Housing aspirations and affordability in Harare and Gweru

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U T T E R W O R T H El N E M A N N

Cities, Vol. 12, No. 3, pp. 185-201, 1995

0264-2751(94)00017-4

Copyright (~) 1995 Elsevier Science Ltd Printed in Great Britain. All rights reserved 0264-2751/95 $10.00 + 0.00

Housing aspirations and affordability in Harare and Gweru A contribution to housing policy formulation in Zimbabwe Carole Rakodi and Penny Withers Department of City and Regional Planning, University of Wales, PO Box 906, Cardiff CF1 3YN, UK In the private sector, the choices exercised by consumers are expected to give the providers of housing guidance as to what types of accommodation urban households are willing and able to pay for. However, the basis for housing policy and project design decisions by the public sector is more problematic. One way of gathering relevant information is by means of household surveys which include questions on satisfaction with current housing and aspirations for the future. The aim of this paper is to explore the potential of such household surveys for providing information to the policy formulation process, drawing on a set of surveys carried out in Harare and Gweru in Zimbabwe in 1991. The administration of such surveys in Zimbabwe illustrated widespread dissatisfaction with housing among non-owners and a strong preference for owner occupation; it also pointed to some of the complexities of anticipating what households will be willing and able to pay for their own houses. The value of this method of gathering information on preferences is critically reviewed.

In public sector housing policy one of the most resistant problems is how to ensure that the provisions meet the needs of the intended beneficiaries. These needs relate, at the dwelling level, to appropriate tenure, affordability and the quantity and quality of accommodation. In the short term the process of purchase of construction is important, while in the longer term security, flexibility to accommodate changes in household composition and the potential for dwelling-based income generation are also relevant. The wider context within which the dwelling is situated raises further issues, including the adequacy of utility operation and maintenance, as well as location in relation to access to neighbourhood services and facilities, employment and other parts of the city. The discussion in this paper will be confined to the more immediate dwelling related issues. It is intended as a contribution to ongoing attempts to find ways of taking account of the needs and views of urban residents in housing policy formulation and project design. It is not to be expected that a single effort using a particular approach will be sufficient to elucidate the views of households whose housing needs, let alone

aspirations, are not met by the dwelling they currently occupy. Appropriate means of eliciting their views will vary according to the stage in the policy process at which the information is sought. In the remainder of this introductory section, methods which have been used at different stages in the policy process (project design, project completion and policy formulation) will be briefly reviewed. Research on housing markets in Zimbabwe provided an opportunity to explore the use of household surveys in assessing satisfaction and aspirations, as one input into housing policy formulation. The findings of these surveys will be presented, having first given an overview of housing in the two settlements of Harare and Gweru to provide a context. The findings have policy implications, which will be drawn out. As with other approaches to ascertaining needs and views, however, the approach adopted had both strengths and weaknesses, and considerable attention will be given to its methodological limitations. Consultation with intended beneficiaries of a housing project on the features they are looking for in housing is rare. It can be done during project 185

Housing aspirations and affordability in Harare and Gweru: C Rakodi and P Withers

preparation, if beneficiaries have already been selected. For obvious practical reasons, this is much more likely to be the case in upgrading programmes for existing residential areas. It can also be envisaged for some serviced plot programmes. At this stage, however, it is likely that some decisions with respect to the type of provision to be made will already have had to be taken, which may limit the scope for participation in decision making (see, for example, Moser, 1989; Rakodi, 1981; Rakodi, 1993a). In completed projects, resident satisfaction surveys can provide feedback on project design and implementation. In practice, explicit monitoring of beneficiary satisfaction with the outcomes of a particular policy or project is undertaken in only a minority of cases (Sulaiman and Yahaya, 1987; Ozo, 1990). Analyses of traditional approaches to public sector provision of complete housing units widely pinpoint unsuitable physical designs and financial problems as the main shortcoming of these programmes, in addition to the insufficient volume of supply. In revising policies and programmes, the normal approach is to rely on secondary and indirect evidence about residents' needs and preferences. There are parallels here with the basic needs debate of the 1970s. Recognition that economic growth did not necessarily result in the elimination of poverty and basic needs satisfaction led to many attempts to define an operational and universally applicable set of minimum needs (Hopkins and Van der Hoeven, 1983; Streeten, 1981). With respect to housing, these typically took the form of an estimation of the number of dwelling units required, together with a statement of minimum standards with respect to, for example, space per person, ventilation or the durability of construction. In the wider literature, a hierarchy of needs is often distinguished, after Maslow. The material needs critical for survival are distinguished from those needs, both material and non-material, whose satisfaction is needed for a decent and culturally acceptable quality of life. Similarly, with respect to housing, a distinction can be made between the provision of a roof over a family's head and the attributes of that shelter which are needed in order to satisfy other aspirations such as comfort, privacy, security and asset accumulation. Because of measurement problems and because the distinction between needs and aspiration is blurred, economists prefer to rely on the economic value attached to preferences, as revealed by willingness to pay. Many basic services are, however, public goods and policy formulation is typically based on normative standards determined by professionals. Where problems arose with the definition of basic needs satisfaction, criticism of outsider definitions of needs led to advocacy of consumer participation in defining needs and formulating policy. In the housing field, analyses of effective demand

186

typically consider what residents currently pay. However, whether analysing comparative city-wide data (Mayo and Malpezzi, 1984) or devising a programme in a particular city, the lack of formal sector housing in all price ranges, the deterrent effects of insecure tenure and absent infrastructure on investment in housing in unauthorized areas, and the impact of subsidies, distort the results. Recognition of some of these difficulties has led to the adoption of a rule of thumb approach similar to that adopted by formal sector housing finance institutions.~ Studies of demand have long recognized that expressed demand does not necessarily represent true demand or need. Latent demand (ie demand that is not expressed because of constraints on the consumer or on the supply) and potential demand (ie demand arising from population change or demand that would be generated if a sufficiently attractive product was on offer) may be important. Recognition of the first of these in an analysis of housing location preferences in Kenya led Macoloo (1989) to use stated rather than revealed preferences. In his study, respondents were asked to rank residential districts in Kisumu in order of preference and to list the factors they were taking into account in arriving at this ranking. Both housing quality and neighbourhood variables were significant to respondents, including construction material, m o d e r n i t y of facilities, number and size of rooms, security/crime rate, distance to employment locations/business opportunities and refuse disposal services. The use of Thurston's law case V enabled Macoloo to show how these factors influenced the relative preference for each district. Revealed preferences, in contrast, would have been less useful as a guide to policy because 40% of respondents stated either that they had had no choice or that rent levels had dictated their choice of residential area. Macoioo attributes the failure of public sector housing estate construction ventures in Kenya to the absence of research into the stated preferences of the target groups. Similarly, Merrett urges that people should be asked directly about their housing consumption preferences (Merrett, 1984). Where decisions about policy revisions have not yet been made, the purposes of monitoring in existing housing areas may include the identification of those with unsatisfied housing needs, with the aim of analysing their characteristics and housing aspirations. One possible vehicle for collecting such information, if opportunities for direct participation in project design are not present, is use of a household questionnaire. In the course of a research project, of which the main purpose was to increase understanding of land and housing markets in urban Zimbabwe, 1For an outline of problems with this approach see C. Rakodi, "Housing markets in third world cities: research and policy into the 1990s', World Development, Vol 20, No 1, 1992, pp 39-55.

