt, 1997). Further, even Japan itself is somewhat hindered, for popular 2
See The gender gap, 1996.
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Internet programming languages such as C++ and Java do not translate well (Leopold, 1996). These data lead one to suspect that there may exist a signi®cant gap in knowledge between people in dierent countries. It has been shown that some countries are less ``Internet-friendly'' than others, due to a number of factors, be they costs, language, or education. The same idea applies to the people in this country as applies to people of lower socioeconomic status: They are not receiving the same amount or kinds of knowledge as people in other countries who are ``Internet-friendly'' or as people of higher socioeconomic status. Thus, there could very well exist a knowledge gap between people in dierent countries. For example, people in India may be receiving less knowledge and information than people in China. Further, it seems that all countries seem to be behind the United States in terms of Internet access and reception of knowledge from on-line news media. Thus, it would appear that people in the United States have great advantages over people in other countries in terms of receiving information and gaining knowledge. Overall, it seems that people in one country do not necessarily have the same opportunities as people in a neighboring country. This would seemingly lead to an increase in the worldwide knowledge gap. However, it should be noted that the eects of the Internet on the knowledge gap are not ``cut and dry,'' with obvious leanings toward one side or the other. On the other side of the issue, one could argue that the addition of the Internet would not increase the knowledge gap ± if not decreasing it, then at least not changing it at all. It would be bene®cial to examine exactly what kinds of information people are receiving from the Internet. As has been stated previously, there are many on-line news sources, and many people are using the Internet for more than just entertainment. But ``despite the enormous investment by print and broadcast news outlets to maintain and market Internet sites, most of their content is Ôrepurposed,Õ material republished from the original medium'' (Final World Summary, 1998). On-line news stas consist of mostly designers, as opposed to reporters. Reporters from the print or broadcast versions of the site occasionally contribute additional content to web pages that appears only on the Web (Final World Summary, 1998). As a matter of fact, Los Angeles Times Editorial Director of New Media Leah Gentry claims that the TimesÕ Web site publishes ``100 percent'' of the contents on the newspaper online, with the exception of some display ads (Final World Summary, 1998). Indeed, many newspapers have not advanced to the point of creating new information that is received only by Web site users. Most of the stories are just mere republications of what is in the newspaper or broadcast versions of the site. Erlindson (1995) claims that newspaper are being ``forced'' to create on-line counterparts, mainly because audience members are turning their backs on traditional print publications. Harper (1996) found that although this may be the case, ``there has been little signi®cant change in the basic content of the newspaper. The reporters ®le the same stories, and the electronic newspaper packages the material in a dierent fashion.'' Thus, there is not much new information or knowledge that could be received via the Internet. So even if people of lower socioeconomic status are not using
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the Internet, it would not matter in respect to the knowledge gap. For people who use the Internet to gather news are merely receiving the same information they could get from ``traditional'' print or broadcast news sources. Although discussing 24-hour cable news networks, journalist Elizabeth Jensen makes a point that could very well be applied to the Internet. She claims that the addition of news networks does not ensure a larger amount of more varied news. ``WhatÕs most interesting,'' she said, ``is that the existence of the 24-hour news operations doesnÕt yield more time for more stories. In fact, the expanded exposure is marked mostly by repeating the same stu'' (Kramer, 1999). Thus, it could certainly be hypothesized, and more than possibly proven, that in light of the preceding arguments, the knowledge gap would not widen, nor would it even change much, if at all, as a result of the Internet. The eects of on-line news on the knowledge gap, as it has been demonstrated, are not apparent. This signi®es the importance of studying these eects, for it is not an area with straightforward, obvious results. 3. Other theories that warrant examination in relation to the Internet's eects on the knowledge gap Of course, many other theories also need to be studied in relation to the Internet and why a knowledge gap may still exist with the new technologies. Certainly, the audienceÕs perceived credibility would be an important issue to examine. Inaccuracies in on-line news stories are becoming more frequent. Due to the ability to post stories in a matter of seconds, journalists are often printing stories in order to get the ``scoop'' and be the ®rst with the story, rather than taking the time to check for mistakes. For example, the Dallas Morning News, in its aggressive rush to be the ®rst to post new information about the Clinton/Lewinsky scandal, posted a story on its Web site claiming that a Secret Service agent was willing to testify he had seen the President and the White House intern in a ``compromising position'' (Final World Summary, 1998). ``One thing that we established media names have to lose going into the Internet is credibility,'' said Newsweek.com editor Michael Rogers. Thus, it might be wise to examine how on-line news seekers view the Internet mediaÕs credibility, and whether dierent perceptions of credibility are held by people in the two extremes ± high and low socioeconomic status. Gaziano maintains that few knowledge gap studies have considered inaccuracies (Gaziano, 1997). Credibility has been de®ned by the ``Yale group'' as ``trustworthiness'' and ``expertise'' (Hovland and Weiss, 1951; Hovland et al., 1953). McCombs and Washington identi®ed four main areas of media credibility research: (1) con®dence in institutions, (2) honesty and ethical standards, (3) perceptions of various industries, and (4) the publicÕs attitudes in relation to believability, accuracy, fairness, and bias (Carter and Greenberg, 1965; Chang and Lemert, 1968; Jacobson, 1969; Lipset and Schneider, 1983).
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But regardless of the inaccuracies, and whatever their perception of on-line news credibility might be, it has been shown that millions of people are still seeking information from on-line news sources. Thus, whether they read stories with inaccuracies or not, knowledge is still being implanted into the minds of Internet users, and if persons of lower socioeconomic status are not using the Internet and gaining this knowledge, a knowledge gap will still exist. People using the Internet have the power to search for precisely what topic they want and select from a number of sources which sites they wish to view. As a result, an Internet audience may not be exposed to as much information as the audiences of other Media. People can select numerous items of interest or self-perceived importance and reject many others of non-interest or self-perceived non-importance with the click of a mouse. This may be due to one or a combination of the following: selective perception, selective exposure, selective attention, and selective retention, which are other areas that should be examined in terms of the InternetÕs eects on the knowledge gap. Selective perception is the ``tendency for peopleÕs perception to be in¯uenced by wants, needs, attitudes, and other psychological factors'' (Severin and Tankard, 1997). Selective exposure is the ``tendency for individuals to expose themselves to those communications that are in agreement with their existing attitudes and to avoid those communications that are not'' (Severin and Tankard, 1997, pp. 80±81). Selective attention is the ``tendency for individuals to pay attention to those parts of a message that are consonant with strongly held attitudes, beliefs, or behaviors and to avoid those parts of a message that go against strongly held attitudes, beliefs, or behaviors'' (Severin and Tankard, 1997, p. 81). Finally, selective retention is the ``tendency for the recall of information to be in¯uenced by wants, needs, attitudes, and other psychological factors'' (Severin and Tankard, 1997). Thus, with the millions of sites available for viewing on the Internet, people using this on-line media will selectively see, selectively be exposed to, selectively pay attention to, and selectively remember only those sites with information that relate to already existing beliefs, values, attitudes, and so on. This certainly could lead to an increase in the knowledge gap, if those of higher and lower socioeconomic status, or if those in dierent countries, do not hold the same attitudes, wants, needs, beliefs, and so on. It also would be of great bene®t to examine why people use the Internet to get information. The ``uses and grati®cations approach'' (Severin and Tankard, 1997, p. 329) attempts to answer the question ``What do people do with the media?'' instead of ``What do the media do to the people?'' (Katz, 1959). Particular uses and grati®cations have been classi®ed by McQuail et al. (1972) as: (1) diversion, (2) personal relationships, (3) personal identity or individual psychology, and (4) surveillance. Others have classi®ed grati®cations in terms of ``immediate'' and ``deferred'' (Schramm et al., 1961); still others have referred to them as ``informational±educational'' and ``fantasist±escapist'' (entertainment); others have put them into these categories: (1) cognitive needs, (2) aective needs, (3) personal integrative needs, (4) social integrative needs, and (5) tension release needs (Weiss, 1971). Why do people
