- Email: [email protected]
Hawker centres as tourist attractions: The case of Singapore
International Journal of Hospitality Management 31 (2012) 849–855
Contents lists available at SciVerse ScienceDirect
International Journal of Hospitality Management journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/ijhosman
Hawker centres as tourist attractions: The case of Singapore Joan C. Henderson ∗ , Ong Si Yun, Priscilla Poon, Xu Biwei Nanyang Business School, Nanyang Technological University, Nanyang Avenue, Singapore 639798, Singapore
a r t i c l e Keywords: Hawker centres Singapore Street food Tourism Vendors
i n f o
a b s t r a c t Cooked food hawkers are a sometimes neglected part of the tourism and hospitality industries, yet can play a significant role as a visitor attraction which offers both inexpensive food and insights into the contemporary society and heritage of the destination. Hawking is ubiquitous in much of South East Asia where it is integral to the life of local residents and this includes Singapore, the focus of the paper which also comments on the relationship between food and tourism in general. The cooked food hawker sector in the city state is described and the results of a survey of tourists about their experiences of dining at hawker centres are presented. Responses appear favourable on the whole, but some concerns are identified. It seems that hawkers may have unrealised potential as an amenity for tourists, although widening their appeal and use is a challenging task compounded by the threat to the survival of hawker centres from urban development pressures. © 2011 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
1. Introduction By definition, tourists must eat away from home and food can play a role in attracting visitors as well as enhancing overall enjoyment and satisfaction. The theme is regularly used to promote tourist destinations which usually stress their variety of dining options, together with the tastiness and quality of the dishes available. Cuisines, often hailed as authentic and unique, are also depicted as dimensions of cultures and lifestyles and sometimes heritages. However, several barriers exist regarding the consumption of certain forms of cooked food by tourists and especially that sold in local markets and on the streets. These issues are examined in the paper with specific reference to Singapore which offers a diversity of eating establishments, including hawker centres which are intrinsic to the everyday life of residents and appear in advertising directed at visitors. The objectives of the study are to improve understanding of the tourist experience of hawker centre dining, revealing perceived shortcomings and positive attributes, and afford insights into the challenges of hawker operation and the administration of the sector. The exercise is timely in light of the current debate about the future of hawkers in Singapore and the threats emanating from socio-economic change and rapid urban development, a dilemma shared by vendors in other Asian cities. It is also an opportunity to test claims about hawker centre attractiveness to tourists, one element of which is the ability to illuminate facets of the country’s culture and heritage. After discussion of food and tourism in
∗ Corresponding author. Tel.: +65 6790 6116; fax: +65 6791 3697. E-mail address: [email protected] (J.C. Henderson). 0278-4319/$ – see front matter © 2011 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. doi:10.1016/j.ijhm.2011.10.002
general and food hawking in particular, the characteristics of Singapore hawker centres are outlined. The opinions of a sample of tourists who have eaten in centres are then examined, before the final section which reviews the appeal of hawkers for tourists and untapped potential. Comments and conclusions are derived from the analysis of materials in the public domain, assembled from a range of sources, and original data collected in a survey. 2. Food and tourists Food and tourism are inextricably linked (Boniface, 2003; Hall and Mitchell, 2000; Hjalanger and Richards, 2002; Long, 2004) and eating is a physical necessity for every tourist which generates substantial revenues (Au and Law, 2002). There is a spectrum of engagement in food matters amongst leisure and business travellers (Henderson, 2009), but it can be a key influence over destination selection and affect overall enjoyment of a trip (Enright and Newton, 2005; Karim, 2006). For all diners, the physical environment and atmosphere can be crucial to comfort and satisfaction as well as purchase intention and behaviour. Atmospherics are likely to be more influential when patronage is inspired by hedonic rather than utilitarian motives, demonstrated by heightened expectations of fine dining (Ryu and Han, 2010). Nevertheless, dimensions of aesthetics, lighting, ambience, layout, table setting and service staff which are applicable to upscale restaurants (Ryu and Han, 2011; Ryu and Jang, 2008) are also relevant in more modest establishments. Another consideration in the case of ethnic restaurants, described as ‘cultural ambassadors’ (Wood and Munz, 2007), is authenticity (Liu and Jang, 2009). Authenticity is, however, a disputed concept (Jang et al., 2011) and judgements are complicated when tourists accustomed to foreign dishes as presented by
850
J.C. Henderson et al. / International Journal of Hospitality Management 31 (2012) 849–855
restaurants in their native land sample the same cuisine elsewhere (Lu and Fine, 1994). Alongside providing vital daily sustenance and meeting tourist needs such as those of indulgence and entertainment, food can perform other functions. It may yield clues to individual and group character in a way illustrated by the command of the early nineteenth century French gastronome Brillat-Savarin (1970) to ‘tell me what you eat and I’ll tell you what you are’. Modern studies from sociological and geographical perspectives have explored the wider significance of food which is agreed to contribute to and mirror national and local identities (Bell and Valentine, 1997; Caplan, 1997; Cook and Crang, 1996). Ingredients and the manner in which they are combined, cooked and eaten constitute a socio-cultural phenomenon and food is essential to ‘developing tourism products, assimilation of the culture and social activities’ (Karim, 2006, p. 30). A destination’s cuisine is also a window onto its history (Bessiere, 1998) so that food can act as a heritage asset. Attention given to food within a tourism context appears to have intensified around the world in recent decades (Centre for Hospitality Research, 2005). Such a trend is reflected in the marketing of food as an attraction for tourists and the expansion of food tourism, defined as tourism in which food plays a prominent role (Hall, 2003; Hall et al., 2003). Destination marketers employ food as a means of positioning and differentiation (Boyne et al., 2003; Fox, 2007; Frochot, 2003) and its images are carefully constructed to convey a sense of place (Du Rand et al., 2003; Hjalanger and Corigliano, 2000). East Asia conforms to this tendency (Horng and Tsai, 2010), exemplified by Hong Kong which is portrayed as a sophisticated and cosmopolitan city with an appropriate dining scene (Okumus et al., 2006). South East Asian countries are also promoting food-related tourist pursuits, led by Thailand (Rittichainuwat et al., 2001) and Malaysia (Jalis et al., 2009) as well as Singapore. Many destinations utilise food in their marketing, yet there may be several inhibitors to tourist consumption of certain items and the flourishing of food tourism based on indigenous cooking. Cohen and Avieli (2004) maintain that people who are psychocentric or risk averse are less likely than adventurous allocentrics to experiment with food when overseas. It has been argued that those with neophobic tendencies will abhor unfamiliar culinary styles and local delicacies while neophylics are curious and eager to try strange foods (Fischler, 1988). Uniqueness of foods and service delivery settings would thus seem to be a quality which both attracts and repels. Dietary requirements and religious dictates also affect eating patterns as do financial constraints. Nationality should not be overlooked and the emergence of China as a major generator of outbound tourists with distinct food habits has consequences for the tourism industry worldwide which cannot be ignored (Li et al., 2011). Limited knowledge amongst tourists and problems of communication between them and suppliers are additional barriers to appreciation of and participation in local food habits. As suggested previously, dishes ordered abroad may not match familiar versions because of adaptations to recipes and modes of preparation (Lu and Fine, 1994). Doubts have also been expressed about the authenticity of some purportedly iconic dishes proffered to tourists at destinations where menus are simplified and modified, failing to deliver the genuine article (Ferguson, 1981). Globalisation forces are also in operation, evidenced by the rise of international fast food chains (Alfino et al., 1998), and can undermine native food cultures. Perceived health hazards can further discourage the sampling of foods by tourists (Griffith, 2006; MacLaurin, 2001) and guidebook warnings reinforce anxieties about hygiene (Cohen and Avieli, 2004). Outlets such as open air markets and street traders may be regarded with particular trepidation (Lues et al., 2006) yet still possess a fascination as outlined in the next section.
