How do public libraries create social capital? An analysis of interactions between library staff and patrons

Library & Information Science Research 34 (2012) 52–62

Contents lists available at SciVerse ScienceDirect

Library & Information Science Research

How do public libraries create social capital? An analysis of interactions between library staff and patrons Catherine A. Johnson Faculty of Information and Media Studies, North Campus Building, Room 203,University of Western Ontario, London, Ontario, Canada N6A 5B7

a r t i c l e

i n f o

Available online 10 December 2011

a b s t r a c t In this qualitative study exploring the content of social interactions between library staff and patrons, interviews were held with 15 library staff members in three neighborhood branch libraries in a large American midwestern city. An analysis of the interviews suggests that public libraries may contribute to social capital through the relationships and interactions that occur between staff and patrons. Some of the ways in which these relationships and interactions may contribute to social capital include: building patrons' trust in the library and its staff, connecting people to both community and library resources, providing social support for patrons, reducing social isolation, helping patrons gain skills to function in an increasingly online world, and providing a positive place for neighborhood residents to gather. The kinds of social interactions occurring in libraries that may help to build social capital are highlighted. © 2011 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

1. Introduction It has become an almost universally accepted axiom that public libraries serve an important community function in addition to their traditional role providing access to information and leisure materials. Many library mission statements include phrases such as “building strong communities,” or “contributing to the wellbeing of communities,” among their major goals (Varheim, 2011, p.15). As research reveals the growing isolation of Americans (McPherson, Smith-Lovin, & Brashears, 2006; Putnam, 2001), this emphasis on the community role of libraries is increasingly important. In addition to this long-term trend, the current economic downturn has resulted in people experiencing unemployment and in some cases, homelessness, for the first time. Many are turning to the library where they cannot only get help filling out job applications or writing resumes, but also connect with others in similar positions (London, 2010). As they cope with patrons' increased stress levels, library staff find themselves engaged in more emotional interactions (London, p. 43). The interactions that take place every day between staff members and library patrons provide a human connection that results not only in instrumental help in gaining access to useful information resources, but also in emotional help that contributes to a sense of individual well-being. These interactions, therefore, may be an important source of social capital that has positive effects for both individuals and communities. In order to gain a better understanding of how social capital emerges out of these interactions, this research investigates the content of

E-mail address: [email protected]. 0740-8188/$ – see front matter © 2011 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved. doi:10.1016/j.lisr.2011.07.009

interactions between library staff and patrons in three library branches in a midwestern city. 2. Problem statement Librarians and other staff members often view their services in instrumental terms—providing access to information and leisure materials. At the same time, anyone who has ever worked in a public library is acutely aware that the social relationships that develop between library staff and patrons in the course of providing these services are almost as important as the instrumental help that is provided. Recent stories in professional library journals support this view (Degyansky, 2008; Hill, 2009). A useful way of assessing the impact of these social relationships is through the lens of social capital. Social capital is often defined as the norms and networks that are established between people and communities that give rise to greater levels of trust, and the ability of people to work together to solve problems (Putnam, 1995, p. 66; Woolcock, 2010, p. 47). Because social capital is associated with more cohesive and healthy communities, organizations that foster social capital should be considered valuable community assets. Several recent studies in the LIS literature have discussed the relationship between libraries and social capital, and explore the important role libraries play in building social capital (Audunson, 2005; Gong, Japzon, & Chen, 2008; Johnson, 2010; Varheim, 2011; Varheim, Steinmo, & Ide, 2008). While these studies suggest there is a strong relationship between public libraries and social capital, none so far have attempted to determine where social capital comes from, or, indeed, how it is created. Falk and Kilpatrick (2000) claim that social capital “cannot just spring from thin air” but is dependent upon the existence of

C.A. Johnson / Library & Information Science Research 34 (2012) 52–62

meaningful interactions between people (p. 101). Varheim (2008) also claims that most studies investigating social capital are at the societal level, ignoring the underlying mechanisms that give rise to social capital, and that more studies are needed that illuminate the “processes of trust generation involving real actors” (Varheim, 2008, p. 7). Analyzing interactions that take place within the library between library staff and patrons can bring light to this process. If one of the public library's primary roles is to build strong communities, it is essential to understand how social connections forged in the library may help to accomplish this. The research questions for this research are: 1) What is the social content of the interactions that take place between library patrons and library staff? and 2) How do the interactions between staff and library users relate to concepts of social capital? The value of this research is that it investigates ground-level social interactions that take place in libraries in order to discover the social capital-building characteristics of these interactions, which had previously not been done in LIS research. Another important attribute of this research is that it was conducted in the same library branches as previous research that investigated the relationship between social capital and public library use (Johnson, 2010). That quantitative study, which involved administering questionnaires to 132 library patrons, determined that there was a statistically significant relationship between frequency of library use and social capital. What was not revealed through those data, however, was what goes on in the library that might contribute to the relationship. Because both studies were conducted in the same library branches, this qualitative research builds on the previous study by suggesting how social capital is actually created. 3. Review of the literature Putnam and Feldstein (2003) suggest that the social interactions that occur between patrons and staff, and the physical space in which the interactions take place, are just as important as library services in their contribution to community social capital. They found that libraries build social capital both through the provision of services, and through the connections made at the library among community members. Other studies have made similar assertions. For instance, Goulding (2004) found that because libraries often supplement services generally provided by other government bodies, such as welfare agencies, mental institutions, adult education, and employment and immigrant aid agencies, they contribute directly to the well-being of community residents. The public library provides services for members of the community who may be marginalized such as new immigrants, nonEnglish speakers, and the poor, thus addressing social inclusion issues (Caidi & Allard, 2005). And, unlike many public agencies in disadvantaged areas that may be symbols of deprivation and negativity, the library is a positive place where people can go without having to provide a reason for being there (Alstad & Curry, 2003). Given the increasing isolation of North Americans (McPherson et al., 2006; Putnam, 2001), it is expected that places that provide an opportunity for neighbors to meet and get to know one another play an important role in creating a positive social environment that could spill over into social benefits for the neighborhood or community at large. Several recent studies have demonstrated that libraries appear to be a place where social capital is generated. Leckie and Hopkins' study (2002) of the public place of central libraries found that the central libraries in Toronto and Vancouver “fulfill extremely important educational, informational, and social functions within their respective cities, providing community gathering, work, and study places that would be difficult to duplicate in any other manner” (p. 359). Fisher, Saxton, Edwards, and Mai's (2007) study of the Seattle Public Library found that the library met some of the prerequisites of Oldenburg's third place (see