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use the Internet? The reasons people of dierent socioeconomic status use the Internet may lead to a knowledge gap in certain areas. If the reason is for pure entertainment, knowledge may not be gained, leading to a widening of the knowledge gap. If it is to gather information, one would be wise to study what kind of information is sought between persons of lower and higher socioeconomic status and among persons in various countries. The knowledge gap may widen, for example, in areas of local news, but narrow in areas of national issues, as it has been demonstrated above. Another theory relevant to the discussion of the Internet leading to a change in the knowledge gap would be the diusion of innovations theory. Diusion is the process by which an innovation, or a perceived ``new'' idea, practice, or object, is communication among members of a social system over time (Rogers). Often, opinion leaders, as demonstrated by the two-step ¯ow hypothesis that ideas ¯ow from the mass media to opinion leaders to other people, are very important in how quickly an innovation is adopted. Compared to followers, opinion leaders tend to have greater exposure to mass media, more cosmopoliteness, greater change agent contact, greater social participation, higher socioeconomic status, and more innovativeness (Rogers, p. 332) Thus, a conclusion could be made that persons of higher socioeconomic status will be and are the ®rst to adopt the Internet innovation as a source for getting information, thereby widening the knowledge gap. Until the persons of lower socioeconomic status or people in certain countries or cultures see the ®rst-hand bene®ts of using the Internet, they may not actively attempt to use it. And if they have no means through which or access to Internet service, then any interest in using it is irrelevant. However, all these theories would seek to explain why or why not there may be a widening of the knowledge gap due to on-line news sources accessed via the Internet. But before examining reasons for a possible increase (or decrease) in the knowledge gap due to the introduction of on-line news media ± such as perceived credibility; selective perception, exposure, attention, or retention; uses and grati®cations; diffusion of innovations ± it would be wise to study ®rst what has happened to the knowledge gap as a result of this fairly new media. Therefore, it is important to study what eect the existence and widespread use of on-line news are having on the knowledge gap. 4. Implications for on-line journalists Gaziano (1983) reviewed 58 knowledge gap studies in 1983 and indicated that scholars interested in the knowledge gap should ``investigate the complex sets of factors that bind social classes, impede social mobility, and lead to further unequal distribution of knowledge.'' She went on to say that creating a more equitable knowledge distribution ± assuming that this is a desirable goal in a democratic society ± is not just a matter of redistributing
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information: The knowledge gap re¯ects disparities in information as one among many resources which are less available to lower SES groups in society (Gaziano, 1983, pp. 478±479). Although written in 1983, before Internet use really began to ``take o,'' one can apply her statement speci®cally to this medium. This is an area that desperately needs in-depth examination. Harper (1996) ascertains that researchers should study ``how many people have access to on-line newspapers and by what means.'' By taking this one step further, it is arguable that researchers should study what eects occur because of who does or does not have access to on-line newspapers. As it had been argued, the eects of the Internet on the knowledge gap are not clear. One could examine the eects in two ways: (1) that the Internet may certainly increase the knowledge gap or (2) that the Internet may not decrease the knowledge, but it certainly would not increase it, instead causing it not to change signi®cantly. If journalists wish to get more information to the public, they should not just focus on bigger, better, and more varied way of doing this. For they may add all the various forms of media channels they wish, but if not everybody has access to them, then the goal of reducing the knowledge gap has not been met. For now, while the main form of on-line news is merely a reiteration of what also is in the sitesÕ print and broadcast versions, this does not appear to be a substantially threatening problem. Not much new knowledge is appearing on news Web sites; the use of this medium as an information source is still relatively new and the implications are still being explored. But as more news sources attempt to produce original material for their sites, and as journalists work to create Web sites independent of any already existing print or broadcast medium, more and more information might be posted on the Internet that only those Internet users ± only those with access to the technology, presumably, for the most part, those of higher socioeconomic status or those in countries with better Internet services ± will gain knowledge, thereby widening the knowledge gap. And those with limited or no access to the Internet often feel the consequences. A linens company chemical handler making $12,000 a year claimed that people without Internet access get ``left behind.'' He cannot aord to buy a computer and must wait in lines to use the public libraryÕs computers. Another man saw his salary more than double in three years after he earned a computer science certi®cate and learned about the Internet. Thus, people without Internet access receive no knowledge about jobs, education, or bargains about ``everything from low-income housing to air fares'' (Westho, 1997), which would probably widen the knowledge gap, particularly in those areas. Journalists who seek to produce original content for their Web sites should keep all this in mind. ``The Internet worldwide communications network is an invaluable medium for communications and information services. It provides up-to-date information on numerous subjects including news, ®nance, and entertainment'' (Fluendy, 1997). However, by ignoring the aforementioned implications, journalists
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would serve only to ``cater'' and provide this ``invaluable service'' to those of higher socioeconomic status or in certain countries: those who can aord to use the Internet to seek news and information. But does not everybody deserve to be able to access this information? Does not everybody have a ``right to know''? Many have argued that they do. And if indeed this is the case, then journalists should be aware that serving only a certain and speci®c portion of the population will continue to keep others in the dark during this age of the ``information explosion'' (Severin and Tankard, 1997). References Abate, T., 1996. The midnight hour: Japan ventures onto the Net in the dark of night. Scienti®c American, January, 36±37. Baker, S., Warner, J., Dawley, H., 1998. Finally, Europeans are storming the Net. Business Week, 11 May, 48±49. Bilefsky, D., 1998. Nationalists gather on the soapbox without frontiers. New Statesman, 2 January, 28± 29. Brantgarde, L., 1983. The information gap and municipal politics in Sweden. Communication Research 10, 357±373. Quoted In: Viswanath and Finnegan, 1996. Carter, R.F., Greenberg, B.S., 1965. Newspapers or television: Which do you believe? Journalism Quarterly 42, 29±34. Quoted In: McGrath and Gaziano, 1986. Chang, L.K.H., Lemert, J.B., 1968. The invisible newsman and other factors in media competition. Journalism Quarterly 45, 436±444. Quoted In: McGrath and Gaziano, 1986. Donohue, G.A., Tichenor, P.J., Olien, C.N. 1997. Mass media and the knowledge gap: A hypothesis reconsidered. Communication Research 2, 3±23. Quoted In: Severin and Tankard, 1997. Erlindson, M., 1995. On-line Newspapers: The Newspaper IndustryÕs Dive into Cyber Space. Paper Presented at the University of Western Ontario, April, World Wide Web. Quoted In: Harper, 1996. Final World Summary, 1998. Wall St's strong rally; gold up. RWE Business News, 6 November, 4D. Florcruz, J.A., 1998. ChinaÕs old-school technocrats want to pull the plug on the countryÕs computer-savvy ÔhactivistsÕ. Time International, 9 November, 25. Fluendy, S., 1997. Get wired. Far Eastern Economic Review, 6 February, 41. Gaziano, C., 1997a. Forecast 2000: Widening knowledge gaps. Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly 74 (Summer), 237±264. Gaziano, C., 1983. The knowledge gap: An analytical review of media eects. Communication Research 10 (October), 447±486. The gender gap, 1996. PC Week, 13 May, E8. Harper, C., 1996. On-line newpapers: going somewhere or going nowhere? Newspaper Research Journal 17 (Summer/Fall), 2±13. Hovland, C.I., Janis, I.L., Kelley, H.H., 1953. Communication and Persuasion. Yale University Press, New Haven, CY. Quoted In: McGrath and Gaziano, 1986. Hovland, C.I., Weiss, W., 1951. The in¯uence of source credibility on communication eectiveness. Public Opinion Quarterly 15, 635±650. Quoted In: McGrath and Gaziano, 1986. Holsendolph, E., 1997. ItÕs time to jump on the bandwagon. Atlanta Journal Constitution, 28 September, G1. Horwitt, E., 1997a. Asia: Beyond business enclaves, Web use is quick to take o ± and has far to go. Computerworld, 29 September, SA20-SA22. Horwitt, E., 1997b. Europe: Cultural, language barriers challenge the continent. Computerworld, 29 September, SA21-SA23.