3. The role of street vendors Street vendors or hawkers are found throughout the world and carry wares on their persons or use carts or stalls which are often mobile (Hays-Mitchell, 1994). Their distribution reflects customer traffic and some are centralised in officially designated market areas or unofficial semi-permanent sites. Food is commonly sold (Dunnett, 2003) and has been labelled street food (Tinker, 1997), activity being greatest in less developed regions (Yasmeen, 2001). Cooked food hawking, akin to hawking in general, is characterised by small unit size (Tinker, 2003) and ease of entry due to low start up and operating costs. Working conditions and remuneration might be poor (Muzaffar et al., 2009), but the sector provides much needed income and jobs (Drakakis-Smith, 1990; Iyenda, 2001) as well as feeding the urban poor (Haddad et al., 1998). Hawking can be a tool in poverty reduction strategies (Nirathron, 2006) and yield entrepreneurial opportunities (USM, 2010), notably for women (WIEGO, 2011). Hawkers are a tourist resource in some destinations, and the presence of cooked and uncooked food sellers brings life and colour to locations, drawing visitors as observers if not as customers. The vendors and their dishes have been hailed as symbols of local identity and difference, embodying aspects of the societies and cultures in which they work (Madam Mam, 2011; Pang and Poh, 2008). As such, they merit support and protection against the negative outcomes of globalisation and internationalisation (Consumers International, 2011) and are promoted to visitors (STB, 2010). These phenomena are apparent in East and South East Asia (Bhowmik, 2005) and hawking is practiced in its cities (Hsieh and Chang, 2006), coastal resorts (Bras and Dahles, 1998; Cukier and Wall, 1994; Henderson and Smith, 2009; Smith and Henderson, 2008), historic centres and tourist attractions (Timothy and Wall, 1997). Food features prominently (Winarno and Allain, 1991) and hawking as a whole can impact positively on local economies and community development (Dahles, 2003). Illegality and accompanying insecurity are, however, universal attributes of cooked food hawking which make it a component of informal economies (ILO, 2000). Conditions of mobile and temporary stalls functioning outside of or on the fringes of the law frustrate oversight and can have adverse repercussions for hygiene and food safety (FAO and WHO, 2011; Lues et al., 2006; Pang and Poh, 2008; Subratty et al., 2004). Other problems relate to the nutritional value of certain foods, congestion, litter, criminal action and excessive touting for business. Actual and potential disadvantages have prompted official intervention in a bid to control hawking (Codjia, 2000; Pena, 2000) and organisational arrangements vary by country, as seen in South East Asia (Kusakabe, 2006; McGee and Yeung, 1997). Regulation is, however, sometimes resisted (Smart, 1986) and insufficient political commitment, an absence of resources and official corruption are all further barriers to effective administration (Henderson, 2011). There are also fundamental tensions between the demands of urban development and traditional trades in rapidly modernising Asian cities. Despite some efforts to integrate hawker interests into contemporary urban planning (Hassan, 2003), new construction and redevelopment is occurring and encroaching on any land deemed to be under-utilised economically (Leung, 2005). City centre space is increasingly in short supply, putting pressure on venues such as local markets. The demands of street traders and their poorest patrons are unlikely to be allocated a high priority compared to the imperatives of urbanisation and economic growth. Hawkers are an embarrassment for some officials whose aspirations for their city render selling food on the streets anachronistic (te Lintelo, 2009). Urban environments are thus changing in ways which threaten the survival of cooked food hawkers while demand from locals can be eroded as a consequence of increased prosperity.
J.C. Henderson et al. / International Journal of Hospitality Management 31 (2012) 849–855
The review of the literature in this and the preceding section highlights certain key issues pertaining to tourists and food generally and with particular reference to hawkers. These warrant attention within a Singapore context in order to better understand the dining experiences offered to tourists by its hawker centres. Important questions are the significance attached by tourists to dining as a whole and various components together with the contribution of the physical and human environment (the latter consisting of service providers and other customers), socio-cultural insights and anxieties about health and hygiene specific to hawker fare. These topics are incorporated into the questionnaire survey of hawker centre tourist patrons which is reported on after an account of food hawking there. Regulation is another major research theme and the case of Singapore also demonstrates one possible strategy for dealing with the dilemmas and opportunities hawkers create for authorities.
4. Food hawkers in Singapore Cooked food hawking has a long history in Singapore (Kong, 2007) and has always provoked concerns about public health hazards emanating from poor hygiene and sanitation. Attempts at regulation by colonial authorities met with limited success and the decision was made in 1965 by the government of the newly independent republic to relocate all street vendors. They were shifted into specially constructed facilities, many integrated into the blocks of public housing also being erected at that time and where most citizens now reside. The transfer was completed by the mid-1980s when 140 hawker centres, sometimes united with markets selling fresh produce, were in operation (NEA, 2009a). The centres are state run and responsibility for their management lies with the National Environment Agency (NEA) which has a Hawkers Department. Most stalls are rented to individuals after tendering and competitive bidding may occur for more lucrative pitches (NEA, 2010a). They are located all over the island in residential and commercial areas and heavily used by residents, one survey concluding that 50% of respondents ate hawker food at least six times a week (Euromonitor, 2010a). However, the number of centres and hawkers is declining with 78 hawker centres/markets and a further 28 and three trading only in fresh produce and cooked food respectively in 2010. There was one licensed hawker for every 372 residents in 2010 (Department of Statistics, 2010) in contrast to a figure of 156 in 2000 (Henderson, 2000). Some hawker centres have become victims of the relentless urban development which is characteristic of Singapore and others are at risk. Reluctance to take up hawking as a career amongst younger Singaporeans is another difficulty and there has been speculation about continued contraction and ultimate disappearance of the trade (Tan, 2010). The NEA is endeavouring to maintain patronage of hawker centres, evidenced by an upgrading programme with a budget of S$420 million which commenced in 2001 and focuses on older premises (NEA, 2009b). It is aimed at improving the physical environment, cleanliness and hygiene of centres whilst retaining their ‘unique flavour’ (NEA, 2010b, p. 20). A food safety scheme dates from 1997 whereby stalls are awarded a grade from A to D according to criteria of cleanliness, housekeeping and hygiene. The grades must be displayed and the NEA conducts regular checks. Operators have to pass a basic food hygiene course and staff must be vaccinated against typhoid. Programmes to improve hawker skills have recently been launched in cooperation with the Workforce Development Agency and entertainments and activities which will enliven centres are being encouraged (NEA, 2010c). The NEA and Health Promotion Board have also cooperated in initiatives such as the City Hawker Food Hunt to find and reward hygienic and authentic hawker food.
851
Most recently, an interactive web portal was introduced in 2010 which allows registered users to recommend and review food, stalls and centres (NEA, 2010b). Government has thus proved highly interventionist in its management of food hawking. The approach is an outcome of a philosophy and agenda shaped by the desire to exercise order and control which extends to political, economic, socio-cultural and environmental arenas (EIU, 2009; George, 2000; Waller, 2001). The lack of political opposition has enabled the incumbent regime, in power since independence, to implement a long term physical plan directed at realising official visions of the city state in which land use is strictly delineated (URA, 2001). There is a commitment to a degree of conservation, but economic growth objectives take precedence and citizens are expected to concur with formal notions of what constitutes the national interest (Powell, 1997). In return, much of the population enjoys relative prosperity with GNI per capita of US$37,220 in 2010 compared to an average of US$3172 for East Asia and the Pacific (World Bank, 2011). Awareness of this advantage has offset criticism of the government which depicts itself as the architect and guardian of the country’s successes. The manner in which Singapore has been transformed in the post-independence years is mirrored by the changes in how cooked food hawkers do business. They have been reorganised, compelled to move and must work in accordance with government policies and the restructuring of urban space. While leading to a safer and more comfortable environment for both workers and diners, some bemoan the disappearance of more mobile and unregulated hawkers and the attendant theatre of street food commerce (Native Food and Wine, 2010). Contemporary hawker centres in Singapore are thus part of an evolutionary process and reactions of a sample of tourists to twenty first century manifestations of hawking there are discussed in the next section. Although patronised primarily by locals, Singapore’s hawker centres serve visitors and 98% of tourist respondents in an official survey agreed with the propositions that hawker centres are unique to Singapore and worthy of preservation (NEA, 2005). There is a belief that hawker centres cultivate an appreciation of the island’s history and heritage (Tung, 2010) which is that of an international port and British colony drawing migrants from around the globe and especially from China. The resulting multiracial society and its ancestral cultures are reflected in Chinese, Indian, Malay, Eurasian, Western, fusion and other hawker dishes (Chua and Rajah, 2001). Hawker centres are also inclusive and still essential to current lifestyles, providing inexpensive and convenient food to people of all races and backgrounds. As a unique community space for social interaction (Ghani, 2011), they are a curiosity for visitors seeking an understanding of the everyday lives of Singaporeans. Tourists are urged by the Singapore Tourism Board, in charge of tourism promotion and development, to sample signature hawker dishes and eat like locals (STB, 2010). Food of all types appears to be a strong selling point for Singapore where tourism accounts for about 6% of GDP (Euromonitor, 2010b). International arrivals reached a record 11.6 million in 2010, when receipts totalled S$18.8 billion, and the goal is 17 million visitors by 2015 (STB, 2011).
5. Methodology A short exploratory survey using convenience sampling was undertaken in order to gather information about tourist experiences of and attitudes towards hawker food and dining in Singapore. The exercise was conducted in the English language and restricted to tourists from North America, Europe, Australia and New Zealand who had eaten at one of the city’s hawker centres. The regions of origin were chosen because they are valuable, albeit mature, markets which are targeted by official promotion (STB,
852
J.C. Henderson et al. / International Journal of Hospitality Management 31 (2012) 849–855
2011). Resource constraints and communication barriers prohibited the inclusion of tourists from Mainland China and South East Asian neighbours who are greater in volume than their Western counterparts. As mentioned previously, questions were formulated on the basis of key themes emerging from the literature review and in correspondence with the research objectives. Respondents were asked about factors of importance to them when dining overseas generally and with regard to hawker centres in terms of perceptions of the physical and social environment, uniqueness and cultural significance and hygiene issues. The survey was administered by the research team in late 2010 during the evening at eight hawker centres located in the heart of the city. Potential respondents were identified and approached only at the end of their meal when the purpose of the study was explained. They were screened for nationality, English speaking ability and tourist status. Nearly all invited to participate were willing to do so and a total of 147 questionnaires were completed. SPSS was employed to code and analyse the data which were mainly in the form of responses to Likert scale statements. Percentages in the tables included in the results section were rounded up and totals may therefore exceed 100. The limitations of the survey are appreciated, especially the small sample size and exclusion of visitors residing outside the selected areas. The vendor perspective has also been omitted and is clearly of interest, but the original intention of engaging in a dialogue with stallholders was frustrated by the demands of their work and suspicions about being asked questions. Both hawker views and non-Western experiences are thus avenues for further research. The statistical analysis could also have been more sophisticated, allowing relationships amongst the variables to be explored in depth and detail. Nevertheless, it was decided that sufficient material had been collected on how some tourists feel about hawker dining to illuminate the discussion.