53

Oldenburg, 1999): it is a neutral place where people can come and go as they please, an inclusive place open to all, and is a comfortable, welcoming place that is separate from home or work. Research done in Australia (State Library of New South Wales, 2000) found that the library is considered a safe place to go, and therefore a trusted community institution. A study conducted in New York City (Gong et al., 2008) found that communities high in social capital also tended to have higher public library use. A recent study (Varheim, 2011) also suggests that public libraries help to build social trust among immigrant groups owing to libraries' application of universalistic policies that lead to the creation of services directed at underrepresented groups. Varheim concluded that the public library is probably the “least distrusted” of all public institutions including public schools, and “therefore has a comparative advantage in creating trust” (p. 17). Another important way in which libraries may contribute to social capital is by offering personal help to those who do not have the resources in their social networks to draw upon in order to solve problems. This kind of help is especially important as people attempt to function in an increasingly online world. People who lack access to information and communication technologies, and the ability to use and benefit from information, and for whom the information itself is unavailable, unsuitable, or unaffordable, are sometimes defined as the “information poor” (Britz, 2004). Although information poverty is not necessarily tied to economic poverty, these conditions are usually associated with each other (Chatman, 1996). With the rise of the Internet, the means to access information has become more complicated and the plight of the information poor has become more pronounced: Entering the world of the computer is quite complex. It involves making decisions about whether to buy a computer, what kind of computer to buy, how to set it up, what kind of software to get, how to install it, how to obtain and set up Internet access, and then how to use the computer, the software and the Internet. Most people rely on their social networks to offer support and assistance in this (Warschauer, 2003, p. 317). People who have the right kind of social capital can easily get assistance to overcome these challenges. The information poor, who are less likely to have people in their networks who are knowledgeable about computers, may have to go beyond their social networks to find this kind of help. The prevalence of information poverty or information illiteracy will probably increase, as more and more functions that were previously transacted face-to-face are now conducted over the Internet, such as filling out job applications, performing bank transactions, applying for birth certificates or driver's license renewals, submitting tax returns, and filling out jury-duty questionnaires. Libraries have become essential access points to information and communication technologies, not only because they are often the only public provider of Internet in many communities (Bertot, McClure, & Jaeger, 2008), but also because that is where one can get individual help to use the technology—and the information gained from it. People who design libraries increasingly recognize that spaces that encourage interactions among patrons need to be incorporated into library design. In an increasingly virtual and digitized world, the value of physical spaces where real people congregate can sometimes be ignored. Place has much to do with social capital: The idea of quality of place can be complex and perceptual. It integrates the characteristics of physical growth and environmental quality, along with the ideas of social equity and governance. These elements offer a tangible framework for understanding, and even measuring, the success and resiliency of communities (Hanna, Dale, & Ling, 2009).

54

C.A. Johnson / Library & Information Science Research 34 (2012) 52–62

In the U.K., for instance, a study evaluating the impact of new library buildings recommended that libraries incorporate into their design the kinds of spaces that encourage the generation of social capital (Bryson, Usherwood, & Proctor, 2003). Fisher et al. (2007) found that a sense of civic pride was one of the more common reactions to the new Seattle Public Library building. Hillenbrand (2005) also speculates that placing libraries in deteriorating neighborhoods would strengthen communities. According to Matassaro, “libraries provide a route for individuals, including those who experience deep isolation, to enter and engage with the community and wider society” (quoted in Hillenbrand, p. 27). Hoogh and Stolle (2003) assert that public institutions play an important role in generating social capital, which is “dependent upon a sustained and synergistic interaction between civil society and government institutions” (p. 11). Libraries gain even greater importance as businesses and services relocate to wealthier neighborhoods or to the outskirts of towns and cities. When services and businesses are removed from the center of a community, social capital is reduced, and equitable space and access to social and economic diversity opportunities are diminished (Hanna et al., 2009, p. 42). In order for communities to thrive, they need accessible gathering places such as libraries, where people can interact and feel part of a specific neighborhood or community. This is not to claim, however, that beneficial social interactions do not also take place in virtual environments. Much of the work of Wellman and his colleagues has demonstrated that communicating by telephone, the Internet, and other media is effective in maintaining and building social networks, thereby contributing to social capital (Boase & Wellman, 2006; Hampton & Wellman, 2003; Quan-Haase, Wellman, Hampton, & Witte, 2002). Nevertheless, this research is concerned primarily with the physical space of libraries and the social interactions that take place in them, the importance of which may be overlooked as society moves towards communities of interest, rather than communities of place. 4. Conceptual framework Many interpretations of social capital have emerged since the concept was first introduced by Bourdieu in the 1970s and early 1980s (Bourdieu, 1980, 1986). He proposed that social capital was an intangible resource that, along with cultural capital, reproduced social classes and ensured the continuation of social hierarchies (Bourdieu, 1980, pp. 2–3). Since then, two divergent approaches to the study of social capital have emerged. One considers it to be a collective asset, focusing on community level analysis, and the other, that focuses on the social capital of individuals. The main proponent of the first approach is Putnam, who defines social capital as inhering in the “dense networks of social interaction” that foster “sturdy norms of generalized reciprocity and encourage the emergence of social trust” (Putnam, 1995, p. 66). In other words, social capital is a community resource that enables people to work together to bring about positive change. Researchers who adhere to the second approach view social capital as a resource which individuals have access to through their social relationships. Lin, who is the main proponent of the second approach, defines social capital as “resources embedded in a social structure which are accessed and used by actors for actions” (Lin, 2001, p. 25). In this conception, social capital resides in individuals, and represents their ability to leverage the resources existing in their social networks to improve their individual situations. If these resources do not exist, then people will deliberately seek out social contacts who can provide these resources (Lin, 2001). Social capital can also be broken down into bonding and bridging characteristics, with bonding social capital referring to the close ties that develop between relatives and friends, and bridging social capital referring to cross-cutting ties that reach into more distant social networks (Putnam, 2000). Generally speaking, bonding social capital provides people with social support, while bridging social