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Jacobson, H.K., 1969. Mass media believability: A study of receiver judgments. Journalism Quarterly 46, 20±28. Jet, 1998. Black adults among increased Internet users, 14 September 1998, 36. Kalin, S., 1996. Foreign Internet access costs soar above United States. Infoworld, 28 October, TW2. Katz, E., 1959. Mass communication research and the study of popular culture: An editorial note on a possible future for this journal. Studies in Public Communication 2, 1±6. Quoted In: Servin and Tankard, 1997. Katzman, N., 1974. The impact of communication technology: Promises and prospects. Journal of Communication 24 (Autumn), 47±58. Kramer, M., 1999. Inside BrillÕs content. BrillÕs Content, December 1998±January 1999, 6. Leopold, G., 1996. Japan lags on Internet. Electronic Engineering Times 10 June, 18±19. Lepper, M.R., 1985. Microcomputers in education: Motivational and social issues. American Psychologist 40, 1±18. Quoted In: Severin and Tankard, 1997. Lipset, S.M., Schneider, W., 1983. The Con®dence Gap: Business, Labor, and Government in the Public Mind. New York: Free Press. Quoted In: McGrath and Gaziano, 1986. McQuail, D., Blumler, J.G., Brown, J.R., 1972. The television audience: A revised perspective. In: McQuail (Ed.), Sociology of Mass Communications. Penguin, Hammondsworth. Quoted In: Severin and Tankard, 1997. Meyrowitz, J., 1998. Quoted on the Web site of Media and Communications Studies [document on-line]. Available from http://www.aber.ac.uk/dgc/mcs.html; Internet; accessed 12 November. Middleberg, D., Ross, S., 1996. The Media in cyberspace. Paper Presented at Columbia University, March 1996. World Wide Web. Quoted In: Harper, 1996. Muller, J., 1998. Computers/Software. Boston Globe, 4 January, C7. Parker, E.B., Dunn, D.A., 1972. Information technology: Its social potential. Science 176, 1392±1398. Pospischil, R., 1998. Fast Internet ± An analysis about capacities, price structures and government intervention. Telecommunications Policy 22 (October) 745±755. Postman, N., 1985. Amusing Ourselves to Death: Public Discourse in the Age of Show Business. Penguin, New York. Powell, A.C., 1995. Diversity in cyberspace. Presented to the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication, Washington, DC. Quoted In: Severin and Tankard, 1997. Rogers, E. Diusion of Innovations, fourth ed. Rubinyi, R.M., 1989. Computers and community: The organizational impact. Communication Research 39, 110±123. Quoted In: Severin and Tankard, 1997. Schramm, W., Lyle, J., Parker, E.B., 1961. Television in the Lives of Our Children. Stanford University Press, Stanford, CA. Quoted In: Severin and Tankard, 1997. Severin, J.W., Tankard, J.W., 1997. Communication Theories: Origins, Methods and Uses in the Mass Media, fourth ed. Longman, White Plains, New York. Sroka, M., 1998. Commercial development of the Internet and WWW in Eastern Europe. On-line & Cdrom Review 22 (December), 367±376. Tattam, A., 1998. From beach bums to surf gods. Guardian, 4 June, 4. The New York Times, 1998. Survey ®nds TV is major casualty of Net sur®ng, 1998. 16 July, D3, G3. Tichenor, P., Donohue, G., Olien, C., 1970. Mass media ¯ow and dierential growth in knowledge. Public Opinion Quarterly 34, 159±160. Viswanath, K., Finnegan Jr., J.R., 1996. The knowledge gap hypothesis: twenty-®ve years later. In: Communication Yearbook, vol. 19. Sage, Thousand Oaks, CA. Weiss, W., 1971. Mass communication. Annual Review of Psychology 22 309±336. Quoted In: Severins and Tankard, 1997. Westho, B., 1997. Lack of funds limits access to Internet for the poor. St. Louis Post-Dispatch, 6 December, p. 19. Williams, L., 1996. Weaving an untangled web: A survey and review of 300 on-line newspapers, unpublished manuscript. Quoted In: Fredin, 1999.
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Further reading Fredin, E.S., 1999. Rethinking the news story for the Internet: Hyperstory prototypes and a model of the user. Journalism and Mass Communication Monographs, 163, 1. Internet users in the US, 1998 On-line. September±October, 12. McGrath, K., Gaziano, C., 1986. Dimensions of Media Credibility. Highlights of the 1985 ASNE Survey. Newspaper Research Journal 7 (Winter 1986), 55±67. Merli, J., 1998. Internet users not forsaking radio. Broadcasting & Cable, 19 October, 59.
www.elsevier.com/locate/tele
Gaps in the worldwide information explosion: How the Internet is aecting the worldwide knowledge gap q Kimberly Speight* Graduate School of Journalism, University of Missouri-Columbia, 3705 Forum Blvd. Apt. 501, Columbia, MO 65203, USA
Ask almost any journalist where the future of mass media is headed, and he or she might answer that it is inevitably headed in the direction of more and more on-line news. Indeed, ``new media'' is being taught in many journalism schools now. And in a profession known for high salaries in only the rarest of cases, one can often hear journalists musing about the Internet, stating that that is where the ``real money'' is to be made. Indeed, more and more people are ®nding their way to this new media during this age of the ``communication revolution'' (Severin and Tankard, 1997) or ``information explosion'' (Severin and Tankard, 1997). Internet ``sur®ng'' is becoming not only a popular pastime, but also an invaluable source in several areas, including those of seeking information, wanting entertainment, or conducting business; for example, electronic commerce on the Internet was estimated as a $20 billion business last year (Muller, 1998; Kalin, 1996), and the number of Internet users is growing rapidly. Last year, the International Data Corporation estimated worldwide Internet use at more than 100 million people ± twice the number of users from the year before (Muller, 1998; Kalin, 1996). Indeed, these ®gures are rising rapidly in many countries. The number of Australians using the Internet at home rose from 250,000 in February 1996 to one million in February 1998 (Tattam, 1998). Almost 80 million
q Paper presented at the European Consortium for Communication Research Meeting on Socio-Cultural Consequences of the European Information Society at the Conference of the International Association for Media and Communication Research on 31 July 1999, in Leipzig, Germany. * Tel.: +1-573-874-2331. E-mail address: [email protected] (K. Speight).