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Housing aspirations and affordability in Harare and Gweru: C Rakodi and P Withers

household sample surveys were undertaken in a variety of-typical residential areas2. In this paper, the results of the survey with respect to satisfaction with existing housing conditions and housing aspirations are presented and the methodology used for collecting this data critically assessed. First, a brief background account of the housing situation in urban Zimbabwe will be given.

Urban housing in Zimbabwe Urban settlements were established in Southern Rhodesia at the beginning of this century to meet the needs of European settlers. They developed as administrative, agricultural service and industrial centres. From the outset, most of the white population were urban and it was expected that their housing needs would be satisfied by the private sector, although subject to increasingly strict control. The availability of cheap land and reliance on borehole water supply and septic tank sanitation in suburban areas led to the adoption of very low densities (typically 1 acre/4000 m 2 plots). The need for black labour but the desire to maintain social and political control, and to avoid the black urban population becoming permanent residents, led to the adoption of housing policies based on the construction of municipal or employer housing for rent, initially to male migrants and later to families. It also led to the development of urban areas which were segregated spatially, socially and administratively, although their economies could not have functioned without their African populations. The main exception to this pattern of segregated development was the presence of large numbers of domestic workers living in 'servants' quarters' at the rear of plots in the high and middle income areas. Influx control was fairly effective until the i970s. However, some time earlier it had been realized that urban local authorities could not provide sufficient houses for the entire black urban population and the main tenants of municipal houses were permitted to let rooms to subtenants (so-called lodgers). Theoretically, lodgers had to be registered, but there was widespread evasion of the registration procedures. 2The project, on Land, Housing and Urban Development in Zimbabwe, was undertaken by the authors with funding from the Economic and Social Research Committee of the Overseas Development Administration between 1990 and 1992, in collaboration with the Department of Rural and Urban Planning University of Zimbabwe. The assistance and approval of the Ministry of Local Government and Rural and Urban Development, the Ministry of Public Construction and National Housing and the City Councils of Harare and Gwern is acknowledged, but the views expressed here are those of the authors. Housing and land markets and policy were studied in Harare, the capital and largest city, where pressures are greatest, and Gweru, a typical provincial centre with a significant industrial base and administrative functions. The results of the project are reported in Rakodi and Withers, 1993.

Cities 1995 Volume 12 Number 3

By the 1970s resource constraints worsened as the war progressed and the urban population was swollen by war refugees from the rural areas. Problems of affordability increased. In order to stretch resources and reduce the supply price of low cost housing and give middle-class black residents a stake in minority ruled Rhodesian society, the emphasis of housing policy changed. Home ownership was first permitted for urban black households, and then encouraged. The construction of niunicipal housing for rent was replaced by the provision of serviced plots and aided self-help (ASH) housing. Both these policy changes were affirmed by the government of newly independent Zimbabwe, which implemented an earlier decision to sell most of the municipal housing stock to sitting tenants, sought financial assistance from international aid agencies to implement sites and services schemes more extensively, and relaxed controls over lodging while simultaneously maintaining strict controis over squatting. Gradually, the segregated administration of urban areas is being harmonized; but physical integration of the spatially separate 'high' (former African) and 'low' or 'medium' (formerly European) density residential areas is inevitably a long-term process to which little attention has been paid to date. By the end of the first decade of independence, Zimbabwe's urban areas and the housing policies adopted were characterized more by continuity than change. The high income population continues to live in sprawling low density suburbs in bungalows on large plots of land, with extravagant road provision and well maintained public services. There are some areas with a range of smaller plots, built originally for immigrant European artisans (Mabelreign in Harare) or the black middle class (Marimba Park, also in Harare), and some areas where higher density development of low rise flats and town houses has been permitted (Avenues and Avondale in Harare) (Figure 1). Although many black Zimbabweans have moved into these areas, especially those nearest the former African housing areas, and particularly during the early 1980s when property prices were very depressed, they have adopted lifestyles similar to those of their European neighbours and have resisted changes in physical standards and densities in the interest of protecting the value of their property. Factors discouraging new construction, except at the luxury end of the market, together with a tightening in the housing market, produced rapid price increases by the end of the 1980s, and have limited the supply of housing affordable by middle income households. Pressures have built up in the markets for flats and 'low cost' houses and renting out of guest cottages and domestic workers' houses has begun (Rakodi, 1993b). The housing needs and aspirations of the latter will be considered below.

187

Housing aspirations and affordability in Harare and Gweru: C Rakodi and P Withers

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deter new construction, restricting the supply of small, modestly priced dwellings. As a result the prices of flats for sale have increased more rapidly than rents. The low income population still lives in municipal housing areas, to the south-west and east of the central area or in the vast dormitory township of Chitungwiza 15 km to the south of H a r a r e (Figure 1), and to the west and east of Gweru (Figure 2). Much previously rental housing, especially in Harare, has now been sold, mostly to sitting tenants, at a discount based on length of residence. In H a r a r e

Cities 1995 Volume 12 Number 3

Housing aspirations and affordability in Harare and Gweru: C Rakodi and P Withers

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most new housing has been in a series of sites and services areas, with plots of 300 m 2 and individual road access, piped water supply and water-borne sanitation. Since the mid-1980s, beneficiaries of these schemes have been able to obtain building society mortgages for plot purchase and house construction. Although the official policy is for widespread home ownership, perhaps half of the urban low i n c o m e p o p u l a t i o n are a c c o m m o d a t e d as tenants in owner occupied houses or houses with absentee landlords, typically with between four and seven rooms (Figure 3). 3 By 1991, more people with 3No overall estimate of the proportion of urban households who are tenants is available. These data are not yet available from the 1992 census. Data collected in 1987 as part of the preparation of the revised development plan for Harare and Chitungwiza only gave the number of people per plot, although it estimated that 22% of the population of Harare and 18% of Chitungwiza's population lived in illegal outbuildings. About a fifth of the public housing and low and medium density housing stock is rented, and a larger proportion of fiats. Between 40% and 50% of the households in high density residential areas are estimated to be tenants (lodgers), according to Butcher, 1986 and Schlyter, 1989.