Almost two thirds were staying one to three days and 28% were in Singapore for four to six days while the rest were on longer trips. The priority attached by respondents to certain key dimensions of dining when travelling overseas is listed in Table 1. It can be seen that 75% considered gaining an understanding of the local culture to be of high or very high importance, ranking it first. Adequate standards of hygiene in the dining environment and unique cuisine followed, ahead of value for money and service. The comfort of the physical environment recorded the lowest ranking with a quarter deeming it of low or very low importance. The extent to which Singapore hawker centres matched these requirements is revealed below except for value for money which was the subject of additional questions; 90% affirmed that the food was value for money and the same proportion agreed or strongly agreed that it was inexpensive. 6.2. The physical and social environment of hawker centres
6. Results
Customers queue to order from a variety of stalls which list their offerings and prices on boards, usually with illustrations. Some tables are under cover, but there are often outdoor seating areas. Traditional hawker centres are distinguished from more modern commercial food courts by their rudimentary fixtures and fittings and an absence of air conditioning. As shown in Table 2, 83% agreed or strongly agreed that the alfresco setting of the hawker centre enhanced their enjoyment. Most found the method of ordering straightforward and 93% agreed or strongly agreed that the menu boards and signage was easily understood. Almost three quarters (73%) agreed or strongly agreed that they were satisfied with the comfort level of the physical environment. Over half strongly agreed and 32% agreed that eating with locals added positively to the experience and a majority strongly agreed or agreed that hawkers were friendly, but one third were not convinced. A third was also unsure or did not agree that communication with hawkers was easy. Nevertheless, there was agreement by nearly 75% that the overall standard of service was satisfactory.
6.1. Profile of respondents and their dining priorities
6.3. Uniqueness and cultural significance
Respondents hailed from 21 countries with the highest proportions from the UK (26%), Germany (14%), the USA (13%) and Australia (13%). Over half were aged between 21 and 39, 10% were above 56 and the remainder were between 40 and 56. Most were travelling with companions and 17% were lone travellers.
There was agreement that hawker food had an appealing uniqueness (65%) and that it was a reflection of Singapore’s culture, although almost one third did not hold this view. The dining concept was judged unique by 64% and a number of dissenters cited instances elsewhere in South East Asia, admitting that these were
Table 1 Factors of importance to tourists when dining overseas. Factor
Of very low importance
Of low importance
Neutral
Of high importance
Of very high importance
Cultural understanding Hygiene Unique cuisine Value-for-money Service Comfort
1 1 1 3 4 5
5 9 7 14 19 20
21 19 21 21 34 40
39 36 39 41 32 29
36 35 32 21 11 6
Table 2 The physical and human environment of hawker centres.
Enhanced enjoyment due to alfresco setting Easily understood system of food ordering Easily understood menu boards and signage Comfortable physical environment Enhanced enjoyment due to dining with locals Friendly hawkers Easy communication with hawkers Satisfactory overall service
Strongly disagree
Disagree
Neither agree nor disagree
Agree
Strongly agree
0 0 1 0 0 1 0 0
0 2 5 3 2 7 13 3
14 5 13 23 14 24 17 23
46 49 42 56 32 43 39 42
37 44 32 17 52 26 32 32
J.C. Henderson et al. / International Journal of Hospitality Management 31 (2012) 849–855
853
Table 3 Uniqueness and cultural significance. Strongly disagree
Disagree
Neither agree nor disagree
Agree
Strongly agree
1 0 1 2 0
10 2 10 9 10
25 26 25 32 28
48 42 40 45 40
17 30 24 13 22
Strongly disagree
Disagree
Neither agree nor disagree
Agree
Strongly agree
3 2 2 6 5
3 7 6 15 12
28 30 26 25 23
54 47 53 33 26
13 14 14 20 33
Unique appeal of hawker food Hawker food as a reflection of Singapore culture Hawker centres as a unique dining concept Hawker centres as a means of learning about Singapore heritage Hawkers as a symbol of Singapore culture
Table 4 Hygiene and food safety.
Hygienic food preparation Satisfactory cleaning up Satisfactory cleanliness Choice affected by grade Favouring of A stalls
more disorganised and dirtier. The proposal that the visit had been educative about Singapore’s heritage provoked a mixed reaction. Over half concurred with the proposition, 45% agreeing and 13% strongly agreeing, but a third were uncertain and 11% disagreed. Around 38% were uncertain about or disagreed that hawkers are cultural symbols, the remainder agreeing (40%) or strongly agreeing (22%) (Table 3).
6.4. Hygiene and food safety According to the statistics in Table 4, 54% agreed and 13% strongly agreed that the food preparation was hygienic. Nevertheless, some said that they were unable to see clearly how food was prepared, making it difficult to comment. There were similar levels of satisfaction with the cleaning up processes and cleanliness, but those in strong agreement were in the minority and respondents often voiced the opinion that there was room for improvements. Most tourists (64%) were unaware of the official grading scheme and there were contrasting views about how it might affect their dining decisions. Just over 20% disagreed or strongly disagreed that grades would impact on their choice of stall, but over 50% replied in the affirmative. Around 60% agreed or strongly agreed that they would favour stalls displaying an A grade.
6.5. Summary Tourists surveyed thus generally had positive attitudes towards Singapore’s hawker food, hawker centres and hawkers. A question about broad satisfaction elicited a favourable reaction with 84% agreeing or strongly agreeing that their expectations had been met, but there were misgivings about hygiene and cleanliness. There was also support for the ideas of the uniqueness of the food and ambience; food and food sellers as social and cultural emblems; and dining places as spaces where lessons could be learned about destination heritage. Nevertheless, strong agreement with these sentiments was restricted and a sizeable proportion of respondents failed to agree. Given the professed priority allocated by tourists to the gaining of cultural understanding through eating out, it would seem that some respondents were disappointed in this respect with regard to Singapore’s hawker centres. The findings additionally suggest that destination marketing messages about the unique attributes of hawking in Singapore and its function as a symbol of culture and heritage do not resonate with all tourists.
7. Conclusion The reservations felt by some tourists about hawker dining are matters of attention for official agencies with responsibilities for hawkers and tourism. In order to assuage doubts about hygiene, more publicity could be given to the stallholder grading scheme. Demonstrations of hygienic practices on the part of stallholders and centre management need to be made clearly observable. Continued investment in upgrading the physical environment will assist in raising standards and perhaps revitalise quieter centres, increasing both tourist and resident traffic. Tourist custom could be stimulated by intensified efforts to promote both hawker fare and its history, narrating the stories behind favourite dishes and centres. Notions of a unique Singaporean hawker cuisine can also be reinforced and the website could be further exploited as it may be under-utilised as an information source. The circumstances recounted in this paper indicate that South East Asian hawker food and the overall hawker centre dining experience are of appeal to tourists. However, it must be acknowledged that Singapore’s hawker sector does possess some possible advantages in terms of acceptance by tourists arising from the feelings of security engendered by an efficient and well resourced government and disciplined and ordered society. Official regulation encompasses hawkers and may inspire greater confidence about consumption of their food amongst tourists who would be reluctant to sample street foods in other cities of the region. At the same time, hawking in the city state may lack the spontaneity accompanying less organised trading and comparative studies of activity and approaches to hawker management is a direction for further research. The attitudes and profiles of tourists who embrace hawker dining, as well as those who reject it, must be explored further for a more complete picture of actual and latent demand. Asian tourist perspectives should also be evaluated and cross-cultural comparisons undertaken. Cooked food hawkers are thus an interesting component of the tourism and hospitality industries which is more prominent in certain parts of the world, evidenced by conditions in South East Asia. The case of Singapore affords insights into the appeal hawkers centres can have for tourists, tourist concerns about patronage and management and marketing strategies. It would seem that hawkers may have unrealised potential as a source of food for visitors and an attraction which sheds light on contemporary society and historical processes. There are, however, some risks in endeavouring to make hawker centres more accessible to and popular with tourists. The loss of their intrinsic character and the alienation of residents could ensue from over-emphasis on tourism markets in a manner seen at sites around the world.