capital is necessary for people to get access to new resources that will help them get ahead. People who lack the social resources to get the help they need, from either their close or distant ties, will often rely on impersonal sources, such as the Internet or organizations. When these sources are used without the intervention of human assistance, the search for help or useful information is often unsuccessful (Johnson, 2007). Neither Lin's nor Putnam's conceptions of social capital is uncontested. Critics of Lin's approach feel that it focuses too narrowly on one aspect of the utility of social networks and ignores the larger, societal benefits that accrue from the ability of people to work together to achieve common ends, rather than to achieve individual benefits (Woolcock, 2004). Nevertheless, Lin's approach is useful in understanding the process whereby people adopt instrumental strategies to improve their social capital by establishing relationships with people who they think may help them achieve their hoped-for results. Criticisms of Putnam's approach claim that his logic is tautological; that is, communities that are rich in social capital get that way because they have high levels of social capital (Portes, 1998). Because social capital has been conceived of in so many different ways, some assert that it can become meaningless as an explanatory framework to understand the social dimensions of community development (Woolcock, 2001). Others question the use of the term itself. Fischer (2005) states that social capital as a concept is unnecessary “because clearer and simpler terms—such as membership, family, sociability and trust—serve perfectly well” (p. 157). Woolcock (2001), however, states that despite the often heated arguments about whether the term has intellectual legitimacy or how it should be defined, “there is an emerging consensus on the definition of social capital, one built on an increasingly solid empirical foundation, and it is as follows: social capital refers to the norms and networks that facilitate collective action” (p. 8–9). While this definition is similar to Putnam's conceptualization, the main difference between the two is that Woolcock asserts that trust should not be equated with social capital, but is rather a measure of it (Woolcock, 2001, p. 9), while Putnam claims that trust is so closely tied to social capital that it can be considered a proxy for it (Putnam, 2001). Despite these differences, social trust is often placed at the center of any discussion of social capital. Social trust, therefore, is a key consequence of social capital, and is the bedrock necessary before people can work together (Woolcock, 2001). Social trust is especially important in disadvantaged communities where resources are few and people often have to rely on each other to accomplish both community and individual goals. At the same time, social capital and trust levels are typically lowest among people who need it the most: the poor, the poorly educated, and minorities (de Hart & Dekker, 2003). While wealthier people are not dependent on their immediate neighborhood for access to social and economic resources, poorer people have fewer choices with whom to socialize and conduct business. Locally-based and staffed community organizations that help build trust are especially important for poor people because they usually cannot afford to go elsewhere to seek help. Sampson, McAdam, MacIndoe, and WefferElizondo (2005) claim that the more of these organizations that exist in a neighborhood, the higher the level of social capital. Individuals usually cannot bring about change on their own but must work through organizations that can “spark citizen involvement that generates innovative problem solving and public action” (p. 710). Because poor people tend to be distrustful of outside organizations, building trust in local organizations such as libraries is necessary before collective action to improve local conditions can take place (Sampson et al., 2005). 5. Procedures In order to determine the kinds of social interactions between library staff and patrons that may contribute to social capital,

C.A. Johnson / Library & Information Science Research 34 (2012) 52–62

interviews were conducted with library staff in three neighborhood branch libraries in a large American midwestern city. Because this research was intended as a preliminary investigation prior to designing a larger study, the sample was confined to the public service staff available at the three branches used for a previously-conducted quantitative study (Johnson, 2010). While staff members are only half the equation in these interactions, it was felt that they would be involved in situations in the library where social interactions took place, and would be in a good position to observe social interactions among patrons. In future research, patrons will also be interviewed about their experiences related to social interactions in the library. Five staff members from each branch, for a total of 15 participants, including three branch managers, four other librarians, and eight library assistants, were interviewed. The number of staff interviewed at each branch comprised either all or the majority of staff on duty on the days the interviews took place. The staff members, who were given time off to participate, volunteered for the interviews, which were conducted individually in a private room at each of the branch locations. Each participant was informed about the purpose of the study, told that they could withdraw at any time, assured of the confidentiality of the interviews, and asked for permission to audio record the interviews. The participants' characteristics differed in terms of length of employment, professional status, age, and gender, and represented a diversity of perspectives on their workplace experiences. One participant was in her 60s, two in their 50s, three in their 40s, two in their 30s, and seven in their 20s. The period of time participants had worked at each branch varied from a few months to more than 20 years. Four participants worked at their branches for less than 1 year, nine between one and 10 years, one for 19 years, and one for 25 years. Two lived in the same neighborhood as the branch in which they worked, and two of the longest-serving participants had worked at one branch for most of their careers. The participants included 14 females and one male. The interviews averaged approximately 30 min each, with the longest lasting 43 min and the shortest 17 and a half minutes. The city in which the study was conducted has a population of approximately 600,000 people (United States Census Bureau, 2009). It is one of the most segregated cities in the United States, with 95% of the Black population living in the city, compared with only 28% of the White population, who tend to live in the surrounding suburbs (Levine, 2003). In addition, the inner-city population is the poorest in the metropolitan area. By 2004, the average inner-city income per taxpayer was less than half the income level in the suburbs (Center for Economic Development, 2006, p. 2). Two of the three neighborhood branches included are located in or bordering inner city neighborhoods. The library service area population of the first library (the “Jefferson” branch 1) is almost evenly divided between Whites (45.5% of the population) and Blacks (46.2%). It had a median household income of $37,000 in 2000. The second library (“Lincoln” branch) is in a neighborhood that is 84% Black, with a median household income of $20,000 and, according to local newspaper accounts, has one of the highest crime rates in the city (Fauber & Diedrich, 2006). The population of the third neighborhood (“Kennedy” branch) is almost the reverse of Lincoln, with Whites making up 87% of the population, and a median household income of $64,000. This neighborhood is also characterized by rooming houses and family homes converted into apartments for students attending a university which is within walking distance of the library. Sixty-nine percent of the population of this neighborhood live alone, compared with 35% of the Jefferson neighborhood and 25% of the Lincoln neighborhood (United States Census Bureau, 2009).

1

The names of branches have been changed.