Cities 1995 Volume 12 Number 3

relatively higher incomes had been forced to settle for rental tenure than in 1982 (Hoek-Smit, 1983), illustrating the worsening shortfall of housing for owner occupation. Although supply was more or less able to keep pace with demand, rent control is unenforceable, with the results that rents kept pace with inflation and increased relative to incomes. The supply of new serviced plots lags far behind demand and standards are high. Although external funders have ensured targeting to relatively low income households in some areas, others meet the needs of low/middle income households and the poorest are excluded. Gweru City Council has pursued a policy of constructing housing for sale rather than sites and services, with the result than even fewer low income households have been able to get access to public sector housing than in Harare, unless they were previously municipal tenants. In addition, a larger proportion of houses have been retained in municipal ownership because they were until recently semidetached units with shared toilet facilities (Figure 4). As demand and rents increase, the amount of illegal 189

Housing aspirations and affordability in Harare and Gweru: C Rakodi and P Withers

Figure 3

Kuwadzana, Harare: houses in serviced plot schemes can be extended room by room

Figure 4

Mkoba, 7 Gweru: semi-detached houses with adjacent toilets added in 1993 to replace shared facilities

190

Cities 1995 Volume 12 Number 3

Housing aspirations and affordability in Harare and Gweru: C Rakodi and P Withers

backyard shack construction increases. Unlike squatter areas which, with one exception on the outskirts of Harare, have been cleared and their residents resettled or temporarily accommodated, backyard shacks are proving difficult to eradicate. In both cities rents vary between high density residential areas, the cheapest accommodation being available in the oldest areas, often located quite near the central business districts (such as Monomatapa and Ascot in Gweru, Mbare in Harare), in Chitungwiza, because of the long commuting distance to work in Harare, and in Epworth squatter area. In surveys carried out in selected residential areas in 1991 in Harare and Gweru it was assumed that owner households had fulfilled their housing needs. Although some undoubtedly would like to trade up or move for other reasons, and many probably need extra space, facilitating the achievement of such aspirations is not a priority for policy, given the more pressing needs of non-owner households. This analysis, therefore, focuses on the housing situation, needs and aspirations of the main categories of non-owner households. The survey areas in Harare included a less prestigious low density area to the south of the CBD (Hatfield) and an older area of medium density housing (Mabelreign), in which 36% and 22% respectively of plots contained households renting rooms in domestic workers' houses or guest cottages (31 households). 4 They also included 4As resources were insufficient to undertake city-wide random sample surveys, areas representative of typical residential suburbs in the city were selected instead. Particular attention was paid to emerging housing market trends, including the outcome of sales of municipal rental housing and of private market sales of houses in housing areas which were originally provided by the public sector. In each case, a r a n d o m sample of approximately 50 plots was selected and all households on the plot interviewed. Questionnaires included sections on socio-economic and migration characteristics, housing conditions and costs and housing aspirations. Details are given in Rakodi and Withers, 1993. The analysis in this paper uses material from the areas which contained tenants renting rooms or fiats. A small proportion of main houses were rented rather than owned, but the n u m b e r s were too few to include these tenants in this analysis. In Hatfield, in a sample of 50 plots, 19 contained households renting accommodation in outbuildings (domestic workers' houses or guest cottages). In Mabelreign, 12 tenant (lodger) households were found on 54 randomly selected plots. Because two-thirds of these households lived in similar conditions (one room) and because of their small numbers, the samples have been combined. In the A v e n u e s area, 9% of a sample of 56 flats were owner occupied; the analysis in this paper is of the 51 tenant households. T h e total of 122 tenant (lodger) households in low income areas is comprised of 47 from 50 plots in Warren Park D, 11 from 51 plots in Budiriro, 38 from 52 plots in Kuwadzana and 26 from 108 plots in Mabvuku. These areas did not include those with the highest rates of lodging or the most inferior forms of rental accommodation (illegal outhouses) and so, although the sample is representative of the most typical low income areas in the city, it is not necessarily representative of all rent paying households. Resource and time constraints resuited in surveys in Gweru being restricted to low income areas. In the areas surveyed, there were 40 lodgers on 50 plots in Senga lI, 27 lodgers on 36 plots in M k o b a 12, 96 lodgers on 48 plots in Ascot and 53 lodgers on 51 plots in M k o b a 7. The similarities in

Cities 1995 Volume 12 Number 3

an area of apartments, the Avenues, which yielded a sample of 51 tenant households and four low income areas, in which 122 tenants (locally referred to as lodgers) were interviewed. The latter areas comprised a well established sites and services area (Warren Park D), a new World Bank funded and employer assisted sites and services scheme (Budiriro Phase 1, Figure 5), an area of 1950s municipal rented housing (Mabvuku), and a sample of plots which had changed hands in a mid-1980s serviced plot scheme assisted by U S A I D (Kuwadzana) (Figure 1). The survey areas were selected because they were • representative of a range of different types of residential area in the city, and • expected to illustrate particular issues of housing development and policy, not all of which are the concern of this paper. A total of 216 non-owner households were interviewed in the four areas surveyed in Gweru. These included Ascot, an older area where owners were encouraged to extend their houses in order to rent out rooms (Figure 6), Mkoba 7, where households who were previously municipal tenants were rentingto-buy their houses, a recent area of public housing built for sale (Senga II) and an example of Gweru's small serviced plot programme (Mkoba 12) (Figure 2). The households for which data are analysed in this paper thus include examples of households unable to satisfy their housing needs because of the shortages both of medium cost fiats and houses, supposedly to be provided by the private sector, and of low cost houses, which the public sector aims to provide.

Satisfaction with current housing conditions Feedback on satisfaction with the housing provided by existing housing policies and projects can provide inputs both into improved project design and implementation and into policy revision. The views of various categories of residents may be sought, here the analysis will focus, as stated above, on nonowner households, mainly tenants of single rooms (lodgers) and of fiats. Respondents were asked whether they were satisfied with their current a c c o m m o d a t i o n . Only 38% of the households claimed to be satisfied in Gweru, compared to over half the lodgers in high density areas, a similar proportion in the Avenues flats and 41% renting rooms in outbuildings in low density areas in Harare. In high density areas in Harare, households satisfied with their current living conditions were generally the living conditions of the lodger households (73% rented one room in Harare and 80% in Gweru) justifies combining them into a single sample for the purpose of this analysis. T h e composition and relatively small size of some of the samples m e a n s that the data must be used with care; the statistical analysis has, therefore, been limited to that which is valid in the circumstances.