0736-5853/00/$ - see front matter Ó 2000 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved. PII: S 0 7 3 6 - 5 8 5 3 ( 9 9 ) 0 0 0 2 4 - 6
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people in the United States and Canada are on-line. In the United States alone, 70.5 million, or 34.9 percent, of the countryÕs 202 million adults use the Internet, an increase of 340 percent from 1995 (Jet, 1998). The number of Asian Internet users ± 5 to 10 million ± is expected to increase tenfold ± to 100 million ± within the next ®ve years (Horwitt, 1997a). Of that number, 1.2 million live in China, and that number is expected to grow to 5 million by next year (Florcruz, 1998). There are 17 million Internet users in Europe, and countries such as Portugal, Belgium, Denmark, Spain, and Italy are seeing growth rates of more than 100 percent growth rate in numbers of Web hosts (Horwitt, 1997b). But the increase in Internet users has caused a decrease in time spent on other media: Data from Simmons Research, Cyber Dialogue, and Find/SVP show that 30 percent less time is spent watching television, 11 percent less on reading newspapers, and 7 percent less for listening to the radio (Horwitt, 1997b). Cyber Dialogue also found that 65 percent of Internet users are spending less time watching television in order to ``surf the Net,'' while 48 percent are cutting down on reading time, and 29 percent are sleeping less (The New York Times, 1998). As a result, many argue that the Internet is becoming a ``mainstream medium'' (The New York Times, 1998). The American television network NBC hopes to ``capitalize'' on this by using its television network and Web site to complement one another (The New York Times, 1998). In 1996, a survey found that 77 percent of newspapers and magazines planned to create on-line versions of their publications, compared with only 54 percent the year before (Middleberg and Ross, 1996). However, about 300 newspapers already had on-line counterparts in place (Williams, 1996). And as the Internet goes ``mainstream,'' people are relying on the Internet not just as a ``novelty or PR gimmick'' (Muller, 1998). In April 1998, 28.8 million U.S. households had potential Internet access (Holsendolph, 1997). But while 62 percent of the richest 25 percent of U.S. households contain computers, only 6.8 percent of the poorest 25 percent of U.S. households contain computers (Powell, 1995). A Business Week/Harris Poll found that of Internet users in May 1997, 42 percent had annual household incomes of more than $50,000, while only 12 percent were those who have annual household incomes of less than $15,000 per year (Westho, 1997). As low as this latter ®gure may seem, it is somewhat misleading. It is in¯ated, for it includes students ± who usually do not have a full-time job with a high annual salary ± and not just persons of low socioeconomic status. Thus, the actual number for just that group of persons is likely even lower. In Australia, the average Internet user is young, male, and university educated (Tattam, 1998). In China, Internet users tend to be young, highly educated, in¯uential, and auent (Florcruz, 1998). Drawing from this information, one would presume that persons of lower socioeconomic status would, for the most part, not have access to the Internet, or any other technology accessible by means of the computer. But there is not only a dierence in Internet accessibility among persons of lower and higher socioeconomic status within the United States; people living in one
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country may dier in their abilities to access this medium over people living in another country. According to the Gartner Group, the United States has the most inexpensive and plentiful Internet access in the world. In 1996, the United States was the location of 64 percent of all Internet servers, while Germany was a distant second, with only 5 percent, and the United Kingdom in third, with 3 percent of all servers. And because of the monopoly on Internet servers in these countries, Internet service there costs up to seven times as much as it does in the United States. For example, in 1996, corporate access to a 64 kb line was about $350 per month in the United States, while in Italy and France the average was $2500 per month (Kalin, 1996). And in Japan, people are forced to wait until after midnight, when dial-up prices are at their lowest, to access the Internet (Abate, 1996). Thus, once again, it seems that people living in certain countries must be of especially high socioeconomic status to be able to aord Internet service. Furthermore, because the United States has the most plentiful and inexpensive Internet service in the world, it seems that someone living in this country would have access to a greater amount of knowledge than someone living in another country where the Internet service is more expensive or less plentiful than in the United States. Because increasing numbers of people are spending ever-increasing amounts of time on-line and away from other media, it seems natural that more and more information ± mass mediated-information in particular ± would be sent to mass audiences via the Internet. So then what implications exist for people who do not own a personal computer or who do not have access to the Internet? How will this aect their knowledge and reception of information? How does this aect the difference in the amount of knowledge held by people in dierent countries? One theory that needs to be examined in relation to this idea is the knowledge gap hypothesis, which was ®rst proposed by Tichenor et al. (1970) They stated the hypothesis as follows: As the infusion of mass media information into a social system increases, segments of the population with higher socioeconomic status tend to acquire this information at a faster rate than the lower status segments so that the gap in knowledge between these segments tends to increase rather than decrease (Tichenor et al., 1970). The Internet is becoming more widely used at a startlingly rapid rate. It is now being thought of as a ``mainstream medium'' and not simply as a medium used for just chatting or playing games. But persons of lower socioeconomic status, as it has been demonstrated, often do not have access to new technologies for many reasons: the high costs involved, the limited access at local libraries and universities, and the lack of computers at work places or other areas in which these people spend their lives (Westho, 1997). Thus, the questions arise: What implications do these ®ndings have regarding knowledge held by persons of lower socioeconomic status? In other words, how will the Internet aect the knowledge gap?
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This paper uses the knowledge gap hypothesis of Tichenor et al. to examine where the future of the gap in knowledge between persons of higher and lower socioeconomic status is headed as a result of relatively new and not easily accessible media technologies; in particular, the future of the knowledge gap will be examined in relation to the content of on-line news media accessible via the Internet. This paper is approaching this question from the viewpoint of content of the Internet news media, rather than simply access to the Internet. This will be examined from two contradictory viewpoints: ®rst, with evidence showing that the knowledge gap is more likely to be widened than decreased due to the content of on-line news media; and second, with arguments stating that this may not decrease the knowledge gap, but it certainly may not increase it, either (resulting in no signi®cant change). 1. The knowledge gap hypothesis ``The addition of a new medium to a culture alters the functions, signi®cance, and eects of earlier media,'' according to Meyrowitz (1998), and others agree with him (Postman, 1985). Based on the ®ndings that people are spending more time on the Internet and less time with other media, one could certainly argue that the Internet is evolving as a primary source for receiving mass-mediated information. Thus, the ``signi®cance'' of other media is becoming less important, while the ``signi®cance'' of the Internet is becoming very important. But the signi®cance of this mediumÕs eects on the knowledge gap also is an area which needs to be studied. Tichenor et al. (1970) stated the knowledge gap hypothesis in two ways: 1. Over time, acquisition of knowledge of a heavily publicized topic will proceed at a faster rate among better-educated persons than among those with less education. 2. At a given time, there should be a higher correlation between acquisition of knowledge and education for topics highly publicized in the media than for topics less highly publicized (Tichenor et al., 1970). However, the knowledge gap hypothesis has been re®ned somewhat since its inception. Donohue et al. (1975) stated these modi®cations: 1. When there is perceived con¯ict over a local issue, the knowledge gap is likely to decline. 2. Widening knowledge gaps are more likely to occur in pluralistic communities, with numerous sources of information, than in homogeneous communities, with informal but common communication channels. 3. When an issue has immediate and strong local impact, the knowledge gap is likely to decline (Donohue et al., 1997). In 1970, the researchers gave ®ve reasons for the existence of a knowledge gap: (1) a dierence in communication skills between those high and low in socioeconomic status; (2) a dierence in the amount of information that is stored or background knowledge that is previously acquired; (3) more relevant social contact for people of higher socioeconomic status; (4) the possible presence of selective exposure, accep-
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tance, and retention; and (5) the nature of the mass media system, in that it is geared toward persons of higher socioeconomic status (Donohue et al., 1997, pp. 281±282 ). Socioeconomic status has been measured by knowledge gap researchers by at least one of these factors: education, income, and occupation (Gaziano, 1997a). Knowledge has been measured in these ways: (1) awareness of a topic versus depth, or more complex knowledge; (2) open-ended versus closed-ended researcher-determined content; and (3) limited content (capable of reaching ®nite, or ceiling, eects) versus unlimited content''(Gaziano, 1997a, p. 241). Measurement of the gap can be done either through a ``one-shot'' examination between the most and least educated respondents, and/or over time to capture changes in the gap (Gaziano, 1997a).