55

The interviews were semi-structured: a predetermined number of questions were asked of each participant, but the interviews were also allowed to digress along topics introduced by the participants (Berg, 2007). Because the purpose of this study was to investigate the content of social interactions that take place in libraries, and not the functional interactions, such as checking out books or answering reference questions, participants were asked about their own interactions with patrons, and to describe specific incidents they observed when social interactions took place between patrons. Because social capital is produced out of relationships between people, they were asked whether they had developed any special relationships with patrons, and if so, how they were established, and whether the respondent had provided help that went beyond what they felt were their normal duties. As a way of determining how strong these relationships were, interviewees were also asked whether they knew the names of patrons, or whether they thought patrons knew them by name. They were also asked what they thought patrons got out of these relationships, as well as what they themselves got out of them. The interviews were transcribed and then coded using Ethnograph software to identify key concepts. The transcripts were read over several times, and codes applied, modified and revised as dominant themes began to emerge (Miles & Huberman, 1994). The coding was guided by the conceptual framework: interviews were examined with the view of determining whether the social interactions the participants talked about were related to social capital (Marshall & Ross, 2006). In other words, the goal was to identify the underlying mechanisms that give rise to social capital. The interviews often evolved into conversations, as many of the participants were eager to talk about their relationships with patrons and the kinds of extra help they provided for them, as well as about the less-welcome demands patrons made on them. To illustrate how the interviews were analyzed, an excerpt from an interview with a library clerk who had worked at the branch for 20 years, and had also lived in the same neighborhood as the library for many years, is provided below: KJ: These people who use the library frequently, do you know them fairly well? Do you talk to them a lot? Participant: Yes, I do. KJ: Can you give me an example of someone you talked to recently, and what you talked about? Participant: Well, in my case, I'm talkative anyway. Up until this last year, seven months ago, I was living just three blocks away, and it was in an apartment building that had a lot of patrons who use our library. And it was a case of seeing them at the apartment and seeing them at the library. And I have friends in the library and one of them is, I shouldn't mention names, but she manages the XXX over there, that's what it's called, and she's one of our patrons. We talk about a lot of different things and, so, I know a lot of people from the area. KJ: Living in an apartment with a lot of patrons, do they ever ask you to do things special, or do you offer to . . . ? Participant: Yeah, I did offer. We have a lot of older people at that library. In fact, one of the older people even volunteers at the Central Library at the used book place. But it is hard for them to get out in the wintertime. It's one thing about this area, we have a lot of walkers; people that walk over to the library for various reasons. Many of them live in apartments, that, well how can I say

56

C.A. Johnson / Library & Information Science Research 34 (2012) 52–62

this, that are not real, you know, luxurious apartments. So rather than just sit there—we have a lot of single people, too, in this area—so rather than just sit there in their apartment and looking at four walls, they come to the library, and that's part of it too. When I lived at the XXX, I had a lot of the older patrons and I would say to them especially, “if you needed to take something back, just let me know.” We had a doorman, we had a person at the door 24 hours, and they would just take it to the desk and I would bring it over for them. . . . And sometimes the manager would just ask me to bring over some tax forms, you know, that type of thing. This library in that respect is very unique because a lot of the people do know each other from the neighborhood. That was one of the things. No matter where I went, I would run into patrons. The above interview excerpt contains several concepts related to social capital. The comment “it was a case of seeing them at the apartment and seeing them at the library,” suggests how the overlapping roles of library worker and neighbor help to establish the library within the everyday life of the community. This clerk has both lived in the neighborhood and worked at the library branch for many years, so when she meets people in her neighborhood, the connection between the library and the neighborhood is strengthened, which could result in feelings of greater trust in the library. The comment, “So rather than just sit there—we have a lot of single people, too, in this area—so rather than just sit there in their apartment and looking at four walls, they come to the library, and that's part of it too,” also relates to the social capital concept of connections made between people. In this case, the interviewee suggests that going to the library helps to reduce the social isolation of single people in the neighborhood. The statement, “When I lived at the XXX I had a lot of the older patrons and I would say to them especially, ‘if you needed to take something back, just let me know,’” suggests the individual benefits accruing to the residents because they live in the same building as the clerk, who would return library books for them, or bring tax forms from the library to the apartment building. There are limitations to this approach that arise from the fact that only members of the library staff were interviewed for the study. One has to assume that because the speaker of the excerpted interview recognized patrons when she was out and about in the neighborhood, that they also recognized her. The interviewee was also making the assumption that many people who live alone feel isolated, and go to the library to reduce this isolation. Whether the patrons who lived in the same building as the clerk considered her willingness to return library books for them a benefit, or whether she actually ever did return any books, are again assumptions that cannot be proven without the corroborating testimony of the people she encountered. Nevertheless, the interviews do suggest that the relationships that develop between library workers and patrons can serve more than a utilitarian function, and may in fact contribute to patrons' levels of social capital. The following section describes the different kinds of social interactions reported by the interviewees, and how they relate to concepts of social capital. 6. Findings Concepts identified from the interviews related to building both individual- and community-level social capital. Community-level social capital can be regarded as the returns that benefit the community as a whole, and individual returns are largely specific to individuals. However, these two types of social capital are not easily separated, and often overlap. The concepts that emerged from the data analysis that relate to social capital include: establishing relationships and building trust between library workers and patrons; library workers

linking patrons to resources both inside and outside the library; the special help provided by library workers to patrons; using the library as an informal meeting place; regarding the library as a safe place to go; visiting the library to connect with others and reduce social isolation; and finally, the importance of the physical place of the library. The following sections describe each of these concepts, and are illustrated by examples from the interviews. 6.1. Establishing relationships and building trust The relationships with patrons described by the interviewees ranged from the purely utilitarian, where library staff mainly checked books in or out, or answered reference questions, to situations where it seemed the staff member and the patron had come to know one another well, and were involved in relationships of mutual benefit. Almost all of the library workers in this study reported that they had come to know some of their patrons on a personal level, with 12 out of the 15 interviewees indicating that they knew patrons either by name or by face. Getting to know staff on a personal level is related to social capital, because these relationships can create a feeling of trust between the parties that makes it easier for patrons to confide their information needs to the staff member, and thus take advantage of the library's resources. An example of how trust is built up was reported by a young adult (YA) librarian about her relationship with a young teenage boy. After finding out that the librarian had grown up in the same town as his father, the teen revealed that his father had recently died: “And then just out of nowhere, he just, ‘My dad got shot in March.’ And then, you know, just a couple of weeks ago, he brought in pictures of his father.” Eventually, she explained, he got to know her by her first name, “and he'll come up and ask about, you know, ‘Is this book in yet,’ or, ‘What I'm looking for here,’ and he feels very comfortable with that.” Eventually the librarian asked him to become involved in the library's teen forum. More than just utilitarian, this relationship appeared to be helpful to the boy as he was coping with his father's death, and may also have increased his social network by getting him involved in the local teen group. The relationship certainly added richness to the librarian's work experience, who described it as a relationship that she “cherished.” This same librarian, who had just begun working at the branch, was conscious of the necessity of gaining the trust of her patrons, particularly the teenagers, before she could help them. She explained how she started out engaging them in casual conversation, and at first they held back “because they're always just checking out who the new person is. But now that I'm here, I'm a regular presence. They know coming in, chances are I'm going to be here when they're here after school.” The librarian felt that the daily exchanges, and the consistency of seeing her in the library made the young patrons confident that their questions mattered, and that she could be trusted to help them. Most of the staff interviewed said they felt that getting to know patrons was important, in order to make patrons' use of the library an “enjoyable time, not a rough time,” as one respondent put it. Not all the staff members interviewed, however, were comfortable establishing personal relationships with patrons. One librarian explained: I feel I can't identify with the patrons who want us to know them, and want us to know the kinds of things that they like when they come in because . . . if I was just using the library on my own I wouldn't want to kind of have my reading history in their mind. That would feel a little too close for me, a little bit of an invasion. Some felt that if they allowed patrons to get too close, they would start to depend on them too much: “When they get attached to you they don't want to use the catalog. They don't want to be self-