854
J.C. Henderson et al. / International Journal of Hospitality Management 31 (2012) 849–855
The challenge is therefore to realise any hawker centre tourism potential through destination marketing and product development of a sort which does not impinge on the authenticity of the setting and experience. Another and more fundamental dilemma is ensuring the sustainability of the food hawking trade in modernising Asian cities where urban development priorities take precedence. The hawking sector requires the support of governments and citizens if it is to survive and perform a full role as a tourist amenity. Vendors should also be given a voice in decision making and planning and it must be remembered that hawking is a livelihood upon which individuals and their families depend as well as a tourist resource and cultural symbol.
References Alfino, M., Caputo, J.S., Wynyard, R., 1998. McDonaldisation Revisited: Critical Essays on Consumer Culture. Praeger, Westport. Au, N., Law, R., 2002. Categorical classification of tourism dining. Annals of Tourism Research 29 (3), 819–833. Bell, D., Valentine, G., 1997. Consuming geographies: we are what we eat. New Zealand Geographer 53 (2), 324–339. Bessiere, J., 1998. Local development and heritage: traditional food and cuisine as tourist attractions in rural areas. Sociologia Rurali 38 (1), 21–34. Bhowmik, S.K., 2005. Street vendors in Asia: a review. Economic and Political Weekly 1, 2256–2258 (28 May–4 June). Boniface, P., 2003. Tasting Tourism: Travelling for Food and Drink. Ashgate, Aldershot. Boyne, S., Hall, D., Williams, F., 2003. Policy, support and promotion for food related tourism initiatives: a marketing approach to regional development. Journal of Travel and Tourism Marketing 14 (3/4), 131–154. Bras, K., Dahles, H., 1998. Women entrepreneurs and beach tourism in Sanur, Bali: gender, employment opportunities and government policy. Pacific Tourism Review 1 (3), 243–256. Brillat-Savarin, J.A., 1970. The Philosopher in the Kitchen (originally published in Paris in 1825 as La Physiologie du Gout) translated by Drayton, A. Penguin, Harmondsworth. Caplan, P. (Ed.), 1997. Food, Health and Identity. Routledge, London. Centre for Hospitality Research, 2005. Food tourism: the next big thing? (accessed 20.09.05). Chua, B.H., Rajah, A., 2001. Hybridity ethnicity and food in Singapore. In: Wu, Y.H., Tan, C.B. (Eds.), Changing Chinese Foodways in Asia. Chinese University Press, Hong Kong, pp. 161–200. Codjia, G., 2000. FAO Technical Support for Improvement within the Street Food Sector. Government Printer, Pretoria. Cohen, E., Avieli, N., 2004. Food in tourism: attraction and impediment. Annals of Tourism Research 31 (4), 755–778. Consumers International, 2011. Street food: serving up street food in the global south. (accessed 27.03.11). Cook, I., Crang, P., 1996. The world on a plate: culinary culture, displacement and geographical knowledge. Journal of Material Culture 1 (2), 131–153. Cukier, J., Wall, G., 1994. Informal tourism employment: vendors in Bali, Indonesia. Tourism Management 15, 464–467. Dahles, H., 2003. Tourism, small enterprises and community development. In: Richards, G., Hall, D. (Eds.), Tourism and Sustainable Community Development. Routledge, London, pp. 154–169. Department of Statistics, 2010. Yearbook of Statistics. Department of Statistics, Singapore. Drakakis-Smith, D., 1990. Food for thought or thought about food: urban distribution systems in the Third World. In: Potter, R., Salou, A. (Eds.), Cities and Development in the Third World. Mansell Publishing, London, pp. 100–120. Du Rand, C., Heath, E., Albers, N., 2003. The role of local and regional food in destination marketing: a South African situation perspective. Journal of Travel and Tourism Marketing 14 (3/4), 97–112. Dunnett, S., 2003. Literature review: street foods. Energy and street food project completion report. Intermediate Technology Group. (accessed 06.10.10). EIU, 2009. Singapore Country Profile. Economist Intelligence Unit, London. Enright, M., Newton, J., 2005. Determinants of tourism destination competitiveness in Asia Pacific: comprehensiveness and universality. Journal of Travel Research 43 (2), 339–350. Euromonitor, 2010a. Consumer Lifestyles: Singapore. Euromonitor International, London. Euromonitor, 2010. Travel and tourism Singapore. (accessed 20.03.11). FAO, WHO, 2011. Informal food distribution sector: importance and challenges. In: Regional Conference on Food Safety for Africa, , (accessed 27.03.11).
Ferguson, C., 1981. Foreign talk as the name of a simplified register. International Journal of the Sociology of Language 28, 9–18. Fischler, C., 1988. Food, self and identity. Social Science Information 27, 339–350. Fox, R., 2007. Reinventing the gastronomic identity of Croatian tourist destinations. Hospitality Management 26, 546–559. Frochot, I., 2003. An analysis of regional positioning and its associated food images in French tourism regional brochures. Journal of Travel and Tourism Marketing 14 (3/4), 77–96. George, C., 2000. Singapore: The Air-Conditioned Nation: Essays on the Politics of Comfort and Control. Landmark Books, Singapore. Ghani A., May 2011. A recipe for success: how Singapore hawker centres came to be. Institute of Policy Studies Update. Griffith, C.J., 2006. Food safety: where from and where to? British Food Journal 108 (1), 6–15. Haddad, L., Ruel, M.T., Garrett, J., 1998. Growing Urban Poverty and Under-Nutrition and Some Urban Facts of Life: Implications for Research and Policy. International Food Research Institute, Washington. Hall, C.M., 2003. Wine, Food and Tourism Marketing. Haworth Hospitality Press, New York. Hall, C.M., Mitchell, R., 2000. We are what we eat: food, tourism and globalisation. Tourism, Culture and Communication 2 (1), 29–37. Hall, C.M., Sharples, L., Mitchell, R., Macionis, N., Cambourne, B. (Eds.), 2003. Food Tourism around the World. Butterworth-Heinemann, Oxford. Hassan, N., 2003. Accommodating the street hawkers into modern urban management in Kuala Lumpur. Paper Presented at the 39th ISOCARP Congress,, (accessed 24.10.10). Hays-Mitchell, M., 1994. Streetvending in Peruvian cities: the spatio-temporal behaviour of ambulantes. Professional Geographer 10 (3), 425–438. Henderson, J.C., 2011. Cooked food hawking and its management: the case of Singapore. Tourism Review International 14 (4), 201–213. Henderson, J.C., 2009. Food tourism reviewed. British Food Journal 111 (4), 317–326. Henderson, J.C., 2000. Food hawkers and tourism in Singapore. International Journal of Hospitality Management 19, 109–117. Henderson, J.C., Smith, R.A., 2009. The informal tourism economy at beach resorts: a comparison of Cha-Am and Laguna Phuket in Thailand. Tourism Recreation Research 34 (1), 13–22. Hjalanger, A.M., Corigliano, M.A., 2000. Food for tourists: determinants of an image. International Journal of Tourism Research 2 (4), 281–293. Hjalanger, A.M., Richards, G., 2002. Tourism and Gastronomy. Routledge, London. Horng, J.S., Tsai, C.T., 2010. Government websites for promoting East Asian culinary tourism: a cross-national analysis. Tourism Management 31, 74–85. Hsieh, A.T., Chang, J., 2006. Shopping and tourist night markets in Taiwan. Tourism Management 27 (1), 138–145. ILO, 2000. Employment and Social Protection in the Informal Sector. International Labour Organisation, Geneva. Iyenda, G., 2001. Street food and income generation for poor households in Kinshasa. Environment and Urbanisation 13 (2), 233–241. Jalis, M.H., Zahari, M.S., Izzat, M., Othman, Z., 2009. Western tourists perception of Malaysian gastronomic products. Asian Social Sciences 5 (1), 25–36. Jang, S.C., Liu, Y., Namkung, Y., 2011. Effects of authentic atmospherics in ethnic restaurants: investigating Chinese restaurants. International Journal of Contemporary Hospitality Management 32 (5), 662–680. Karim, S.A., 2006. Culinary tourism as a destination attraction: an empirical examination of the destination’s food image and information sources. Published Doctoral thesis, Oklahoma State University. Kong, L., 2007. Singapore Hawker Centres: People, Places, Food. National Environment Agency, Singapore. Kusakabe, K., 2006. Policy Issues on Street Vending: An Overview of Studies in Thailand, Cambodia and Mongolia. International Labour Office, Geneva. Leung, C.Y., 2005. Everyday life resistance in a global city: a field study of two hawker agglomerations in Sham Shui Po old urban area in Hong Kong. Unpublished PhD thesis, HKUST. Li, R., Lai, C., Kline, S., Wang, L., 2011. When east meets west: an exploratory study on Chinese outbound tourists’ travel expectations. Tourism Management 32, 741–749. Liu, Y., Jang, S.C., 2009. The effects of dining atmospherics: an extended Mehrabian–Russell model. International Journal of Hospitality Management 28, 494–503. Long, L.M., 2004. Culinary Tourism. The University of Kentucky Press, Lexington. Lu, S., Fine, G., 1994. The presentation of ethnic authenticity: Chinese food as a social accomplishment. The Sociological Quarterly 3, 535–553. Lues, J.F., Rasephi, M.R., Venter, P., Theron, M.M., 2006. Assessing food safety and associated food handling practices in street food vending. International Journal of Environmental Health Research 16 (5), 319–328. Madam Mam, 2011. Street food vendors and hawkers. (accessed 04.08.11). MacLaurin, T., 2001. Food safety in travel and tourism. Journal of Travel Research 39 (3), 332–333. McGee, T.G., Yeung, Y.M., 1997. Hawkers in Southeast Asian Cities. International Development Research Centre, Ottowa. Muzaffar, A.T., Huq, I., Malik, B.A., 2009. Entrepreneurs of the street: an analytical work on the street food vendors of Dhaka city. International Journal of Business and Management 4 (2), 80–88. Native Food and Wine, 2010. Singapore’s food hawkers. (accessed 04.08.11).