191

Housing aspirations and affordability in Harare and Gweru: C Rakodi and P Withers

Figure 5 Budiriro, Harare: construction under way in a new aided self-help housing area lower income households (Table 1), although the same was not true for Gweru. In both cities satisfied households in high density areas were smaller: in Harare, 60% consisted of one or more people. They also lived in less crowded conditions than dissatisfied households (Table 1).

As might be expected, the most common reason for satisfaction with current accommodation was that the accommodation suited the household's needs for space. A similar but much smaller proportion of satisfied households gave cheapness as a positive attribute of their current accommodation

Figure 6 Ascot, Gweru: a house extended for multiple letting of rooms 192

cities 1995 Volume 12 Number 3

Housing aspirations and affordability in Harare and Gweru: C Rakodi and P Withers Table 1

Satisfaction with current housing Harare Satisfied households

Lodgers in high density residential areas (%) Average household income (Z$) Average household size Average dwelling size Average persons/room Reasons for satisfaction Suited household need for space (%) Cheapness (%) Average income (Z$) Housing costs as a % of income

52 490 2.2 1.39

1.68

41

Tenants in Avenue flats (%) Reasons for dissatisfaction Insufficient space/crowding (%) Tenure (%) Other (%)

52

Cities I995 Volume 12 Number 3

Dissatisfied households

48 546 2.9 1.16 2.61

38 579 2.3 1.38 1.76

62 542 2.7 1.17 2.41

26 7 742 15 54 26 20

Lodgers in outbuildings in low density areas (%) Reasons for dissatisfaction Insufficient space/crowding (%) Tenure (%) Other (%)

5December 1982 Z$1 = US$1.0876 and UK£0.6710; December 1991 Z$1 = US$0.1980 and UK£0.1061.

Gweru Satisfied households

68 8 432 17

Reasons for dissatisfaction Insufficient space/crowding (%) Tenure (%) Other (%)

(Table 1). The average rent in high density areas was Z$50 in Harare in 1991, with some households paying up to Z$100 for a room in the latter. 5 The average in Gweru was Z$61. In addition to rent, most lodger households are required to make a contribution to water and electricity costs. Total monthly housing-related costs in high density areas averaged Z$56 in Harare and Z$66 in Gweru. As a result, housing and housing-related costs constituted a higher proportion (20%) of total monthly household income on average in Gweru than in Harare (16%), although these averages conceal a wide range. Other reasons given by satisfied households related to good or peaceful relations with the house owner or having found rooms in a house with an absentee owner. Lodging as a form of tenure provides little security or privacy. House design is often such that lodger and owner households do not have self-contained accommodation and owner households can dictate many aspects of a lodger's private life, such as the use of water or electricity, entertaining visitors or having relatives and/or friends to stay (Schlyter, 1989). The fact that lodger households expressed satisfaction over finding accommodation where relations with the landlord were good indicates how important the power relations between owners and tenants are to the latter when assessing their housing situation.

Dissatisfied households

76 4 20

59 53 18 29 48 28 24 48

Dissatisfaction with current housing was expressed by almost half the lodgers in high density areas and tenants of flats interviewed in Harare, 59% in outbuildings in low density areas, as well as 62% of lodgers in Gweru (Table 1). The main reason for such dissatisfaction among all categories in both cities was insufficient space and crowded living conditions. Harare households in high density areas dissatisfied with space availability had an average household size of 2.9 and an occupancy rate of 2.61 persons per room; in Gweru their conditions were similar. The second most common reason for dissatisfaction in Harare was with the tenure itself. The households who specifically disliked being t e n a n t s in high density areas were larger (3.0 persons) and tended to have higher incomes than the average (Z$591 compared to Z$517). Other reasons for dissatisfaction included the quality of the accommodation, lack of electricity and, in the newest areas, having to live in an incomplete structure. Dissatisfaction with the level of services or quality of construction is relatively rare in the urban areas of Zimbabwe, compared with what might be expected in other developing countries, because the standards of utility provision are high and housing built of temporary materials rare. The sample shows the expected inverse relationship between housing costs and household income (Table 2). Households in high density areas with an income of Z$200 or below spent, on average, 39% of their incomes in Harare and 46% in Gweru, 193

Housing aspirations and affordability in Harare and Gweru: C Rakodi and P Withers Table 2 Housing costs of lodgers in high density areas as a percentage of total household income Income range (Z$/month)

Average % of income on housing Harare Gweru

0-200 201-400 401-600 601-800 801-1000 > 1000

39 19 14 13 12 9

46 20 12 16 18 10

and households with incomes of over Z$1000 10% or less. Many non-owner households become dissatisfied, as their households grow, with their small rented rooms. They are, however, unable to move to more suitable accommodation because of the shortage of new serviced plots or larger dwellings to rent, the high price of houses for sale and, in some but not all cases, their limited incomes. Overall, 90% of non-owner households in high density areas in Harare and 80% in Gweru spent less than the 27.5% of total monthly household income officially used in Zimbabwe in housing affordability calculations. Four out of five lodgers in outbuildings paid 20% or less for housing, while tenants of the Avenues flats fell into two groups: half devoted less than half their incomes to paying for housing, but a third devoted more than 40%. There would, apparently, be scope for many of these households to pay more for improved housing. The implications of these figures will be explored further below.