C.A. Johnson / Library & Information Science Research 34 (2012) 52–62

sufficient.” Some did not want to be on the receiving end of patrons' personal information. One interviewee explained, “A lot of the personal stuff that we get told, it's just like way too much. It's a little too much. Reader's advisory, that's good, but when you start to get into personal things like that . . .” It is apparent from these comments that the library workers had divergent attitudes toward their relationships with patrons. Some reached out to patrons and made the extra effort to get close in a manner that appeared to be mutually beneficial. Some would rather not become involved in the personal lives of their patrons, and others deliberately kept a distance, for fear that patrons would become too attached to them. For some patrons, though, libraries seemed to act as a kind of middle ground between close family and friends, and more formal helping agencies, such as school counselors or welfare agencies. It may be the neutrality of the library worker that is attractive to the patron—someone who will listen but will not get too involved in their problems. 6.2. Linking to resources The study participants gave several examples of linking patrons to resources both inside and outside the library. This goes beyond the usual practice of referring patrons to community resources or information, because it was the personal connection made with the staff member outside the library that provided the linkage. One library clerk explained a number of different ways her family and neighbors benefitted from their association with her: Last week a lady asked me at my daughter's school, her son forgot to return a book and I brought that back for her. And my grandma, she asks me a lot about titles and stuff like that. And sometimes her friends ask me because they've got a little book club, so I sometimes search for them too. On the other hand, having easy access to library resources can become a burden to a library worker. A library clerk complained that her family members were constantly asking her to look things up for them at the library. They asked her, “‘While you're there could you go look this up, see if you got this book, see how much this costs on the Internet.’ I say, ‘all you gotta do is call up there.’” Nevertheless, this same library clerk also said that working in the library gave her higher status than her peers, who mostly worked at local fast food restaurants or as retail sales clerks. When she told them that she worked at a library, she said, “ it's like ‘Oh, she's a librarian!’” because “being a librarian is just cool. It's a good thing working in a library.” Because of both her job status and her access to resources, this library worker could be considered a valuable member of her friends' and family's social network. Another library clerk mentioned how her friendship with Spanish-speaking men prompted them to use the library; something they had been reluctant to do because of their lack of familiarity with it. She explained: I also had a lot of friends in the ________ area, which is quite Hispanic. . . . And a lot of the people in that area, especially the men, are a little bit shy about coming into the library and getting a library card. . . . And they would be there and they would ask questions and things like that. And they'd say, “Well, when are you going to be there [the library]?” They felt comfortable with me, you see, and I'd tell them when I'd be there. They just felt comfortable being able to go to somebody and make sure they'd be able to fill out the application [for a library card]. The clerk provided the inside connection that allowed these men, who were not familiar with the public library system, to get

57

a library card and make use of its information resources. Another library worker was able to connect the surplus resources of a food pantry that he learned about from a library patron to a community kitchen in his own neighborhood. Because these library workers were able to link their neighbors and friends to both library and neighborhood resources, they were a valuable social capital asset to their communities. 6.3. Providing special help As staff members got to know their patrons, they became more motivated to offer special help to them. Most of the interviewees mentioned going out of their way to help certain patrons. A library clerk explained that people who came in frequently and established a relationship with the library staff often got special treatment: There are certain patrons that stand out, we just do stuff for. But, I mean some people don't know we do that, that's why we probably don't do it for a lot of people. It's not like, you know, favoritism, but it's just people who've been coming in since we worked [here]. A natural outcome of getting to know patrons is to anticipate their needs. The most obvious benefit to the patron is help with selecting reading material. Three of the participants who worked at the circulation desk talked about putting aside books for patrons whose reading interests they were familiar with. One library clerk said, “I have one patron, she comes in and she likes African American paperbacks, so right off the bat she just lets me put books on hold for her. . . . And today I might have put like 10 of them up there for her already and I know her name. . . ” In other cases, a library worker may decide to offer extra help if she feels confident that the help will not be wasted. The manager at one of the branches mentioned helping a woman set up a small business. The librarian decided to help after she was sure that the patron was serious and would make use of her advice: So I started asking her questions because I think she seemed like a person who could probably sell about anything. She has that way. I seemed to have led her in a couple of directions, and she'd go off and come back and she would have followed through on those suggestions. In most of these cases, the library staff felt that the help they gave the patrons went beyond their normal duties. Librarians and other library staff have considerable discretion when deciding the level of help to give a patron, therefore a patron who is able make a personal connection with the staff member, either through their personality or work ethic, will achieve more. In most cases, the library staff took great satisfaction from the fact that the assistance had a positive outcome and it seemed to them that the patrons also benefitted from the extra help. Libraries have proven to be an invaluable resource for those who choose to use the Internet only occasionally, or cannot afford to keep up to date with the latest technology, as well as for those who do not have the skills to use the Internet effectively. People affected by the digital divide often suffer from a lack of social capital that would help them get access to information technology, and assistance in making effective use of it (Warschauer, 2003). Participants who worked in the two poorest neighborhood branches (Jefferson and Lincoln) gave many examples of helping patrons use the computers to fill out online forms or write resumes. Even people applying for jobs such as shelf stockers in grocery stores need to fill out online applications that one interviewee said can be 24 pages long. While the job itself may not require computer skills, applying for it does. A librarian explained, “And if you are going to become a stocker and you don't have a lot of computer skills, I mean that's really daunting. You know, ‘I can't use this mouse and I don't know why. I put in my