J.C. Henderson et al. / International Journal of Hospitality Management 31 (2012) 849–855 NEA, 2010a. Hawker and market centres. (accessed 17.09.10). NEA, 2010b. Annual report 2009/2010. National Environment Agency, Singapore. NEA, 2010. Guidelines on holding fringe activities at hawker centres. National Environment Agency, Singapore. NEA, 2009. Discover history of hawker centres. (accessed 01.10.10). NEA, 2009. Annual report 2008/2009. National Environment Agency, Singapore. NEA, 2005. Annual report 2004/2005. National Environment Agency, Singapore. Nirathron, N., 2006. Fighting Poverty in the Streets: A Survey of Street Food Vendors in Bangkok. Informal Economy, Poverty and Employment, Number 1. International Labour Organisation, Bangkok (Thailand series). Okumus, B., Okumus, F., McKercher, B., 2006. Incorporating local and international cuisines in the marketing of tourism destinations: the cases of Hong Kong and Turkey. Tourism Management 28, 253–261. Pang, F., Poh, S.T., 2008. Hawker food industry: food safety/public health strategies in Malaysia. Nutrition and Food Science 38 (1), 41–51. Pena, S., 2000. Regulating informal markets: informal commerce in Mexico City. International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 20 (9/10), 44–47. Powell, R., 1997. Erasing memory, inventing tradition, rewriting history: planning as a tool in ideology. In: Jones, B.J., Jones, R. (Eds.), Contested Urban Heritage: Voices from the Periphery. Ashgate, Aldershot, pp. 85–100. Rittichainuwat, B.N., Qu, H., Brown, T., 2001. Thailand’s international travel image. Cornell Hotel and Restaurant Administration Quarterly 42 (2), 82–95. Ryu, K., Han, H., 2011. New or repeat customers: how does physical environment influence their restaurant experience? International Journal of Hospitality Management 30, 599–611. Ryu, K., Han, H., 2010. Influence of physical environment on disconfirmation, customer satisfaction and customer loyalty for first-time and repeat customers in upscale restaurants. International CHRIE ConferenceRefereed Track. Paper 13, (accessed 02.08.11) . Ryu, K., Jang, S.C., 2008. Dinescape: a scale for customers’ perception of dining environments. Journal of Foodservice Business Research 11 (1), 2–22. Smart, J., 1986. The impact of government policy on hawkers: a study of the effects of establishing a hawker permitted place. Asian Journal of Public Administration 8 (2), 260–279. Smith, R.A., Henderson, J.C., 2008. Integrated beach resorts, informal tourism commerce and the 2004 tsunami: Laguna Phuket in Thailand. International Journal of Tourism Research 10, 271–282.
855
STB, 2011. Visitor arrivals statistics. (accessed 08.03.11). STB, 2010. Your Singapore: dining. (accessed 01.10.10). Subratty, A.H., Beeharry, P., Chan Sun, M., 2004. A survey of hygiene practices among food vendors in rural areas in Mauritius. Nutrition and Food Sciences 34 (5), 203–205. Tan, H., 2010. Celebrate our hawkers with Culinary Medallion. The Straits Times (14 September). te Lintelo, D.J., 2009. The spatial politics of food hygiene: regulating small-scale retail in Delhi. European Journal of Development Research 21, 63–80. Timothy, D.J., Wall, G., 1997. Selling to tourists: Indonesian street vendors. Annals of Tourism Research 24 (2), 322–340. Tinker, I., 2003. Street foods: traditional microenterprise in a modernising world. International Journal of Politics, Culture and Society 16 (3), 331–349. Tinker, I., 1997. Street Foods: Urban Food and Employment in Developing Countries. Oxford University Press, New York. Tung, I.J., 2010. Hawker centres. National Library Singapore (accessed 17.09.10) . URA, 2001. Concept plan 2001. (accessed 04.08.11). USM, 2010. Participating in the informal sector: to be or not to be? (accessed 25.10.10). Waller, E., 2001. Landscape planning in Singapore. Singapore University Press, Singapore. WIEGO, 2011. Street vendors. Women in informal employment: globalising and organising. (accessed 27.03.11). Winarno, F.G., Allain, A., 1991. Street foods in developing countries: lessons from Asia. Food, Nutrition and Agriculture 1, , FAO (accessed 04.10.10). Wood, N.T., Munz, C.L., 2007. ‘No rules, just right’ or is it? The role of themed restaurants as cultural ambassadors. Tourism and Hospitality Research 7 (3/4), 242–255. World Bank, 2011. The World Bank data. (accessed 15.10.10). Yasmeen, G., 2001. Workers in the informal food sector: innovative organising strategies. Food, Nutrition and Agriculture 29, , FAO (accessed 04.10.10).
Contents lists available at SciVerse ScienceDirect
International Journal of Hospitality Management journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/ijhosman
Hawker centres as tourist attractions: The case of Singapore Joan C. Henderson ∗ , Ong Si Yun, Priscilla Poon, Xu Biwei Nanyang Business School, Nanyang Technological University, Nanyang Avenue, Singapore 639798, Singapore
a r t i c l e Keywords: Hawker centres Singapore Street food Tourism Vendors
i n f o
a b s t r a c t Cooked food hawkers are a sometimes neglected part of the tourism and hospitality industries, yet can play a significant role as a visitor attraction which offers both inexpensive food and insights into the contemporary society and heritage of the destination. Hawking is ubiquitous in much of South East Asia where it is integral to the life of local residents and this includes Singapore, the focus of the paper which also comments on the relationship between food and tourism in general. The cooked food hawker sector in the city state is described and the results of a survey of tourists about their experiences of dining at hawker centres are presented. Responses appear favourable on the whole, but some concerns are identified. It seems that hawkers may have unrealised potential as an amenity for tourists, although widening their appeal and use is a challenging task compounded by the threat to the survival of hawker centres from urban development pressures. © 2011 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
1. Introduction By definition, tourists must eat away from home and food can play a role in attracting visitors as well as enhancing overall enjoyment and satisfaction. The theme is regularly used to promote tourist destinations which usually stress their variety of dining options, together with the tastiness and quality of the dishes available. Cuisines, often hailed as authentic and unique, are also depicted as dimensions of cultures and lifestyles and sometimes heritages. However, several barriers exist regarding the consumption of certain forms of cooked food by tourists and especially that sold in local markets and on the streets. These issues are examined in the paper with specific reference to Singapore which offers a diversity of eating establishments, including hawker centres which are intrinsic to the everyday life of residents and appear in advertising directed at visitors. The objectives of the study are to improve understanding of the tourist experience of hawker centre dining, revealing perceived shortcomings and positive attributes, and afford insights into the challenges of hawker operation and the administration of the sector. The exercise is timely in light of the current debate about the future of hawkers in Singapore and the threats emanating from socio-economic change and rapid urban development, a dilemma shared by vendors in other Asian cities. It is also an opportunity to test claims about hawker centre attractiveness to tourists, one element of which is the ability to illuminate facets of the country’s culture and heritage. After discussion of food and tourism in
∗ Corresponding author. Tel.: +65 6790 6116; fax: +65 6791 3697. E-mail address: [email protected] (J.C. Henderson). 0278-4319/$ – see front matter © 2011 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. doi:10.1016/j.ijhm.2011.10.002
general and food hawking in particular, the characteristics of Singapore hawker centres are outlined. The opinions of a sample of tourists who have eaten in centres are then examined, before the final section which reviews the appeal of hawkers for tourists and untapped potential. Comments and conclusions are derived from the analysis of materials in the public domain, assembled from a range of sources, and original data collected in a survey. 2. Food and tourists Food and tourism are inextricably linked (Boniface, 2003; Hall and Mitchell, 2000; Hjalanger and Richards, 2002; Long, 2004) and eating is a physical necessity for every tourist which generates substantial revenues (Au and Law, 2002). There is a spectrum of engagement in food matters amongst leisure and business travellers (Henderson, 2009), but it can be a key influence over destination selection and affect overall enjoyment of a trip (Enright and Newton, 2005; Karim, 2006). For all diners, the physical environment and atmosphere can be crucial to comfort and satisfaction as well as purchase intention and behaviour. Atmospherics are likely to be more influential when patronage is inspired by hedonic rather than utilitarian motives, demonstrated by heightened expectations of fine dining (Ryu and Han, 2010). Nevertheless, dimensions of aesthetics, lighting, ambience, layout, table setting and service staff which are applicable to upscale restaurants (Ryu and Han, 2011; Ryu and Jang, 2008) are also relevant in more modest establishments. Another consideration in the case of ethnic restaurants, described as ‘cultural ambassadors’ (Wood and Munz, 2007), is authenticity (Liu and Jang, 2009). Authenticity is, however, a disputed concept (Jang et al., 2011) and judgements are complicated when tourists accustomed to foreign dishes as presented by