2. The knowledge gap and the Internet In theory, the addition of more mass media outlets would seemingly help to bene®t all people in society in terms of increasing the number of sources from which they could receive information and increase their knowledge (Severin and Tankard, 1997). Parker and Dunn state: The greatest single potential of an information utility might be the opportunity to reduce the unit cost of education to the point where our society could aord to provide open and equal access to learning opportunities for all members throughout their lives (Parker and Dunn, 1972). In reality, however, these eects are not abundantly clear (Severin and Tankard, 1997). Gaziano examined 97 knowledge gap studies and found that some of the research has indicated that ``electronic media can contribute to lower SES groupsÕ knowledge gain, yet not narrow knowledge gaps, a contrasting result predicted by the knowledge gap hypothesis'' (Gaziano, 1997b). Although she does not mention any studies speci®cally investigating on-line news media, she states that the less-educated usually gain more knowledge from television than the more-educated, but the eect of television news on the knowledge gaps themselves has not been examined. Also, those more dependent on television held larger knowledge gaps than those dependent on newspapers (Gaziano, 1997b, pp. 249±250). As with many new technologies, accessing the Internet carries high monetary costs; the Internet, usually accessed via costly computers1 and often requiring fees be paid to an Internet provider for use of the service, is no exception. Because of the costs, persons of higher socioeconomic status have these technologies more readily available to them than persons of lower socioeconomic status (Severin and Tankard, 1997). Again, it should be noted that Internet users in China and Australia are highly 1
The Internet also can be accessed through a television however, one must still pay fees for the use of this service.
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educated and auent and that the costs of Internet service in other countries, such as Japan, Italy, and France are much higher than those in the United States. But even in the United States, not everyone has computer or Internet access: While 62 percent of the richest 25 percent of U.S. households contain computers, only 6.8 percent of the poorest 25 percent of U.S. households contain computers (Powell, 1997). Further, in May 1997, 42 percent of Internet users had annual household incomes of more than $50,000, while only 12 percent were those who have annual household incomes of less than $15,000 per year (Westho, 1997). As a result, Lepper (1985) noted that the knowledge gap might be widened due to the existence of technologies such as the Internet. Gaziano also noted that equal acquisition of knowledge is not assured even if knowledge distribution is equal among members of a social system. Exposure to information sources is correlated to socioeconomic status and ``having a greater number of information sources often correlates with knowledge gaps'' (Gaziano, 1997). Thus, one would expect those of lower socioeconomic status not to have access to electronic news sources, thereby increasing the knowledge gap. In particular, re®nement of Donohue et al. (1975) to the original knowledge gap hypothesis has important implications for the future of the knowledge gap in relation to the Internet. One of the modi®cations states that ``widening knowledge gaps are more likely to occur in pluralistic communities, with numerous sources of information, than in homogeneous communities, with informal but common communication channels'' (Severin and Tankard, 1997). Seemingly, the addition of more information sources would increase peopleÕs ability to get information. But based on this modi®cation, one could certainly argue that although there are ``numerous sources'' available from which to get information today, the Internet being one of them, persons of lower socioeconomic status would not gain more knowledge as a result, thereby increasing the knowledge gap. Katzman (1974) hypothesized that not just unequal access to new technologies but also unequal use of them may increase the knowledge gap, especially if access and use are linked to socioeconomic dierences. Although his study focused on television, one can apply it to on-line news media. If people of lower socioeconomic status do not have equal access, and as a result, do not have equal use of them, the knowledge gap may increase. Rubinyi supported this idea with evidence that dierences in the abilities of persons of lower versus higher socioeconomic status extended to organized groups. Of 72 small nonpro®t organizations studied, he found that the resource-poor groups that adopted computer technology had not bene®ted from that technology in the same way that the more auent groups had (Rubinyi, 1989). So, even if persons of lower socioeconomic status have access to on-line news, they may not bene®t in the same way as those of higher socioeconomic status who also have access. This may be related to motivation or interest. But it also may be related to credibility; selective perception attention, exposure, or retention; uses and grati®cations; or the diusion of innovations theories. Each of these aforementioned possible explanations of why
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persons of lower socioeconomic status may not bene®t as those higher in socioeconomic status do will be discussed in a later section of this paper. Regardless of the reasons why, the implications are that even if persons of lower socioeconomic status do have access to on-line news, maybe the knowledge gap would still widen. Harper (1996) found that smaller newspapers have invested little money into producing electronic newspapers. These smaller, or perhaps local, newspapers are not as economically capable as the larger newspapers to maintain their sites, perhaps in the speed with which they post or update stories, or the amount of news they publish on-line. The larger newspapers with more money, then would be the ones who could deliver the most information to on-line news readers; thus, one might conclude that most of the news would be on a national or global level than local or regional. Two of re®nements to the knowledge gap hypothesis of Donohue et al. are as follows: 1. When there is perceived con¯ict over a local issue, the knowledge gap is likely to decline. ... 2. When an issue has immediate and strong local impact, the knowledge gap is likely to decline (Donohue et al., 1997). But although there may be ``perceived con¯ict over a local issue,'' or even if the issue has ``immediate and strong local impact,'' if persons of lower socioeconomic status have access to the new technology, their knowledge gap may not decrease, contrary to what this hypothesis predicts. This is why: If most of the news on the Internet comes from large news organizations, chances are that the news people receive would not be a ``local issue'' or would not have ``immediate and strong local impact.'' If this is the case, then the knowledge gap would probably not decrease. An area that needs further investigation is what types of information on-line news sources are publishing, for example, local versus national news. But what if the Internet news is local, and what if persons of lower socioeconomic status do have access to it? This does not ensure that the knowledge gap would decrease, either. Brantgarde found that better-educated persons who reported greater exposure to national issues were also likely to have more knowledge regarding local issues (Brantgarde, 1983). Viswanath and Finnegan (1996), after having examined knowledge gap research for the 25 years prior to 1996, found that the role of community structure could ``prove fruitful'' for future research. They focused on rural residentsÕ access to knowledge, however, rather than local issues. But they do state that, among other ``phenomena,'' it is important to study the ``reduction of information and channel availability in rural areas, and the consequent marginalization of rural residents as participants in the ¯ow of information,'' how rural communities ``compensate in light of their having less access to information,'' and the ``continued development in cities of diverse media channels'' (cf. Viswanath and Finnegan, 1996). Thus, much more research needs to be done on rural residents and local issue in terms of the knowledge gap, particularly related to the Internet.