58

C.A. Johnson / Library & Information Science Research 34 (2012) 52–62

date of employment and it said it was wrong because I used dashes rather than slashes,’ and [they can] be frustrated by that.” The library, therefore, is an important resource where people can access not only the technology, but also the knowledge and assistance of library workers that help them function in an increasingly online world. For many library workers, then, the question is how much help should they provide? Studies in both Canada (Julien & Hoffman, 2008) and the United States (Bertot et al., 2008) have emphasized the increasing pressure placed on library workers as they attempt to meet the needs of the public for both access to computers and training in their use. This finding is supported by this research. As one librarian explained, “Just the number of people who don't have an email address and have never applied before for a job online, and so many companies are requiring it now. I really feel . . . that this has become a huge burden on the public libraries.” Many participants said that they felt overwhelmed by the demands made on them. As one clerk commented, “You try to help them as much as—I don't know— they just want everything, like ‘Okay, can you just do this for me?’ ‘Can you just fill this out?’ ‘Can you [fill out] all my information?’” Some libraries have responded to the increasing demands by establishing formal training programs (Bertot et al., 2008; Julien & Hoffman, 2008). When these are not available, patrons are often dependent on the good will of the library worker to give them the extra help they need. A librarian commented that although she did not usually take a personal interest in her patrons, when one young man asked for her help in filling out an online resume, she decided to help, as, “I had taken all my vitamins and he was really polite.” She spent more time with him than she normally would, and reported that, “he came back [later] and said, ‘Thanks to you I got that job.’ And I was like ‘Wow!’” Another staff member took an interest in a patron who eventually became a friend: “She always sits next to me at the computer. I help her. She's been job hunting for awhile unsuccessfully, so I've been trying to help her find a job.” Patrons appeared to benefit from both the formal and informal help provided by librarians. People may neglect to sign up for formal job-searching courses offered by libraries or employment agencies, but may be more motivated to search for information when they hear about a job. Having the resources of the library available to help at a time of need is an invaluable service, and the extra help provided by the library staff may be the key to a successful application. While many people may have this kind of assistance available through their social networks already, the information poor often need to go outside their networks to find it. Connecting with library workers on a personal level may be the winning strategy that enables them to get the help they need.

at the Jefferson branch described this phenomenon: “The people who sit and read the newspapers in the comfortable chairs . . . if they come in all the time, they tend to recognize each other. I don't know if people actually do a lot of reaching out to establish relationships, but you see there is a comfort level with them.” It was also common for library staff at all three branches to observe patrons meeting people they knew there from the neighborhood. A clerk at the Kennedy branch described these occurrences: “People will be waiting in line to check things out and someone else comes and they know each other—‘Oh, hi’—and start screaming at each other and stuff. That does tend to happen a lot. People run into people they know here.” These examples demonstrate that the library is a place where members of the community get to know, or at least recognize others from their community, and re-establish connections made elsewhere. The more frequently these connections are made, the stronger will be people's identification with the community. The library appeared to play a particularly important role as a meeting place for teenagers at the Lincoln branch in the poorest neighborhood. Sampson (2001) claims that places where teenagers hang out without adult supervision can lead to many social problems such as drinking, early sexual behavior, and smoking. He has even found that delinquency can be predicted from proximity to a McDonald's restaurant. In neighborhoods where there are few places for teenagers to congregate, libraries can exert a positive influence on teen behavior. It can even be argued that because of rules of conduct imposed by libraries, young people may gain a better understanding of what constitutes acceptable social behavior. At Lincoln, many teenagers came into the library after school because there were not many other nearby places to go. The library staff helped them with homework, or organized special programs for them. In the course of running these programs, the staff often found themselves becoming more involved than they anticipated in the care and safety of these patrons. A children's assistant said that after a games night, one of the teenage girls told her about getting involved with an older man on the Internet: “She was talking to, like a 24-year-old man, and she's underage. Oh boy, we need to talk about that.” A children's librarian was surprised when some teenagers participated in a program she had organized for young children that was related to the Lemony Snicket books: “I'm thinking little kids, and here are these teenagers that are really into this.” While most teenagers may have just been passing time in the library until they could go home, some appeared to be engaged in social activities that gave them great pleasure. The following quotation from a staff member discussing the homework help program at Lincoln illustrates the importance of the social engagement the children experienced during the library programs:

6.4. Library as meeting place Providing a place where members of the community can mix and mingle, get to know one another, and reinforce previous relationships is one of the fundamental ways in which libraries contribute to community social capital. Study participants reported many occurrences of patrons socializing amongst themselves. They observed patrons helping each other with computer problems, or using the library as a meeting place to connect with family and friends. A YA librarian said that although the teenagers appeared to be using the computers on their own, in reality they were engaging in social activities. “[They're] playing games with people around the world, they're using MySpace, social networking kind of things too, and helping each other with that.” The teenagers also socialized with friends around the computer: “A lot of times they come with friends. So they are in a little huddle by the computers.” Socialization does not always have to consist of active engagement with others. Being in the company of people who you meet in the same place over a period of time can also lead to feelings of attachment and comfort, even if you do not carry on conversations with them. The library manager

They are disappointed [when] there is nobody there, because sometimes it's not for homework, it's just somebody that is willing to take the time to talk to them. Or read with them, or whatever. I mean even, I've had older kids come into my storytime sometimes because they couldn't do other things yet, and you can just tell some of these kids are just not read to at all in this neighborhood. So even if they're eight and nine, to have somebody read to them, with them, I mean they still enjoy it. Participating in library programs may have also helped the children learn acceptable behavior. One staff member commented, “They still have to learn to follow directions, to behave, be quiet, you know, so it's still teaching them something. And it's giving them something to do in a good environment.” The participants believed that using the library and participating in programs resulted in social benefits to the children. They felt that the social activities they engaged in—talking to the children, listening to them, showing an interest in them, and giving them a positive outlet for their creativity—added quality to the lives of the children. In this neighborhood, it

C.A. Johnson / Library & Information Science Research 34 (2012) 52–62

seemed that the library was a stand-in for a healthy home environment, which many of these children may have lacked. 6.5. The library as a safe place to go The participants also described many incidents that suggested the high level of trust community members had in the library. In many cases the library seemed to be used as an extension of the home, with library staff expected to function as surrogate caregivers. The most prevalent example of this occurred around the care of children left in the library without the supervision of their parents. Sometimes parents dropped their children off before they did errands, or children came into the library after school because they could not go home until their parents came home from work. Nine of the participants regarded this as a problem, first, because they felt it was not part of their job to supervise the children, and secondly, because they felt they could not do an adequate job of keeping the children safe. One respondent described a case where a parent left her mentallydisabled teenager in the library without informing the staff, and then complained when the child was allowed to leave the library on her own. Another told of a situation where a parent expected a staff member to call her any time her daughter came into the library when she was supposed to be at school. Some parents appeared to trust the library and its staff so much that they expected the workers to stand in loco parentis for them. In many cases, the library workers described making an extra effort to watch over the children. In an excerpt from an interview quoted below, this library clerk explained that she had come to know the children so well that she knew who was related to whom, and made sure the younger ones did not leave the library with someone they did not know: The bigger ones I don't care too much for, they can fend for themselves. The little ones I observe them just to make sure they are not leaving the library with nobody. I don't think they should leave that way, 'cause yet again we're here every day and we kind of know who's related to who. You know people come up to me and they ask me, “Have you seen my little brother? Did he walk off with this one guy?” I kind of do keep a look out. The staff members got to know the children who came into the library every day and this knowledge increased their sense of responsibility for young patrons. This keeping a look out corresponds with Jacobs' observation about successful sidewalk life where shopkeepers or other locals monitor what is happening on their street and keep an eye out for aberrant behavior (Jacobs, 1961). Although it is not part of their job to supervise the children left in the library on their own, the library workers did not use this excuse to absolve themselves of responsibility for them. The parents apparently saw the library as a safe place in the neighborhood for their children to go while they were busy elsewhere and, for their part, the staff members responded by doing what they could to make sure the children were kept safe. 6.6. Reducing social isolation The library also provides a place for people who have no place else to go, such as the homeless, the unemployed, and people who live alone. Often library workers consider these patrons as problematic (Sarkodie-Mensah, 2002). But evidence from the interviews suggests that most library workers had a great deal of compassion for these users and felt that interacting with them added to the quality of the patrons' lives. Nine of the participants talked about the presence of homeless people in the library, but none of the interviewees considered these patrons to be a problem as long as they respected the rules. Many of the participants assumed that the homeless people used the library mainly as a place to stay warm, as one said: “They do come in the library, and there are times that they do use it so that