850
J.C. Henderson et al. / International Journal of Hospitality Management 31 (2012) 849–855
restaurants in their native land sample the same cuisine elsewhere (Lu and Fine, 1994). Alongside providing vital daily sustenance and meeting tourist needs such as those of indulgence and entertainment, food can perform other functions. It may yield clues to individual and group character in a way illustrated by the command of the early nineteenth century French gastronome Brillat-Savarin (1970) to ‘tell me what you eat and I’ll tell you what you are’. Modern studies from sociological and geographical perspectives have explored the wider significance of food which is agreed to contribute to and mirror national and local identities (Bell and Valentine, 1997; Caplan, 1997; Cook and Crang, 1996). Ingredients and the manner in which they are combined, cooked and eaten constitute a socio-cultural phenomenon and food is essential to ‘developing tourism products, assimilation of the culture and social activities’ (Karim, 2006, p. 30). A destination’s cuisine is also a window onto its history (Bessiere, 1998) so that food can act as a heritage asset. Attention given to food within a tourism context appears to have intensified around the world in recent decades (Centre for Hospitality Research, 2005). Such a trend is reflected in the marketing of food as an attraction for tourists and the expansion of food tourism, defined as tourism in which food plays a prominent role (Hall, 2003; Hall et al., 2003). Destination marketers employ food as a means of positioning and differentiation (Boyne et al., 2003; Fox, 2007; Frochot, 2003) and its images are carefully constructed to convey a sense of place (Du Rand et al., 2003; Hjalanger and Corigliano, 2000). East Asia conforms to this tendency (Horng and Tsai, 2010), exemplified by Hong Kong which is portrayed as a sophisticated and cosmopolitan city with an appropriate dining scene (Okumus et al., 2006). South East Asian countries are also promoting food-related tourist pursuits, led by Thailand (Rittichainuwat et al., 2001) and Malaysia (Jalis et al., 2009) as well as Singapore. Many destinations utilise food in their marketing, yet there may be several inhibitors to tourist consumption of certain items and the flourishing of food tourism based on indigenous cooking. Cohen and Avieli (2004) maintain that people who are psychocentric or risk averse are less likely than adventurous allocentrics to experiment with food when overseas. It has been argued that those with neophobic tendencies will abhor unfamiliar culinary styles and local delicacies while neophylics are curious and eager to try strange foods (Fischler, 1988). Uniqueness of foods and service delivery settings would thus seem to be a quality which both attracts and repels. Dietary requirements and religious dictates also affect eating patterns as do financial constraints. Nationality should not be overlooked and the emergence of China as a major generator of outbound tourists with distinct food habits has consequences for the tourism industry worldwide which cannot be ignored (Li et al., 2011). Limited knowledge amongst tourists and problems of communication between them and suppliers are additional barriers to appreciation of and participation in local food habits. As suggested previously, dishes ordered abroad may not match familiar versions because of adaptations to recipes and modes of preparation (Lu and Fine, 1994). Doubts have also been expressed about the authenticity of some purportedly iconic dishes proffered to tourists at destinations where menus are simplified and modified, failing to deliver the genuine article (Ferguson, 1981). Globalisation forces are also in operation, evidenced by the rise of international fast food chains (Alfino et al., 1998), and can undermine native food cultures. Perceived health hazards can further discourage the sampling of foods by tourists (Griffith, 2006; MacLaurin, 2001) and guidebook warnings reinforce anxieties about hygiene (Cohen and Avieli, 2004). Outlets such as open air markets and street traders may be regarded with particular trepidation (Lues et al., 2006) yet still possess a fascination as outlined in the next section.
3. The role of street vendors Street vendors or hawkers are found throughout the world and carry wares on their persons or use carts or stalls which are often mobile (Hays-Mitchell, 1994). Their distribution reflects customer traffic and some are centralised in officially designated market areas or unofficial semi-permanent sites. Food is commonly sold (Dunnett, 2003) and has been labelled street food (Tinker, 1997), activity being greatest in less developed regions (Yasmeen, 2001). Cooked food hawking, akin to hawking in general, is characterised by small unit size (Tinker, 2003) and ease of entry due to low start up and operating costs. Working conditions and remuneration might be poor (Muzaffar et al., 2009), but the sector provides much needed income and jobs (Drakakis-Smith, 1990; Iyenda, 2001) as well as feeding the urban poor (Haddad et al., 1998). Hawking can be a tool in poverty reduction strategies (Nirathron, 2006) and yield entrepreneurial opportunities (USM, 2010), notably for women (WIEGO, 2011). Hawkers are a tourist resource in some destinations, and the presence of cooked and uncooked food sellers brings life and colour to locations, drawing visitors as observers if not as customers. The vendors and their dishes have been hailed as symbols of local identity and difference, embodying aspects of the societies and cultures in which they work (Madam Mam, 2011; Pang and Poh, 2008). As such, they merit support and protection against the negative outcomes of globalisation and internationalisation (Consumers International, 2011) and are promoted to visitors (STB, 2010). These phenomena are apparent in East and South East Asia (Bhowmik, 2005) and hawking is practiced in its cities (Hsieh and Chang, 2006), coastal resorts (Bras and Dahles, 1998; Cukier and Wall, 1994; Henderson and Smith, 2009; Smith and Henderson, 2008), historic centres and tourist attractions (Timothy and Wall, 1997). Food features prominently (Winarno and Allain, 1991) and hawking as a whole can impact positively on local economies and community development (Dahles, 2003). Illegality and accompanying insecurity are, however, universal attributes of cooked food hawking which make it a component of informal economies (ILO, 2000). Conditions of mobile and temporary stalls functioning outside of or on the fringes of the law frustrate oversight and can have adverse repercussions for hygiene and food safety (FAO and WHO, 2011; Lues et al., 2006; Pang and Poh, 2008; Subratty et al., 2004). Other problems relate to the nutritional value of certain foods, congestion, litter, criminal action and excessive touting for business. Actual and potential disadvantages have prompted official intervention in a bid to control hawking (Codjia, 2000; Pena, 2000) and organisational arrangements vary by country, as seen in South East Asia (Kusakabe, 2006; McGee and Yeung, 1997). Regulation is, however, sometimes resisted (Smart, 1986) and insufficient political commitment, an absence of resources and official corruption are all further barriers to effective administration (Henderson, 2011). There are also fundamental tensions between the demands of urban development and traditional trades in rapidly modernising Asian cities. Despite some efforts to integrate hawker interests into contemporary urban planning (Hassan, 2003), new construction and redevelopment is occurring and encroaching on any land deemed to be under-utilised economically (Leung, 2005). City centre space is increasingly in short supply, putting pressure on venues such as local markets. The demands of street traders and their poorest patrons are unlikely to be allocated a high priority compared to the imperatives of urbanisation and economic growth. Hawkers are an embarrassment for some officials whose aspirations for their city render selling food on the streets anachronistic (te Lintelo, 2009). Urban environments are thus changing in ways which threaten the survival of cooked food hawkers while demand from locals can be eroded as a consequence of increased prosperity.
J.C. Henderson et al. / International Journal of Hospitality Management 31 (2012) 849–855
The review of the literature in this and the preceding section highlights certain key issues pertaining to tourists and food generally and with particular reference to hawkers. These warrant attention within a Singapore context in order to better understand the dining experiences offered to tourists by its hawker centres. Important questions are the significance attached by tourists to dining as a whole and various components together with the contribution of the physical and human environment (the latter consisting of service providers and other customers), socio-cultural insights and anxieties about health and hygiene specific to hawker fare. These topics are incorporated into the questionnaire survey of hawker centre tourist patrons which is reported on after an account of food hawking there. Regulation is another major research theme and the case of Singapore also demonstrates one possible strategy for dealing with the dilemmas and opportunities hawkers create for authorities.