Housing aspirations Respondents were asked if they would 'like to move from [their present] accommodation if the opportunity arose'. A clear majority, especially in Gweru, expressed a desire to move (Table 3). It cannot be assumed that all households who are dissatisfied with their current accommodation will wish to move, or that no satisfied households would move, given Table 3

the opportunity. Some households will tend to be optimistic about their future circumstances, either by nature or because of expectations that their future incomes will rise, while others may have resigned themselves to their current situation or be pessimistic (or realistic) in their responses to the question. Non-Zimbabweans, a significant minority of tenants of flats, would generally not prefer or expect to be able to move. Unless the response implies a need to make a real choice, it is difficult to control for the differing assumptions made by respondents. In high density areas, those who would move if presented with the opportunity included the vast majority of households who were dissatisfied with their current dwellings, but also between a third and a half of those who were satisfied (Table 3). The latter can be taken to represent aspirations rather than needs - a desire for a better house rather than a need for an adequate dwelling. Such responses may also reflect past experience: a household of five people previously living in one room may express satisfaction at having found a new two room unit, despite the fact that their eventual hopes for a bigger house have not been met. Households in high density areas in Harare who expressed a preference to move had similar characteristics to those that did not want to, with the exception of income, which was significantly higher. Those who were dissatisfied but who would not contemplate a move to better accommodation were those who recognized that their incomes were insufficient to satisfy their need for more space and other improvements. In Gweru, the households that expressed a desire to move tended to be larger households with older heads than average and to be living in more crowded conditions (Table 3). Average income for the two groups, however, was similar. Among the subgroup of households willing to move for better accommodation, a third were nuclear families. A further 25% consisted of households with one or more of their members (spouse and/or children) living in the rural

Preferences for better accommodationa Harare Movers

Households' preference for moving from their current accommodation if the opportunity arose Lodgers in HDRAs (%) Households satisfied with their current accommodation (%) Households dissatisfied with their current accommodation (%) Lodgers in outbuildings in LDRAs (%) Tenants in fiats (%) Lodgers in high density who aspired to better accommodation Average household income (Z$) Average age of household head Average household size Proportion of separated households (%)

Non-movers

Gweru Movers

Non-movers

58 29 88 66 50

48 71 22 34 50

76 50 91

24 50 9

582 31 2.8 26

414 33 2.8 28

557 34 2.7 25

554 30 2.0 6

~HDRA = high density residential area; LDRA = low density residential area.

194

Cities 1995 Volume 12 Number 3

Housing aspirations and affordability in Harare and Gweru: C Rakodi and P Withers Table 4

Preferred housing characteristics and willingness to pay Harare Lodgers in high density areas

Average desired dwelling size (rooms)

4.0

Lodgers in outbuildings in low density areas 3.6

Tenants of flats 4.3

Gweru Lodgers in density high areas 3.3

Preferred tenure Rent (%) Own (%) Ready-built dwelling Self-built house In high density area In low or medium density area

5 98 66 33 60 40

2 98 60 40 50 50

2 98 80 12 14 86

15 85 85 15 na na

Households expressing a preference for ownership: willingness to pay (%) Average proportion of income Need for loan finance Willing to put down deposit

28 92 91

30 97 85

37 95 88

34 81 85

areas. More extensively than in Harare, inadequate accommodation may be preventing male household heads in Gweru from being joined by other members of their families. Unmarried heads were much less c o m m o n among households prepared to move (21%) than among those who did not wish to (42%). Unmarried or young married men neither want nor are in a position to move to improve their accommodation. Respondents who preferred to move to better accommodation were first asked how many rooms they would need. Many more households from high density areas in Harare expressed modest demands for space (28% wanted one or two rooms) than in Gweru. In Harare, low income households wanting fewer than three rooms tended to be small (average 2.1 people) and 35% were one-person households. However, others wanted more space, resulting in an average desired dwelling size of four rooms compared to 3.3 in Gweru (Table 4). This is very close to the situation in Warren Park D, approximately six years after construction commenced, where an average of five rooms per plot had been built, but owner households actually occupied on average only 3.7 rooms (excluding kitchen), with the other rooms being rented out (Figure 7). Most households currently lodging in low density areas wanted an average of 3.6 rooms (almost three times as large as their current dwelling) and those renting flats wanted 4.3 rooms (almost twice as large as their flats). Respondents were then asked whether they would prefer to pay more per month if the opportunity arose to have a better house. Their responses will be discussed below. This question was followed by an enquiry as to which characteristics of housing they would give priority for the amount they could afford to pay. Ownership and a larger house were considered the most important features and mentioned as either first or second priority by three-quarters of households in Harare in all categories who were

Cities 1995 Volume 12 Number 3

willing to move. The size of the stand was a main priority for 7% of households and living closer to town for 4%, although these were mentioned more frequently as second priorities. In Gweru a bigger house was overwhelmingly the highest priority feature (80% of households) and a separate kitchen the second most important, with ownership coming quite a long way behind in third position (first priority to only 17% of households). Living closer to town was m e n t i o n e d more frequently than in Harare, even though distances in Gweru are generally less than in Harare. Having a separate kitchen was not mentioned at all by households in the Harare study. This can probably be largely explained by the fact that, despite attempting to obtain separate answers from household heads and, where appropriate, their wives, the majority of interviews for the Harare studies were conducted at weekends with the male household head, whereas in Gweru interviews were conducted on weekdays and hence mainly with women. The finding illustrates the importance of considering housing from a gender perspective (Moser and Peake, 1987; Schlyter, 1989). Women, in general, spend far more time at home than their husbands (Figure 8) and, as housekeepers, have to suffer the problems of looking after a family in crowded conditions all day long. In all the categories in Harare, when asked whether they would prefer to rent or own their dwellings, all but a tiny minority of households and 85% in Gweru stated that they would prefer to own their own houses (Table 5). The households in Gweru who would prefer better rented accommodation were generally lower income households, with half earning Z$350 or less. Affordability was the main reason why they preferred to continue renting. Similar strong preferences for ownership are widespread, although not universal, in developing country cities. Households that expressed a desire to move for 195

Housing aspirations and affordability in Harare and Gweru: C Rakodi and P Withers

Figure 7 Warren Park D, Harare: a typical four-roomed house with rear extension in a well established, aided self-help housing area. However, the house next door has not progressed beyond the floor slab

Figure $

196

Ascot, Gweru" in addition to the house itself, the yard around it is important space for women

cities 1995 Volume 12 Number 3

Housing aspirations and affordability in Harare and Gweru: C Rakodi and P Withers Table 5

Respondents' assessment of affordability compared to current housing costs in Harare a

Household income (Z$)

Lodgers in HDRAs % of income Currently paid

0-499 500-999 1000-1499 1500-1999 2(t00-2499 2500-2999 3000+

18 12 12 6 . .

Average

16

aHDRAs

Affordable

Lodgers in outbuildings % of income Currently paid Affordable

Tenants of flats % of income Currently paid

Affordable

38 32 20 13

19 14 16 9

37 30 27 28

43 38 33 27 29 16

46 46 36 32 44 22

30

34

37

.

.

.

.

.

.