59

they do have a place that's warm.” That may be the greater incentive, particularly in winter months, however they may have been receiving other benefits as well. The greetings they received from the library workers may have also added to their self-esteem and helped reduce their feelings of isolation. One library clerk who had worked at the branch for more than 20 years specifically described his role in social terms, and felt that the conversations he had with patrons were helpful to them: “Well, I just talk to people all the time. I'm like the librarian bartender sometimes. People come . . . and I just listen to them. I don't give advice, I just ‘unh-huh, unh-huh.’ So they have somebody to talk to.” When asked what he thought the patron got out of this interaction, the library clerk said: “Well, somebody's here who's kind of like a friend to them and who's there and treats them like a regular person, because some of these people, they probably get called names or whatever on the street, you know.” A librarian mentioned that for some patrons coming to the library and engaging in conversation with staff might be the only social interaction they would have in a day: “We have a lot of patrons, too, I think, who don't really have anybody to talk to in their lives and I guess we are a captive audience with an easy jumping off point— something that they've read or are looking for. ‘Have you heard about this?’ It's just easy for them to start a conversation.” Most of the participants recognized the restricted social lives of some of their patrons, and felt that the library served a valuable social role in relieving isolation. 6.7. Library as place Finally, the physical place of the library itself can be a source of social capital, as it generates feelings of pride in the neighborhood. The Jefferson branch is a new building that was completed in 2003. It is an attractive, light-filled space, with floor to ceiling windows overlooking a park. The location of this branch borders one of the poor, inner-city neighborhoods. According to the manager of the branch, the fact that the city had decided to put a new building in this neighborhood when budgets were tight and other branches were in danger of being closed shocked the local residents. The manager described the reaction: I think the community was stunned that it was going to have [a new building]. I mean really stunned. The old library was the first library in this city built as a neighborhood library. It was 50 years old. Small, very inadequate, dark just like a cave. It was awful and so I think it was sort of this was the forgotten area. The manager explained that when the library was being built people in the neighborhood would come out on their lunch hours to see what progress was being made. She described a woman driving by one day, who pulled over to ask what was being built and when she found out it was a library, “she screamed with delight.” The pleasure taken in this building, and the sense of ownership over it is evident from the opening celebration, when several hundred members of the community gathered at the old library and, led by a police band and a banner emblazoned with the library's name, marched down the street carrying baskets of books to the new building. The branch manager described the occasion: The day that the building opened, it was sort of magic. It was in April and it was one of those brilliant blue sky, sunny [days]. A person from the communications office downtown knows a member of the police band, and so the police band came to the old building and people who wanted to march were here, [carrying] baskets of books, not old books, and . . . this parade and everyone was crying and it was fabulous! I think that first day something like 2500 people came through the building or something. It was just extraordinary.

60

C.A. Johnson / Library & Information Science Research 34 (2012) 52–62

The new building attracted new members and brought back others who had stopped going to the old library, with circulation doubling in the first month and numbers increasing with each year. Community groups started using the building for their meetings, with rooms booked 3 months in advance. The branch manager described with pride the electric atmosphere in the library when all the meeting rooms were being used and the tables filled with patrons: There are times when the building is almost alive. I just remember a night when there was a huge meeting in here . . . and it was a community block watching kind of thing and there were lots of people and there was a lot of inning and outing. Three of the tables out on the floor had study groups where students and adults were . . . And there was a huge meeting on the 2nd floor, and there was just a lot of really wonderful activity going on here. And I think people respond positively and the energy that's in the building is real clear. The commitment to the new building is also evident in plaques on the foyer wall acknowledging both large and small donations of $100 to $200 from ordinary members of the community. A new building with attractive and functional spaces can inspire more people to become involved in the community by instilling a feeling of hope that local conditions can change for the better. A similar experience was described by Putnam and Feldstein (2003) as a result of the building of the new Near North Branch library in Chicago. A new library building that belongs to all residents can help rejuvenate a neighborhood, and draw more residents into community-building activities, as it generates a feeling of optimism that people's actions can bring about change for the better. Social capital may emerge from the new relationships forged there and from the opportunities for collaboration among groups not previously connected. 7. Discussion Most of the interactions described in this paper went beyond the functional exchanges that are typically part of the work of library staff. What library staff may not realize is that these seemingly innocuous relationships that get established in the course of doing their jobs may be just as valuable to patrons as the library services they provide. Social capital may emerge out of such relationship, which may help people feel more connected to their community or result in getting the extra little bit of help or information that could lead to a new job, or the establishment of a new business. As library workers become familiar with frequent users, they take a special interest in them—engaging in conversation with individual, sometimes lonely, patrons and keeping an eye out for young patrons who are in the library without a parent or caregiver. Many of the library workers interviewed valued the relationships they established with their patrons, got a great deal of satisfaction out of them, and were happy when the help they gave resulted in a new job or a successful business start-up. Some of the relationships that were established were appreciated mainly for the human connection that was forged: being able to help a child cope with a parent's death, or treating a homeless person as a valued human being. In such cases the benefits of the relationship appeared to be mutual with the result that both the patron and library worker may feel more connected to each other and thus to the community at large. In some cases library workers related putting neighbors or family members in contact with resources in the library, or connecting them to other community resources, thus contributing to the individual social capital of their friends and family, as well as to the social capital of their communities. Social capital emerges out of the connections made between individuals that help them get access to better resources, or provide the social or emotional support that can make people feel better about