4. Food hawkers in Singapore Cooked food hawking has a long history in Singapore (Kong, 2007) and has always provoked concerns about public health hazards emanating from poor hygiene and sanitation. Attempts at regulation by colonial authorities met with limited success and the decision was made in 1965 by the government of the newly independent republic to relocate all street vendors. They were shifted into specially constructed facilities, many integrated into the blocks of public housing also being erected at that time and where most citizens now reside. The transfer was completed by the mid-1980s when 140 hawker centres, sometimes united with markets selling fresh produce, were in operation (NEA, 2009a). The centres are state run and responsibility for their management lies with the National Environment Agency (NEA) which has a Hawkers Department. Most stalls are rented to individuals after tendering and competitive bidding may occur for more lucrative pitches (NEA, 2010a). They are located all over the island in residential and commercial areas and heavily used by residents, one survey concluding that 50% of respondents ate hawker food at least six times a week (Euromonitor, 2010a). However, the number of centres and hawkers is declining with 78 hawker centres/markets and a further 28 and three trading only in fresh produce and cooked food respectively in 2010. There was one licensed hawker for every 372 residents in 2010 (Department of Statistics, 2010) in contrast to a figure of 156 in 2000 (Henderson, 2000). Some hawker centres have become victims of the relentless urban development which is characteristic of Singapore and others are at risk. Reluctance to take up hawking as a career amongst younger Singaporeans is another difficulty and there has been speculation about continued contraction and ultimate disappearance of the trade (Tan, 2010). The NEA is endeavouring to maintain patronage of hawker centres, evidenced by an upgrading programme with a budget of S$420 million which commenced in 2001 and focuses on older premises (NEA, 2009b). It is aimed at improving the physical environment, cleanliness and hygiene of centres whilst retaining their ‘unique flavour’ (NEA, 2010b, p. 20). A food safety scheme dates from 1997 whereby stalls are awarded a grade from A to D according to criteria of cleanliness, housekeeping and hygiene. The grades must be displayed and the NEA conducts regular checks. Operators have to pass a basic food hygiene course and staff must be vaccinated against typhoid. Programmes to improve hawker skills have recently been launched in cooperation with the Workforce Development Agency and entertainments and activities which will enliven centres are being encouraged (NEA, 2010c). The NEA and Health Promotion Board have also cooperated in initiatives such as the City Hawker Food Hunt to find and reward hygienic and authentic hawker food.
851
Most recently, an interactive web portal was introduced in 2010 which allows registered users to recommend and review food, stalls and centres (NEA, 2010b). Government has thus proved highly interventionist in its management of food hawking. The approach is an outcome of a philosophy and agenda shaped by the desire to exercise order and control which extends to political, economic, socio-cultural and environmental arenas (EIU, 2009; George, 2000; Waller, 2001). The lack of political opposition has enabled the incumbent regime, in power since independence, to implement a long term physical plan directed at realising official visions of the city state in which land use is strictly delineated (URA, 2001). There is a commitment to a degree of conservation, but economic growth objectives take precedence and citizens are expected to concur with formal notions of what constitutes the national interest (Powell, 1997). In return, much of the population enjoys relative prosperity with GNI per capita of US$37,220 in 2010 compared to an average of US$3172 for East Asia and the Pacific (World Bank, 2011). Awareness of this advantage has offset criticism of the government which depicts itself as the architect and guardian of the country’s successes. The manner in which Singapore has been transformed in the post-independence years is mirrored by the changes in how cooked food hawkers do business. They have been reorganised, compelled to move and must work in accordance with government policies and the restructuring of urban space. While leading to a safer and more comfortable environment for both workers and diners, some bemoan the disappearance of more mobile and unregulated hawkers and the attendant theatre of street food commerce (Native Food and Wine, 2010). Contemporary hawker centres in Singapore are thus part of an evolutionary process and reactions of a sample of tourists to twenty first century manifestations of hawking there are discussed in the next section. Although patronised primarily by locals, Singapore’s hawker centres serve visitors and 98% of tourist respondents in an official survey agreed with the propositions that hawker centres are unique to Singapore and worthy of preservation (NEA, 2005). There is a belief that hawker centres cultivate an appreciation of the island’s history and heritage (Tung, 2010) which is that of an international port and British colony drawing migrants from around the globe and especially from China. The resulting multiracial society and its ancestral cultures are reflected in Chinese, Indian, Malay, Eurasian, Western, fusion and other hawker dishes (Chua and Rajah, 2001). Hawker centres are also inclusive and still essential to current lifestyles, providing inexpensive and convenient food to people of all races and backgrounds. As a unique community space for social interaction (Ghani, 2011), they are a curiosity for visitors seeking an understanding of the everyday lives of Singaporeans. Tourists are urged by the Singapore Tourism Board, in charge of tourism promotion and development, to sample signature hawker dishes and eat like locals (STB, 2010). Food of all types appears to be a strong selling point for Singapore where tourism accounts for about 6% of GDP (Euromonitor, 2010b). International arrivals reached a record 11.6 million in 2010, when receipts totalled S$18.8 billion, and the goal is 17 million visitors by 2015 (STB, 2011).
5. Methodology A short exploratory survey using convenience sampling was undertaken in order to gather information about tourist experiences of and attitudes towards hawker food and dining in Singapore. The exercise was conducted in the English language and restricted to tourists from North America, Europe, Australia and New Zealand who had eaten at one of the city’s hawker centres. The regions of origin were chosen because they are valuable, albeit mature, markets which are targeted by official promotion (STB,
852
J.C. Henderson et al. / International Journal of Hospitality Management 31 (2012) 849–855
2011). Resource constraints and communication barriers prohibited the inclusion of tourists from Mainland China and South East Asian neighbours who are greater in volume than their Western counterparts. As mentioned previously, questions were formulated on the basis of key themes emerging from the literature review and in correspondence with the research objectives. Respondents were asked about factors of importance to them when dining overseas generally and with regard to hawker centres in terms of perceptions of the physical and social environment, uniqueness and cultural significance and hygiene issues. The survey was administered by the research team in late 2010 during the evening at eight hawker centres located in the heart of the city. Potential respondents were identified and approached only at the end of their meal when the purpose of the study was explained. They were screened for nationality, English speaking ability and tourist status. Nearly all invited to participate were willing to do so and a total of 147 questionnaires were completed. SPSS was employed to code and analyse the data which were mainly in the form of responses to Likert scale statements. Percentages in the tables included in the results section were rounded up and totals may therefore exceed 100. The limitations of the survey are appreciated, especially the small sample size and exclusion of visitors residing outside the selected areas. The vendor perspective has also been omitted and is clearly of interest, but the original intention of engaging in a dialogue with stallholders was frustrated by the demands of their work and suspicions about being asked questions. Both hawker views and non-Western experiences are thus avenues for further research. The statistical analysis could also have been more sophisticated, allowing relationships amongst the variables to be explored in depth and detail. Nevertheless, it was decided that sufficient material had been collected on how some tourists feel about hawker dining to illuminate the discussion.
Almost two thirds were staying one to three days and 28% were in Singapore for four to six days while the rest were on longer trips. The priority attached by respondents to certain key dimensions of dining when travelling overseas is listed in Table 1. It can be seen that 75% considered gaining an understanding of the local culture to be of high or very high importance, ranking it first. Adequate standards of hygiene in the dining environment and unique cuisine followed, ahead of value for money and service. The comfort of the physical environment recorded the lowest ranking with a quarter deeming it of low or very low importance. The extent to which Singapore hawker centres matched these requirements is revealed below except for value for money which was the subject of additional questions; 90% affirmed that the food was value for money and the same proportion agreed or strongly agreed that it was inexpensive. 6.2. The physical and social environment of hawker centres
6. Results
Customers queue to order from a variety of stalls which list their offerings and prices on boards, usually with illustrations. Some tables are under cover, but there are often outdoor seating areas. Traditional hawker centres are distinguished from more modern commercial food courts by their rudimentary fixtures and fittings and an absence of air conditioning. As shown in Table 2, 83% agreed or strongly agreed that the alfresco setting of the hawker centre enhanced their enjoyment. Most found the method of ordering straightforward and 93% agreed or strongly agreed that the menu boards and signage was easily understood. Almost three quarters (73%) agreed or strongly agreed that they were satisfied with the comfort level of the physical environment. Over half strongly agreed and 32% agreed that eating with locals added positively to the experience and a majority strongly agreed or agreed that hawkers were friendly, but one third were not convinced. A third was also unsure or did not agree that communication with hawkers was easy. Nevertheless, there was agreement by nearly 75% that the overall standard of service was satisfactory.
6.1. Profile of respondents and their dining priorities
6.3. Uniqueness and cultural significance
Respondents hailed from 21 countries with the highest proportions from the UK (26%), Germany (14%), the USA (13%) and Australia (13%). Over half were aged between 21 and 39, 10% were above 56 and the remainder were between 40 and 56. Most were travelling with companions and 17% were lone travellers.
There was agreement that hawker food had an appealing uniqueness (65%) and that it was a reflection of Singapore’s culture, although almost one third did not hold this view. The dining concept was judged unique by 64% and a number of dissenters cited instances elsewhere in South East Asia, admitting that these were
Table 1 Factors of importance to tourists when dining overseas. Factor
Of very low importance
Of low importance
Neutral
Of high importance
Of very high importance
Cultural understanding Hygiene Unique cuisine Value-for-money Service Comfort
1 1 1 3 4 5
5 9 7 14 19 20
21 19 21 21 34 40
39 36 39 41 32 29
36 35 32 21 11 6
Table 2 The physical and human environment of hawker centres.