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Many studies have shown that motivation and interest play roles in the reasons that people seek information. Sharp found that for information seeking, individual motivation is an important factor, and knowledge gaps could decrease rather than increase when there is strong motivation to seek information. But what about the motivation to seek information through varied or new sources, such as the Internet? Is there a dierence in interest in new technologies between people of lower and higher socioeconomic status? As it has been stated, most people of lower socioeconomic status probably do not have access to the Internet. If they have not been exposed to this technology, would they even have any interest in it? If these people have not seen ®rst-hand what the bene®ts of a new technology are, chances are that they will not have any interest in actively seeking exposure to it, according to both the diusion of innovations theory and the idea of selective exposure; both of these will be discussed in a later section of this paper. But it seems that the knowledge gap could widen not only between person of lower and higher socioeconomic status but also between persons living in dierent countries. For example, the Internet may cause an increase in the knowledge gap between people living in the United States and people living in Japan. As it was previously discussed, costs of accessing the Internet are much higher in some countries than others, and the United States has the most plentiful and inexpensive Internet access in the world. Moreover, in the United States two years ago, 20 percent of all private households had Internet access, while only 5 percent of households in Western Europe had access. This dierence is attributed to costs (Pospischil, 1998). Further, a survey of 1005 adults in Great Britain found that only 3 percent of women and 9 percent of men had home Internet access. 2 And while 91 percent of Britons are aware of the Internet, only 11 percent use it regularly, and 42 percent do not even have access to a computer (Bilefsky, 1998). In fact, it is estimated that Europe is four years behind the United States in both home and business Internet applications. On-line subscriptions in that continent are increasing at a rate of 30 percent annually (Baker et al., 1998). Moreover, when creating Internet sites in Europe, one must contend with barriers related to dierences among the various countries. These barriers include disparate tastes, cultures, preferences, languages, and monetary units (Horwitt, 1997). However, even in Europe, some countries are ahead of others in terms of Internet access; for example, in Eastern Europe, the Internet leaders are Russia, Poland, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Estonia, and Slovenia (Sroka, 1998). In Asia, the Internet leaders are Singapore, Hong Kong, and Japan; these countries are ``rich, educated, and globally oriented with advanced telecommunications infrastructures'' (Horwitt, 1997). However, widespread Internet use in Asia is hindered because of the continuing high costs of Internet services, poverty, low educational levels, and primitive infrastructure (Horwitt, 1997). Further, even Japan itself is somewhat hindered, for popular 2
See The gender gap, 1996.
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Internet programming languages such as C++ and Java do not translate well (Leopold, 1996). These data lead one to suspect that there may exist a signi®cant gap in knowledge between people in dierent countries. It has been shown that some countries are less ``Internet-friendly'' than others, due to a number of factors, be they costs, language, or education. The same idea applies to the people in this country as applies to people of lower socioeconomic status: They are not receiving the same amount or kinds of knowledge as people in other countries who are ``Internet-friendly'' or as people of higher socioeconomic status. Thus, there could very well exist a knowledge gap between people in dierent countries. For example, people in India may be receiving less knowledge and information than people in China. Further, it seems that all countries seem to be behind the United States in terms of Internet access and reception of knowledge from on-line news media. Thus, it would appear that people in the United States have great advantages over people in other countries in terms of receiving information and gaining knowledge. Overall, it seems that people in one country do not necessarily have the same opportunities as people in a neighboring country. This would seemingly lead to an increase in the worldwide knowledge gap. However, it should be noted that the eects of the Internet on the knowledge gap are not ``cut and dry,'' with obvious leanings toward one side or the other. On the other side of the issue, one could argue that the addition of the Internet would not increase the knowledge gap ± if not decreasing it, then at least not changing it at all. It would be bene®cial to examine exactly what kinds of information people are receiving from the Internet. As has been stated previously, there are many on-line news sources, and many people are using the Internet for more than just entertainment. But ``despite the enormous investment by print and broadcast news outlets to maintain and market Internet sites, most of their content is Ôrepurposed,Õ material republished from the original medium'' (Final World Summary, 1998). On-line news stas consist of mostly designers, as opposed to reporters. Reporters from the print or broadcast versions of the site occasionally contribute additional content to web pages that appears only on the Web (Final World Summary, 1998). As a matter of fact, Los Angeles Times Editorial Director of New Media Leah Gentry claims that the TimesÕ Web site publishes ``100 percent'' of the contents on the newspaper online, with the exception of some display ads (Final World Summary, 1998). Indeed, many newspapers have not advanced to the point of creating new information that is received only by Web site users. Most of the stories are just mere republications of what is in the newspaper or broadcast versions of the site. Erlindson (1995) claims that newspaper are being ``forced'' to create on-line counterparts, mainly because audience members are turning their backs on traditional print publications. Harper (1996) found that although this may be the case, ``there has been little signi®cant change in the basic content of the newspaper. The reporters ®le the same stories, and the electronic newspaper packages the material in a dierent fashion.'' Thus, there is not much new information or knowledge that could be received via the Internet. So even if people of lower socioeconomic status are not using
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the Internet, it would not matter in respect to the knowledge gap. For people who use the Internet to gather news are merely receiving the same information they could get from ``traditional'' print or broadcast news sources. Although discussing 24-hour cable news networks, journalist Elizabeth Jensen makes a point that could very well be applied to the Internet. She claims that the addition of news networks does not ensure a larger amount of more varied news. ``WhatÕs most interesting,'' she said, ``is that the existence of the 24-hour news operations doesnÕt yield more time for more stories. In fact, the expanded exposure is marked mostly by repeating the same stu'' (Kramer, 1999). Thus, it could certainly be hypothesized, and more than possibly proven, that in light of the preceding arguments, the knowledge gap would not widen, nor would it even change much, if at all, as a result of the Internet. The eects of on-line news on the knowledge gap, as it has been demonstrated, are not apparent. This signi®es the importance of studying these eects, for it is not an area with straightforward, obvious results. 3. Other theories that warrant examination in relation to the Internet's eects on the knowledge gap Of course, many other theories also need to be studied in relation to the Internet and why a knowledge gap may still exist with the new technologies. Certainly, the audienceÕs perceived credibility would be an important issue to examine. Inaccuracies in on-line news stories are becoming more frequent. Due to the ability to post stories in a matter of seconds, journalists are often printing stories in order to get the ``scoop'' and be the ®rst with the story, rather than taking the time to check for mistakes. For example, the Dallas Morning News, in its aggressive rush to be the ®rst to post new information about the Clinton/Lewinsky scandal, posted a story on its Web site claiming that a Secret Service agent was willing to testify he had seen the President and the White House intern in a ``compromising position'' (Final World Summary, 1998). ``One thing that we established media names have to lose going into the Internet is credibility,'' said Newsweek.com editor Michael Rogers. Thus, it might be wise to examine how on-line news seekers view the Internet mediaÕs credibility, and whether dierent perceptions of credibility are held by people in the two extremes ± high and low socioeconomic status. Gaziano maintains that few knowledge gap studies have considered inaccuracies (Gaziano, 1997). Credibility has been de®ned by the ``Yale group'' as ``trustworthiness'' and ``expertise'' (Hovland and Weiss, 1951; Hovland et al., 1953). McCombs and Washington identi®ed four main areas of media credibility research: (1) con®dence in institutions, (2) honesty and ethical standards, (3) perceptions of various industries, and (4) the publicÕs attitudes in relation to believability, accuracy, fairness, and bias (Carter and Greenberg, 1965; Chang and Lemert, 1968; Jacobson, 1969; Lipset and Schneider, 1983).