-

29

17

are high density residential areas.

better housing and a preference for home ownership were asked to state their preferred housing type from a suggested range of alternatives, including various types of ready built dwelling and serviced plots. In a consultation exercise for a proposed housing project, the potential alternatives can be costed, so that respondents can express a realistic preference. Three dilemmas were faced in the 1991 surveys: the danger of adversely affecting response rates by lengthening an already long questionnaire in order to present more information on the various options; the problem of choosing a limited number of options from the wide range potentially available, especially if current government requirements were to be relaxed; and the difficulty of costing alternatives at a time of rapidly rising building costs. It was

reluctantly decided that respondents in these surveys could not be presented with a set of costed options, although it was recognised that in other circumstances this would be desirable. Acquisition of a plot and self-managed house construction of the type that is the major thrust in new housing provided in Harare (Figure 9) was not a preferred type of housing solution, with a minority, especially in Gweru, expressing a preference for this rather than acquisition of a ready-built dwelling (Table 4). This figure is much lower than that in Hoek-Smit's 1982 survey (Hoek-Smit, 1983), carried out at a time when self-help schemes were relatively new; at that time 52% of lodgers, when asked whether they or members of their family would be able to assist in house construction by labour con-

Figure 9 Budiriro, Harare: core houses in a new serviced plot area Cities 1995 Volume 12 Number 3

197

Housing aspirations and affordability in Harare and Gweru: C Rakodi and P Withers

tributions or managing the construction process, replied in the affirmative. However, when offered a choice, for the same payment, between an empty serviced plot (with a loan for house building), a plot with a toilet (and a loan) or a one-room core house, three-fifths of the lodgers opted for the latter. Even at that time, therefore, most lodgers' preference was for a ready-built house, although many were prepared to contribute labour and effort if necessary. In 1991 two-thirds or more of households prepared to move preferred ready built housing, with detached housing being the most popular form. Lack of familiarity with aided self-help (ASH) housing in Gweru and the absence of support programmes for self-help builders might account for the particularly low responses there. The full-time nature of most urban male employment, the tradition of council built housing and the differences between 'modern' urban and typical rural methods of construction help to explain the general preference for ready built housing. In addition, unpopular scheme requirements, such as the prohibition of temporary shelters during construction in some housing schemes and an 18-month deadline for the construction of four rooms, together with building materials shortages, may account for the continued reservations about self-help construction expressed by respondents in 1991, despite their greater familiarity, in Harare at least, with the aided self-help housing approach. If A S H housing allows h o u s e h o l d s to build incrementally at their own pace, it opens up the possibility of home ownership to households which could not otherwise afford it. Clearly, therefore, the seeming aversion to self-built housing needs further investigation in order to improve A S H scheme design. Of those households which did express a preference for a serviced plot, almost two-thirds from Harare high density areas, half the lodgers in low density areas and most flat tenants expressed a preference for a plot in a low or medium density rather than a high density area (Table 4). The extent to which respondents are likely to be able to satisfy their aspirations depends in part on the cost of their preferred house in relation to their incomes. Almost all expressed a willingness to pay more for better accommodation. Amounts suggested as affordable came in 1991 to, on average, 29% of total monthly household income for households in high density areas (34% in Gweru) (Table 4). Care needs to be taken when considering the income of a household which is potentially available for housing. Where households contain non-nuclear family members or earners other than the household head, the incomes of these individuals may or may not be available for costs related to housing. In Zimbabwean urban areas, most of those employed worked in the formal sector and most households contain only one income earner. Total household incomes thus closely match the incomes of house-

198

hold heads. Lodgers in high density areas, whose housing costs at present average only 16% of their incomes, were prepared on average to pay almost double (Table 5). While at present only one in ten pay more than the ceiling of 27.5% of income used by government to guide policy, almost half the households in Harare and more in Gweru said they could pay more than this. However, this should be taken at least in part as an expression of feeling about the household's need for better accommodation rather than a realistic guide to affordability. Lodgers in low density areas were generally prepared to pay double their current rents, which would have averaged just under a third of their incomes. Tenants in the Avenues flats, however, who were already paying a relatively high proportion of their incomes in rent (25--40%) were only prepared to pay slightly more (30-45%). Clearly, calculating an average proportion of income the households surveyed in 1991 were willing to devote to improved housing is quite arbitrary: depending on household circumstances and preferences, the proportion individual households would be able and willing to pay will vary considerably (Rodell, 1990). Nevertheless, it might be considered to lend some support to the MPCNH's rule of thumb assessment that owner households are able and willing to pay up to 27.5% of their incomes for housing, and to cast some doubt on Manson and Katsura's (1984) assertion that data available at that time suggested that better housing would induce no more than a 2% rise in housing expenditure in low income households. Although we have noted above the shortcomings of a standard rule of thumb for affordability calculations, it is of interest to assess what these households in search of better housing would be able to pay if this proportion is applied (Table 6). The results are very similar for Harare and Gweru, with almost two-thirds of households currently renting in high density areas apparently able to pay between Z$76 and Z$200 for housing. However, up to a quarter could not afford this much, while some could clearly afford more. All households who wanted to own a house said that they would be willing to pay more if it enabled them to become owners. Almost all of these households recognized their need for loan finance for purchase or construction and said that they could put down a deposit (Table 4). The amount available for a down payment varied widely with income, but was in almost all cases equivalent to less than a year's income. Nearly all households who said that they could make a down payment claimed savings as their cash source. More than half the lodgers in high density areas in Harare that wanted to own a house and the great majority in Gweru wanted to have an extra room to take in lodgers. When relating housing aspirations to the housing

Cities 1995 Volume 12 Number 3

Housing aspirations and affordability in Harare and Gweru: C Rakodi and P Withers Table 6

Amounts affordable for better housing by lodgers in high density residential areas (27.5% of total monthly household income)

Amount (Z$)

Harare No.

%

Cumulative %

50 or less 51-75 76-100 100-125 126-150 151-175 176-2(XJ 201-225 226-250 251-275 276-3110 300+