Enhanced enjoyment due to alfresco setting Easily understood system of food ordering Easily understood menu boards and signage Comfortable physical environment Enhanced enjoyment due to dining with locals Friendly hawkers Easy communication with hawkers Satisfactory overall service
Strongly disagree
Disagree
Neither agree nor disagree
Agree
Strongly agree
0 0 1 0 0 1 0 0
0 2 5 3 2 7 13 3
14 5 13 23 14 24 17 23
46 49 42 56 32 43 39 42
37 44 32 17 52 26 32 32
J.C. Henderson et al. / International Journal of Hospitality Management 31 (2012) 849–855
853
Table 3 Uniqueness and cultural significance. Strongly disagree
Disagree
Neither agree nor disagree
Agree
Strongly agree
1 0 1 2 0
10 2 10 9 10
25 26 25 32 28
48 42 40 45 40
17 30 24 13 22
Strongly disagree
Disagree
Neither agree nor disagree
Agree
Strongly agree
3 2 2 6 5
3 7 6 15 12
28 30 26 25 23
54 47 53 33 26
13 14 14 20 33
Unique appeal of hawker food Hawker food as a reflection of Singapore culture Hawker centres as a unique dining concept Hawker centres as a means of learning about Singapore heritage Hawkers as a symbol of Singapore culture
Table 4 Hygiene and food safety.
Hygienic food preparation Satisfactory cleaning up Satisfactory cleanliness Choice affected by grade Favouring of A stalls
more disorganised and dirtier. The proposal that the visit had been educative about Singapore’s heritage provoked a mixed reaction. Over half concurred with the proposition, 45% agreeing and 13% strongly agreeing, but a third were uncertain and 11% disagreed. Around 38% were uncertain about or disagreed that hawkers are cultural symbols, the remainder agreeing (40%) or strongly agreeing (22%) (Table 3).
6.4. Hygiene and food safety According to the statistics in Table 4, 54% agreed and 13% strongly agreed that the food preparation was hygienic. Nevertheless, some said that they were unable to see clearly how food was prepared, making it difficult to comment. There were similar levels of satisfaction with the cleaning up processes and cleanliness, but those in strong agreement were in the minority and respondents often voiced the opinion that there was room for improvements. Most tourists (64%) were unaware of the official grading scheme and there were contrasting views about how it might affect their dining decisions. Just over 20% disagreed or strongly disagreed that grades would impact on their choice of stall, but over 50% replied in the affirmative. Around 60% agreed or strongly agreed that they would favour stalls displaying an A grade.
6.5. Summary Tourists surveyed thus generally had positive attitudes towards Singapore’s hawker food, hawker centres and hawkers. A question about broad satisfaction elicited a favourable reaction with 84% agreeing or strongly agreeing that their expectations had been met, but there were misgivings about hygiene and cleanliness. There was also support for the ideas of the uniqueness of the food and ambience; food and food sellers as social and cultural emblems; and dining places as spaces where lessons could be learned about destination heritage. Nevertheless, strong agreement with these sentiments was restricted and a sizeable proportion of respondents failed to agree. Given the professed priority allocated by tourists to the gaining of cultural understanding through eating out, it would seem that some respondents were disappointed in this respect with regard to Singapore’s hawker centres. The findings additionally suggest that destination marketing messages about the unique attributes of hawking in Singapore and its function as a symbol of culture and heritage do not resonate with all tourists.
7. Conclusion The reservations felt by some tourists about hawker dining are matters of attention for official agencies with responsibilities for hawkers and tourism. In order to assuage doubts about hygiene, more publicity could be given to the stallholder grading scheme. Demonstrations of hygienic practices on the part of stallholders and centre management need to be made clearly observable. Continued investment in upgrading the physical environment will assist in raising standards and perhaps revitalise quieter centres, increasing both tourist and resident traffic. Tourist custom could be stimulated by intensified efforts to promote both hawker fare and its history, narrating the stories behind favourite dishes and centres. Notions of a unique Singaporean hawker cuisine can also be reinforced and the website could be further exploited as it may be under-utilised as an information source. The circumstances recounted in this paper indicate that South East Asian hawker food and the overall hawker centre dining experience are of appeal to tourists. However, it must be acknowledged that Singapore’s hawker sector does possess some possible advantages in terms of acceptance by tourists arising from the feelings of security engendered by an efficient and well resourced government and disciplined and ordered society. Official regulation encompasses hawkers and may inspire greater confidence about consumption of their food amongst tourists who would be reluctant to sample street foods in other cities of the region. At the same time, hawking in the city state may lack the spontaneity accompanying less organised trading and comparative studies of activity and approaches to hawker management is a direction for further research. The attitudes and profiles of tourists who embrace hawker dining, as well as those who reject it, must be explored further for a more complete picture of actual and latent demand. Asian tourist perspectives should also be evaluated and cross-cultural comparisons undertaken. Cooked food hawkers are thus an interesting component of the tourism and hospitality industries which is more prominent in certain parts of the world, evidenced by conditions in South East Asia. The case of Singapore affords insights into the appeal hawkers centres can have for tourists, tourist concerns about patronage and management and marketing strategies. It would seem that hawkers may have unrealised potential as a source of food for visitors and an attraction which sheds light on contemporary society and historical processes. There are, however, some risks in endeavouring to make hawker centres more accessible to and popular with tourists. The loss of their intrinsic character and the alienation of residents could ensue from over-emphasis on tourism markets in a manner seen at sites around the world.
854
J.C. Henderson et al. / International Journal of Hospitality Management 31 (2012) 849–855
The challenge is therefore to realise any hawker centre tourism potential through destination marketing and product development of a sort which does not impinge on the authenticity of the setting and experience. Another and more fundamental dilemma is ensuring the sustainability of the food hawking trade in modernising Asian cities where urban development priorities take precedence. The hawking sector requires the support of governments and citizens if it is to survive and perform a full role as a tourist amenity. Vendors should also be given a voice in decision making and planning and it must be remembered that hawking is a livelihood upon which individuals and their families depend as well as a tourist resource and cultural symbol.
References Alfino, M., Caputo, J.S., Wynyard, R., 1998. McDonaldisation Revisited: Critical Essays on Consumer Culture. Praeger, Westport. Au, N., Law, R., 2002. Categorical classification of tourism dining. Annals of Tourism Research 29 (3), 819–833. Bell, D., Valentine, G., 1997. Consuming geographies: we are what we eat. New Zealand Geographer 53 (2), 324–339. Bessiere, J., 1998. Local development and heritage: traditional food and cuisine as tourist attractions in rural areas. Sociologia Rurali 38 (1), 21–34. Bhowmik, S.K., 2005. Street vendors in Asia: a review. Economic and Political Weekly 1, 2256–2258 (28 May–4 June). Boniface, P., 2003. Tasting Tourism: Travelling for Food and Drink. Ashgate, Aldershot. Boyne, S., Hall, D., Williams, F., 2003. Policy, support and promotion for food related tourism initiatives: a marketing approach to regional development. Journal of Travel and Tourism Marketing 14 (3/4), 131–154. Bras, K., Dahles, H., 1998. Women entrepreneurs and beach tourism in Sanur, Bali: gender, employment opportunities and government policy. Pacific Tourism Review 1 (3), 243–256. Brillat-Savarin, J.A., 1970. The Philosopher in the Kitchen (originally published in Paris in 1825 as La Physiologie du Gout) translated by Drayton, A. Penguin, Harmondsworth. Caplan, P. (Ed.), 1997. Food, Health and Identity. Routledge, London. Centre for Hospitality Research, 2005. Food tourism: the next big thing?
Ferguson, C., 1981. Foreign talk as the name of a simplified register. International Journal of the Sociology of Language 28, 9–18. Fischler, C., 1988. Food, self and identity. Social Science Information 27, 339–350. Fox, R., 2007. Reinventing the gastronomic identity of Croatian tourist destinations. Hospitality Management 26, 546–559. Frochot, I., 2003. An analysis of regional positioning and its associated food images in French tourism regional brochures. Journal of Travel and Tourism Marketing 14 (3/4), 77–96. George, C., 2000. Singapore: The Air-Conditioned Nation: Essays on the Politics of Comfort and Control. Landmark Books, Singapore. Ghani A., May 2011. A recipe for success: how Singapore hawker centres came to be. Institute of Policy Studies Update. Griffith, C.J., 2006. Food safety: where from and where to? British Food Journal 108 (1), 6–15. Haddad, L., Ruel, M.T., Garrett, J., 1998. Growing Urban Poverty and Under-Nutrition and Some Urban Facts of Life: Implications for Research and Policy. International Food Research Institute, Washington. Hall, C.M., 2003. Wine, Food and Tourism Marketing. Haworth Hospitality Press, New York. Hall, C.M., Mitchell, R., 2000. We are what we eat: food, tourism and globalisation. Tourism, Culture and Communication 2 (1), 29–37. Hall, C.M., Sharples, L., Mitchell, R., Macionis, N., Cambourne, B. (Eds.), 2003. Food Tourism around the World. Butterworth-Heinemann, Oxford. Hassan, N., 2003. Accommodating the street hawkers into modern urban management in Kuala Lumpur. Paper Presented at the 39th ISOCARP Congress,
J.C. Henderson et al. / International Journal of Hospitality Management 31 (2012) 849–855 NEA, 2010a. Hawker and market centres.
855
STB, 2011. Visitor arrivals statistics.