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But regardless of the inaccuracies, and whatever their perception of on-line news credibility might be, it has been shown that millions of people are still seeking information from on-line news sources. Thus, whether they read stories with inaccuracies or not, knowledge is still being implanted into the minds of Internet users, and if persons of lower socioeconomic status are not using the Internet and gaining this knowledge, a knowledge gap will still exist. People using the Internet have the power to search for precisely what topic they want and select from a number of sources which sites they wish to view. As a result, an Internet audience may not be exposed to as much information as the audiences of other Media. People can select numerous items of interest or self-perceived importance and reject many others of non-interest or self-perceived non-importance with the click of a mouse. This may be due to one or a combination of the following: selective perception, selective exposure, selective attention, and selective retention, which are other areas that should be examined in terms of the InternetÕs eects on the knowledge gap. Selective perception is the ``tendency for peopleÕs perception to be in¯uenced by wants, needs, attitudes, and other psychological factors'' (Severin and Tankard, 1997). Selective exposure is the ``tendency for individuals to expose themselves to those communications that are in agreement with their existing attitudes and to avoid those communications that are not'' (Severin and Tankard, 1997, pp. 80±81). Selective attention is the ``tendency for individuals to pay attention to those parts of a message that are consonant with strongly held attitudes, beliefs, or behaviors and to avoid those parts of a message that go against strongly held attitudes, beliefs, or behaviors'' (Severin and Tankard, 1997, p. 81). Finally, selective retention is the ``tendency for the recall of information to be in¯uenced by wants, needs, attitudes, and other psychological factors'' (Severin and Tankard, 1997). Thus, with the millions of sites available for viewing on the Internet, people using this on-line media will selectively see, selectively be exposed to, selectively pay attention to, and selectively remember only those sites with information that relate to already existing beliefs, values, attitudes, and so on. This certainly could lead to an increase in the knowledge gap, if those of higher and lower socioeconomic status, or if those in dierent countries, do not hold the same attitudes, wants, needs, beliefs, and so on. It also would be of great bene®t to examine why people use the Internet to get information. The ``uses and grati®cations approach'' (Severin and Tankard, 1997, p. 329) attempts to answer the question ``What do people do with the media?'' instead of ``What do the media do to the people?'' (Katz, 1959). Particular uses and grati®cations have been classi®ed by McQuail et al. (1972) as: (1) diversion, (2) personal relationships, (3) personal identity or individual psychology, and (4) surveillance. Others have classi®ed grati®cations in terms of ``immediate'' and ``deferred'' (Schramm et al., 1961); still others have referred to them as ``informational±educational'' and ``fantasist±escapist'' (entertainment); others have put them into these categories: (1) cognitive needs, (2) aective needs, (3) personal integrative needs, (4) social integrative needs, and (5) tension release needs (Weiss, 1971). Why do people
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use the Internet? The reasons people of dierent socioeconomic status use the Internet may lead to a knowledge gap in certain areas. If the reason is for pure entertainment, knowledge may not be gained, leading to a widening of the knowledge gap. If it is to gather information, one would be wise to study what kind of information is sought between persons of lower and higher socioeconomic status and among persons in various countries. The knowledge gap may widen, for example, in areas of local news, but narrow in areas of national issues, as it has been demonstrated above. Another theory relevant to the discussion of the Internet leading to a change in the knowledge gap would be the diusion of innovations theory. Diusion is the process by which an innovation, or a perceived ``new'' idea, practice, or object, is communication among members of a social system over time (Rogers). Often, opinion leaders, as demonstrated by the two-step ¯ow hypothesis that ideas ¯ow from the mass media to opinion leaders to other people, are very important in how quickly an innovation is adopted. Compared to followers, opinion leaders tend to have greater exposure to mass media, more cosmopoliteness, greater change agent contact, greater social participation, higher socioeconomic status, and more innovativeness (Rogers, p. 332) Thus, a conclusion could be made that persons of higher socioeconomic status will be and are the ®rst to adopt the Internet innovation as a source for getting information, thereby widening the knowledge gap. Until the persons of lower socioeconomic status or people in certain countries or cultures see the ®rst-hand bene®ts of using the Internet, they may not actively attempt to use it. And if they have no means through which or access to Internet service, then any interest in using it is irrelevant. However, all these theories would seek to explain why or why not there may be a widening of the knowledge gap due to on-line news sources accessed via the Internet. But before examining reasons for a possible increase (or decrease) in the knowledge gap due to the introduction of on-line news media ± such as perceived credibility; selective perception, exposure, attention, or retention; uses and grati®cations; diffusion of innovations ± it would be wise to study ®rst what has happened to the knowledge gap as a result of this fairly new media. Therefore, it is important to study what eect the existence and widespread use of on-line news are having on the knowledge gap. 4. Implications for on-line journalists Gaziano (1983) reviewed 58 knowledge gap studies in 1983 and indicated that scholars interested in the knowledge gap should ``investigate the complex sets of factors that bind social classes, impede social mobility, and lead to further unequal distribution of knowledge.'' She went on to say that creating a more equitable knowledge distribution ± assuming that this is a desirable goal in a democratic society ± is not just a matter of redistributing
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information: The knowledge gap re¯ects disparities in information as one among many resources which are less available to lower SES groups in society (Gaziano, 1983, pp. 478±479). Although written in 1983, before Internet use really began to ``take o,'' one can apply her statement speci®cally to this medium. This is an area that desperately needs in-depth examination. Harper (1996) ascertains that researchers should study ``how many people have access to on-line newspapers and by what means.'' By taking this one step further, it is arguable that researchers should study what eects occur because of who does or does not have access to on-line newspapers. As it had been argued, the eects of the Internet on the knowledge gap are not clear. One could examine the eects in two ways: (1) that the Internet may certainly increase the knowledge gap or (2) that the Internet may not decrease the knowledge, but it certainly would not increase it, instead causing it not to change signi®cantly. If journalists wish to get more information to the public, they should not just focus on bigger, better, and more varied way of doing this. For they may add all the various forms of media channels they wish, but if not everybody has access to them, then the goal of reducing the knowledge gap has not been met. For now, while the main form of on-line news is merely a reiteration of what also is in the sitesÕ print and broadcast versions, this does not appear to be a substantially threatening problem. Not much new knowledge is appearing on news Web sites; the use of this medium as an information source is still relatively new and the implications are still being explored. But as more news sources attempt to produce original material for their sites, and as journalists work to create Web sites independent of any already existing print or broadcast medium, more and more information might be posted on the Internet that only those Internet users ± only those with access to the technology, presumably, for the most part, those of higher socioeconomic status or those in countries with better Internet services ± will gain knowledge, thereby widening the knowledge gap. And those with limited or no access to the Internet often feel the consequences. A linens company chemical handler making $12,000 a year claimed that people without Internet access get ``left behind.'' He cannot aord to buy a computer and must wait in lines to use the public libraryÕs computers. Another man saw his salary more than double in three years after he earned a computer science certi®cate and learned about the Internet. Thus, people without Internet access receive no knowledge about jobs, education, or bargains about ``everything from low-income housing to air fares'' (Westho, 1997), which would probably widen the knowledge gap, particularly in those areas. Journalists who seek to produce original content for their Web sites should keep all this in mind. ``The Internet worldwide communications network is an invaluable medium for communications and information services. It provides up-to-date information on numerous subjects including news, ®nance, and entertainment'' (Fluendy, 1997). However, by ignoring the aforementioned implications, journalists