1 7 10 4 13 3 10 4 5 1 1 3

2 11 16 6 21 5 16 6 8 2 2 5

2 13 29 35 56 61 77 83 91 93 95 100

12 12 27 20 18 11 10 12 8 6 1 6

Total

62

100

142

packages available, the 27.5% rule of thumb and respondents' own assessment of what they could afford to pay can both be used in the analysis. A cheaper alternative to the package currently on offer has been suggested by Musandu-Nyamayaro. With a low start 100% mortgage, only 18% of all households willing to move to obtain better accommodation could not, in theory, afford a one-room house on a 150 m 2 plot in a sites and services scheme (monthly housing-related payment Z$108) (Table 6). 6 However, only three-quarters of the respondents actually expressed willingness to pay sufficient to cover loan repayment, supplementary charges and utilities for a one-room house of this type, which is the cheapest possible option for home ownership. This divergence between theoretical and stated ability to pay demonstrates that affordability must be linked to the income necessary to purchase other necessities, especially for the lowest income group. ~'Low start mortgages in which repayments are set at between 60% and 80% of the flat repayment rate, increasing by 15% p.a. are currently only offered in limited n u m b e r s by the Beverley Building Society. R e p a y m e n t s were not expected by the Society to exceed 25% of household income (income of head and half the spouse's income). M u s a n d u - N y a m a y a r o (1993) showed that it would be feasible to halve plot sizes in sites and services schemes, to dramatically reduce infrastructure costs by narrowing frontages and replacing individual road access to every house with footpath/ service lane access to some plots and to build lot-line houses including rooms suitable for letting. Although minor reductions in standards are now permitted by the Ministry of Public Construction and National Housing, they are less radical than those proposed by M u s a n d u - N y a m a y a r o . R e p a y m e n t of a 100% loan lie covered by government guarantee) sufficient to cover the cost of a one room lot-line house, as suggested by MusanduNyamayaro, at 1991 interest rates (13.25°/,,) were Z$81/month for an ordinary and Z$48/month for a low start mortgage + service charges averaging Z$60/month. At 27.5% of total household income, this would have required an income of Z$294 for the former (excluding 33% of lodgers in high density areas who prefcrred better housing) and Z$174 for the latter (excluding 18%) (see also Table 6). These are the most favourable conditions: ineligibility for 100% mortgage, availability of a lower proportion of income for housing, interest rates increasing more rapidly than wages, unavailability of low start mortgages, etc would reduce affordability.

Cities 1995 Volume 12 Number 3

Gweru No.

%

Cumulative %

8 8 19 14 13 8 7 8 6 4 1 4

8 16 35 49 62 70 77 85 91 95 96 100 100

For this group, a reduced 'rule of thumb' proportion may be needed, possibly pointing to a need for subsidies, despite the fact that at present, they have to devote a larger proportion of their incomes to housing (see Table 2). Many of the tenants of flats, but almost none of the lodgers in high density areas and only a small proportion of lodgers in low density areas could have afforded to buy or build a fourroom house in a serviced plot scheme (monthly housing-related payment Z$292) (Table 6), the minimum allowed by government between 1982 and 1992. 7 Even among those who could have afforded this option, many would only have been able to do so if considerable savings were available to top up the maximum loan amount on offer. For higher income respondents, the amounts theoretically available using the rule of thumb and amounts respondents were willing to 'pay were closer. Few respondents wished to purchase a flat, but this option would in any case not have been affordable to households in any of the categories surveyed (with the possible exception of some of the flat tenants who might have been able to purchase a onebedroom flat with the aid of a low start mortgage) nor would it have satisfied their desire for a larger dwelling. An income of Z$6887 would have been needed for an ordinary and Z$4360 for a low start mortgage (giving monthly housing related payments Z$1894 and Z$1199 respectively) in the medium density, privately developed area of Houghton Park, making even the latter out of reach of middle income households currently renting flats. Other new housing on offer in Harare in 1991 was not affordable by any households in the sample (even assuming large down payments and only 75% mortgages). The failure of current policies and market mechanisms to make available owner occupied housing suitable for low and middle income households and their unsatisVThis was the m i n i m u m house allowed by the regulations imposed by government on sites and services schemes between 1982 and 1992 and always posed problems of affordability; see N. MutizwaMangiza, 1986, Potts and Mutambirwa, 1991.

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Housing aspirations and affordability in Harare and Gweru: C Rakodi and P Withers

fled housing aspirations are clearly revealed by the analysis.

Conclusion In Zimbabwe, the widespread reliance on poor quality housing in un- or inadequately serviced areas of inner city tenements, squatting or illegal subdivision which typifies so many developing country cities is absent. Nevertheless the survey illustrates that dissatisfaction with housing conditions is widespread among the sizeable proportion of households in urban Zimbabwe who are tenants, especially those who rent a single room in high density residential areas. The number of households on waiting lists in Harare (75 000 in mid-1992), Chitungwiza (30 000 in mid-1991) and Gweru (12 500 in mid-1991) illustrate the scale of the shortfall of supply behind demand. The focus of this paper is on the potential value of household surveys of residents with unsatisfactory housing conditions in housing policy formulation, rather than on analysing the reasons for the shortcomings in Zimbabwe's housing policy (Rakodi and Withers, 1993). It has been asserted that the information generated by such surveys can provide a useful input into decision making. However, it must be recognized that the value of questions on housing needs and aspirations may be affected by the context and the opportunities for obtaining better housing. Aspirations are usually heavily conditioned by households' current situation, for example, households renting only one room are likely to be primarily concerned with increased space, while households who are renting a whole house or flat are likely to express their aspirations in terms of ownership; small oneand two-person households at an early stage in their life cycles may be satisfied with one rented room, whereas larger households with children are not. The high priority given to ownership as a feature of better housing is perhaps a prime example of how housing aspirations are conditioned by the current situation. As noted above, housing policy in Zimbabwe has promoted ownership since independence, with only minimal amounts of new formal sector rental housing being produced. Rental tenure today is associated primarily with lodging, and with the lack of privacy and insecurity that this implies, or with poorer quality municipal housing which has not been sold because of the shared ablution facilities in semi-detached units. Ownership is a tenure that bestows a variety of privileges, such as security, opportunities for investment ,in an appreciating asset, and a greater degree of control over one's living space. Although the worldwide appeal of home ownership rests on such advantages, they may be reinforced or counteracted by policy. It is not known from this limited study which aspects of ownership are the most attractive to rent paying