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would serve only to ``cater'' and provide this ``invaluable service'' to those of higher socioeconomic status or in certain countries: those who can aord to use the Internet to seek news and information. But does not everybody deserve to be able to access this information? Does not everybody have a ``right to know''? Many have argued that they do. And if indeed this is the case, then journalists should be aware that serving only a certain and speci®c portion of the population will continue to keep others in the dark during this age of the ``information explosion'' (Severin and Tankard, 1997). References Abate, T., 1996. The midnight hour: Japan ventures onto the Net in the dark of night. Scienti®c American, January, 36±37. Baker, S., Warner, J., Dawley, H., 1998. Finally, Europeans are storming the Net. Business Week, 11 May, 48±49. Bilefsky, D., 1998. Nationalists gather on the soapbox without frontiers. New Statesman, 2 January, 28± 29. Brantgarde, L., 1983. The information gap and municipal politics in Sweden. Communication Research 10, 357±373. Quoted In: Viswanath and Finnegan, 1996. Carter, R.F., Greenberg, B.S., 1965. Newspapers or television: Which do you believe? Journalism Quarterly 42, 29±34. Quoted In: McGrath and Gaziano, 1986. Chang, L.K.H., Lemert, J.B., 1968. The invisible newsman and other factors in media competition. Journalism Quarterly 45, 436±444. Quoted In: McGrath and Gaziano, 1986. Donohue, G.A., Tichenor, P.J., Olien, C.N. 1997. Mass media and the knowledge gap: A hypothesis reconsidered. Communication Research 2, 3±23. Quoted In: Severin and Tankard, 1997. Erlindson, M., 1995. On-line Newspapers: The Newspaper IndustryÕs Dive into Cyber Space. Paper Presented at the University of Western Ontario, April, World Wide Web. Quoted In: Harper, 1996. Final World Summary, 1998. Wall St's strong rally; gold up. RWE Business News, 6 November, 4D. Florcruz, J.A., 1998. ChinaÕs old-school technocrats want to pull the plug on the countryÕs computer-savvy ÔhactivistsÕ. Time International, 9 November, 25. Fluendy, S., 1997. Get wired. Far Eastern Economic Review, 6 February, 41. Gaziano, C., 1997a. Forecast 2000: Widening knowledge gaps. Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly 74 (Summer), 237±264. Gaziano, C., 1983. The knowledge gap: An analytical review of media eects. Communication Research 10 (October), 447±486. The gender gap, 1996. PC Week, 13 May, E8. Harper, C., 1996. On-line newpapers: going somewhere or going nowhere? Newspaper Research Journal 17 (Summer/Fall), 2±13. Hovland, C.I., Janis, I.L., Kelley, H.H., 1953. Communication and Persuasion. Yale University Press, New Haven, CY. Quoted In: McGrath and Gaziano, 1986. Hovland, C.I., Weiss, W., 1951. The in¯uence of source credibility on communication eectiveness. Public Opinion Quarterly 15, 635±650. Quoted In: McGrath and Gaziano, 1986. Holsendolph, E., 1997. ItÕs time to jump on the bandwagon. Atlanta Journal Constitution, 28 September, G1. Horwitt, E., 1997a. Asia: Beyond business enclaves, Web use is quick to take o ± and has far to go. Computerworld, 29 September, SA20-SA22. Horwitt, E., 1997b. Europe: Cultural, language barriers challenge the continent. Computerworld, 29 September, SA21-SA23.
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Jacobson, H.K., 1969. Mass media believability: A study of receiver judgments. Journalism Quarterly 46, 20±28. Jet, 1998. Black adults among increased Internet users, 14 September 1998, 36. Kalin, S., 1996. Foreign Internet access costs soar above United States. Infoworld, 28 October, TW2. Katz, E., 1959. Mass communication research and the study of popular culture: An editorial note on a possible future for this journal. Studies in Public Communication 2, 1±6. Quoted In: Servin and Tankard, 1997. Katzman, N., 1974. The impact of communication technology: Promises and prospects. Journal of Communication 24 (Autumn), 47±58. Kramer, M., 1999. Inside BrillÕs content. BrillÕs Content, December 1998±January 1999, 6. Leopold, G., 1996. Japan lags on Internet. Electronic Engineering Times 10 June, 18±19. Lepper, M.R., 1985. Microcomputers in education: Motivational and social issues. American Psychologist 40, 1±18. Quoted In: Severin and Tankard, 1997. Lipset, S.M., Schneider, W., 1983. The Con®dence Gap: Business, Labor, and Government in the Public Mind. New York: Free Press. Quoted In: McGrath and Gaziano, 1986. McQuail, D., Blumler, J.G., Brown, J.R., 1972. The television audience: A revised perspective. In: McQuail (Ed.), Sociology of Mass Communications. Penguin, Hammondsworth. Quoted In: Severin and Tankard, 1997. Meyrowitz, J., 1998. Quoted on the Web site of Media and Communications Studies [document on-line]. Available from http://www.aber.ac.uk/dgc/mcs.html; Internet; accessed 12 November. Middleberg, D., Ross, S., 1996. The Media in cyberspace. Paper Presented at Columbia University, March 1996. World Wide Web. Quoted In: Harper, 1996. Muller, J., 1998. Computers/Software. Boston Globe, 4 January, C7. Parker, E.B., Dunn, D.A., 1972. Information technology: Its social potential. Science 176, 1392±1398. Pospischil, R., 1998. Fast Internet ± An analysis about capacities, price structures and government intervention. Telecommunications Policy 22 (October) 745±755. Postman, N., 1985. Amusing Ourselves to Death: Public Discourse in the Age of Show Business. Penguin, New York. Powell, A.C., 1995. Diversity in cyberspace. Presented to the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication, Washington, DC. Quoted In: Severin and Tankard, 1997. Rogers, E. Diusion of Innovations, fourth ed. Rubinyi, R.M., 1989. Computers and community: The organizational impact. Communication Research 39, 110±123. Quoted In: Severin and Tankard, 1997. Schramm, W., Lyle, J., Parker, E.B., 1961. Television in the Lives of Our Children. Stanford University Press, Stanford, CA. Quoted In: Severin and Tankard, 1997. Severin, J.W., Tankard, J.W., 1997. Communication Theories: Origins, Methods and Uses in the Mass Media, fourth ed. Longman, White Plains, New York. Sroka, M., 1998. Commercial development of the Internet and WWW in Eastern Europe. On-line & Cdrom Review 22 (December), 367±376. Tattam, A., 1998. From beach bums to surf gods. Guardian, 4 June, 4. The New York Times, 1998. Survey ®nds TV is major casualty of Net sur®ng, 1998. 16 July, D3, G3. Tichenor, P., Donohue, G., Olien, C., 1970. Mass media ¯ow and dierential growth in knowledge. Public Opinion Quarterly 34, 159±160. Viswanath, K., Finnegan Jr., J.R., 1996. The knowledge gap hypothesis: twenty-®ve years later. In: Communication Yearbook, vol. 19. Sage, Thousand Oaks, CA. Weiss, W., 1971. Mass communication. Annual Review of Psychology 22 309±336. Quoted In: Severins and Tankard, 1997. Westho, B., 1997. Lack of funds limits access to Internet for the poor. St. Louis Post-Dispatch, 6 December, p. 19. Williams, L., 1996. Weaving an untangled web: A survey and review of 300 on-line newspapers, unpublished manuscript. Quoted In: Fredin, 1999.
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Further reading Fredin, E.S., 1999. Rethinking the news story for the Internet: Hyperstory prototypes and a model of the user. Journalism and Mass Communication Monographs, 163, 1. Internet users in the US, 1998 On-line. September±October, 12. McGrath, K., Gaziano, C., 1986. Dimensions of Media Credibility. Highlights of the 1985 ASNE Survey. Newspaper Research Journal 7 (Winter 1986), 55±67. Merli, J., 1998. Internet users not forsaking radio. Broadcasting & Cable, 19 October, 59.