200

households in Zimbabwe and whether these benefits could be provided by more attractive rental housing. However, it is clear that if housing policy in this and many other countries is to respond to the needs and aspirations of those currently living in conditions which they deem unsatisfactory, primary attention needs to be given to increasing the supply and appropriateness of housing suitable for owner occupation by low and middle income households. Surveys such as the one reported here can give an indication of the ability and willingness to pay of households aspiring to such housing, enabling the better design of policies to support either the public or the private sector to deliver housing with characteristics which appeal to households in housing need and for which they would be willing and able to pay. There is scope for improving on the questionnaire design used in the 1991 survey in Harare and Gweru, but there are limits to the improvements which are possible, given the limitations of the concept of affordability which is, according to Lee (1990), inefficient, since 'the authorities rarely know the true level of a beneficiary's household income with any degree of certainty'; inequitable, as it excludes households with formal incomes below the minimum who are nevertheless able and willing to pay the project charges and includes households theoretically eligible but in reality unable to meet the payments; and immoral because the practice gives administrators the right to determine what households should pay for housing. Households may be able to mobilize resources additional to their normal monthly incomes for investment in house construction and improvement, but these are unlikely to be either regular or available to all households. In practical terms, the most appropriate policy response is to provide a choice of housing packages, and to use information on household incomes and expressions of ability and willingness to pay to provide parameters and guidelines rather than rigid standards and rules. Given current policies, recent progress and the low incomes of many aspiring owners, it is likely that the aspirations of many households in Harare and Gweru will remain unfulfilled (Rakodi and Withers 1993). Although explicitly Zimbabwe has a home ownership policy, in practice the cost of ownership combined with limited supply means that private rental is likely to be the only tenure available to new low income households. Consideration should therefore be given to improving the situation of rent paying households by designing new schemes that incorporate some of the benefits associated with ownership. Some of the model house designs produced by local authorities could, for example, be altered to provide more privacy for both owners and lodgers by including separate entrances and access to b a t h r o o m and t o i l e t f a c i l i t i e s ( M u s a n d u Nyamayaro, 1993). While it is not recommended

Cities 1995 Volume 12 Number 3

Housing aspirations and affordability in Harare and Gweru: C Rakodi and P Withers

that rent controls be enforced, tenants do need

adequate protection against summary eviction and a means of reconciling landlord-tenant conflicts. The promotion of rent agreements and, in the absence of tenant associations, the use of the Administrative Courts in these matters need further investigation. Aspirations are also conditioned by perceptions of obtainability. Given the limited opportunities to obtain access to better housing, households may reconcile themselves to the situation in which they live or give off-the-cuff responses to questions relating to opportunities which they have never viewed as being available and therefore have never seriously considered. Nor does the structured interview situation provide an adequate opportunity to explore consumption preferences and trade-offs between desired features and affordability of housing. The responses, therefore, range from those heavily conditioned by the reality of the current situation to the expression of unattainable dreams. Despite these reservations, household surveys do provide an indication of the extent of unsatisfied housing need, information on the characteristics of households in inadequate accommodation and some guidelines as to their priorities. Together with detailed resident satisfaction studies carried out as part of the monitoring and evaluation of recently implemented housing programmes and consultation with intended beneficiaries of proposed measures, they can provide a useful input into discussions of housing consumption preferences and affordability. They provide an antidote to the assumptions of policy makers and professionals that they can make decisions about housing policy for urban residents, and there is scope for improving their usefulness by careful design of the survey instruments.

References Butcher, C (1986) Low Income Housing in Zimbabwe: A Case Study of the Epworth Squatter Upgrading Programme, University of Zimbabwe, Department of Rural and Urban Planning, Occasional Paper 6 Hoek-Smit, M (1983) Housing Preferences and Potential Housing Demand of Low-income Urban Households in Zimbabwe National Savings and Loan League for USAID, Washington DC Hopkins, M and Van der Hoeven, R (1983) Basic Needs in Development Planning International Labour Office, Geneva Lee, M (1990) "The affordability criterion: inefficient, inequitable and immoral? . . .' in Raj, M and Nientied, P (eds) Housing and Income in Third Worm Urban Development Aspect Publishing, London

Cities 1995 Volume 12 Number 3

Macoloo, G C (1989) 'Do we choose where we live? The role of stated and revealed preferences in housing planning in developing countries' Geoforum 20 (3) 269-278 Manson, D M and Katsura, H M (1984) Housing Needs Assessment Study: Zimbabwe, Urban Institute Report for USAID and Ministry of Public Construction and National Housing, Washington DC Mayo, S and Malpezzi, S (1984) A Comparative Analysis of Housing Demand in Developing Countries World Bank Water Supply and Urban Development Department UDD-41, Washington DC Merrett, S (1984) 'The assessment of housing consumption requirements in developing countries' Third World Planning Review, 6 (4) 319-329 Moser, C O N (1989) 'Community participation in urban projects in the Third World' Progress in Planning 32 (2) Moser, C O N and Peake, L (eds) (1987) Women, Human Settlements and Housing Tavistock, London Musandu-Nyamayaro, O (1993) 'Housing design standards for urban low-income people in Zimbabwe' Third Worm Planning Review 15 (4) 329-354 Mutizwa-Mangiza, N (1986) 'Post-independence urban lowincome shelter policies in Zimbabwe: a preliminary appraisal of affordability' in Romaya, S M and Franklin, G H (eds) Shelter, Services and the Urban Poor University of Wales Institute of Science and Technology, Cardiff Ozo, A O (199(/) 'Low cost urban housing strategies in Nigeria (Satisfaction with a core housing project in Benin)' Habitat International 14 (1) 41-54 Potts, D and Mutambirwa, C (1991) 'High density housing in Harare: commodification and overcrowding' Third World Planning Review 13 (1) 1-26 Rakodi, C (1981) 'Participation in squatter upgrading in Lusaka, Zambia" in Rakodi, C and Schlyter, A Upgrading in Lusaka: Participation and Physical Changes The National Swedish Institute for Building Research, G~ivle Rakodi, C (1992) 'Housing markets in third world cities: research and policy in the 1990s' World Development, 20 (1) 3%55 Rakodi, C (1993a) 'Planning for whom?' in Devas, C and Rakodi, C (eds) Fast Growing Cities: New Approaches to Planning and Management in the Developing World Longman, Harlow Rakodi, C (1993b) Trends in the Residential Property market in Harare and Gweru University of Zimbabwe, Department of Rural and Urban Planning, Occasional Paper 24, Harare; Rakodi, C (1995) 'From a settler history to an African present: housing markets in Harare, Zimbabwe' Environment and Planning D: Society and Space, 13 (in press) is the published version of the Occasional Paper Rakodi, C and Withers, P (1993) Land, Housing and Urban Development in Zimbabwe, University of Wales, Department of City and Regional Planning, Final Report on Research Project R4468, Cardiff Rodell, M J (1990) 'Reviving affordability theory in Raj, M and Nientied, P (eds) Housing and Income in Third World Development Aspect Publishing, London Schlyter, A (1989) Women Householders and Housing Strategies: the Case of Harare, Zimbabwe The National Swedish Institute for Building Research, G~ivle Streeten, P (1981) First Things First: Meeting Basic Needs in Developing Countries Oxford University Press, Oxford Sulaiman, H and Yahaya, N (1987) 'Housing provision and satisfaction of low income households in Kuala Lumpur" Habitat International 11 (4) 27-38

201