themselves and their lives. Both of these kinds of social capital, instrumental and emotional, are important resources to communities. New immigrants, for instance, benefit not only from the informational resources of the library, but also from the connections made with people at their neighborhood libraries that help them feel more at home in their new environment (Caidi & Allard, 2005). As Fisher et al. (2007) also found, new library buildings may instill a feeling of civic pride and can motivate community members to improve other aspects of their neighborhoods. In such cases, libraries through their very presence can increase the level of social capital in a community. According to the findings of research conducted by Robert Sampson et al. (2005), community institutions such as libraries are important because they provide a means through which community members can carry out collective action. The reaction to the new library in one of the neighborhoods in this study seemed to energize the neighborhood, as the library became heavily used both for private study and for community meetings. Meeting the same people every day seemed also to generate reciprocal feelings of trust between patrons and staff. This may transfer to trust in the library itself that may carry over into trust in other community institutions, an important source of community social capital (Rothstein & Stolle, 2003). Of course, not all interactions that take place between library staff and patrons will contain any of these social capital characteristics. As illustrated by a few of the interviews for this study, some library staff members preferred not to get too close to patrons or become involved in their personal concerns. The interactions with patrons described by library workers in this study may not be typical of all public libraries in North America. They may be specific to these particular branches in this particular city. In addition, because two out of the three branches involved in this study are located in very poor neighborhoods, it is possible that the impact of libraries on social capital may be greater in economically depressed neighborhoods than in middle or upper income neighborhoods. The library patrons in these neighborhoods may be in greater need of help than patrons in more economically well-off neighborhoods. For instance, parents in middle class neighborhoods can probably afford daycare or babysitters and would not need to send their young children on their own to the library after school. The library workers in this study filled in for these parents by ensuring the safety of the children left in the library, and finding activities to keep them occupied until it was okay to go home. These staff members also believed that they were teaching the children appropriate social behavior. Because the libraries in this study appear to operate as a trusted institution, they add to the social capital of the community by giving the children a safe place to go where they also engage in productive and interesting activities. Studies conducted in Australia (State Library of New South Wales, 2000) and in the United States (Public Agenda, 2006) also support this finding that public libraries are regarded as trusted institutions. Further research that expands the study into wealthy neighborhoods, however, will need to be conducted before we have a clear picture of how public libraries contribute to the social capital of all communities. If these interactions are typical of what takes place in public libraries, there are implications both for public library policies, as well as for the education of librarians and library clerks. Policies regarding the treatment of homeless patrons and latchkey children should take into consideration the specific needs of these patrons, and the kinds of assistance that would most benefit them, rather than instituting policies that limit their access to libraries. With the growing incursion of technology into the lives of all citizens, library policymakers will also have to consider the level of assistance libraries should provide to people who are not able to use technology effectively. They may need to make the case to local, state, or federal levels of government to increase funding to enable libraries to provide the kinds of assistance that patrons need to function adequately in our

C.A. Johnson / Library & Information Science Research 34 (2012) 52–62

electronically-mediated society. Because not all library workers in this study responded positively to patrons' special needs, the establishment of policies to provide more standardized help to needy patrons may also be necessary. In many cases it was an individual decision whether to offer the extra help and attention needed by patrons. Understandably, library workers, particularly librarians, often view their role within the parameters of their job descriptions: designing and producing library programs, and organizing and facilitating access to information or leisure materials. Attention should also be paid to the social dynamics public librarians face in their workplace, and the human dimensions of the demands made on them. With more and more public libraries emphasizing their role as community centers, it is more important than ever for library workers to understand the impact their informal interactions with patrons can have on both the personal lives of patrons and on the community in general. 8. Conclusion This research supports claims often made about the public library's role in contributing to the social capital of communities. The qualitative study also illustrates the kinds of interactions that occur that may have an effect on a community's and an individual's level of social capital. Because not all library staff for this study saw their role in terms of providing the kinds of help that may have an impact on social capital, further studies could be conducted that compare library branches according to the proportion of staff who engage in these types of social interactions and whether that ratio affects patrons' level of social capital. At a time when public libraries are offering more and more services online, the importance of the physical space and face-to-face interactions between patrons and staff is also emphasized. Because access to the Internet is a large component of library use, however, further research could focus on patrons' use of the Internet and whether this use has any impact on their level of social capital. Although it is not known how the social capital generated through the informal exchanges reported in this paper is translated into community action, it is clear that the library serves as a trusted, safe and constructive public space where people can make connections with each other that may positively affect the community as a whole. The interviews with library staff suggest that the public library is indeed a community institution where social capital is generated. Acknowledgments I would like to thank Dyan Barbeau for her research assistance on this project, and the University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee for their financial support. References Alstad, C., & Curry, A. (2003). Public space, public discourse and public libraries. LIBRES, 13(1) Retrieved from http://libres.curtin.edu.au/libres13n1/pub_space.htm Audunson, R. (2005). The public library as a meeting-place in a multicultural and digital context: The necessity of low-intensive meeting places. Journal of Documentation, 61, 429–441. Berg, B. L. (2007). Qualitative research methods for the social sciences. Boston: Pearson Education, Inc. Bertot, J. C., McClure, C. R., & Jaeger, P. T. (2008). The impacts of free public internet access on public library patrons and communities. The Library Quarterly, 78(3), 285–301. Boase, J., & Wellman, B. (2006). The strength of internet ties: The internet and email aid users in maintaining their social networks and provide pathways to help when people face big decisions. Pew Internet & American Life Project. Retrieved from http:// www.pewinternet.org/Reports/2006/The-Strength-of-Internet-Ties/ Bourdieu, P. (1980). Le capital social: Notes provisoires. [Social capital: Preliminary notes]. Actes de la Recherche en Sciences Sociales, 3, 2–3. Bourdieu, P. (1986). The forms of capital. In J. G. Richardson (Ed.), Handbook of theory and research (pp. 241–258). New York: Greenwood Press.

61

Britz, J. J. (2004). To know or not to know: A moral reflection on information poverty. Journal of Information Science, 30(3), 192–204. Bryson, J., Usherwood, B., & Proctor, R. (2003). Libraries must also be buildings? New library impact study. London: resource. The Council for Museums, Archives and Libraries. Retrieved from http://www.sheffield.ac.uk/content/1/c6/07/01/24/ CPLIS%20-%20New%20Library%20Impact%20Study.pdf Caidi, N., & Allard, D. (2005). Social inclusion of newcomers to Canada: An information problem? Library and Information Science Research, 27, 302–324. Center for Economic Development (2006). Income change in Milwaukee's inner city, 2004–2005. Milwaukee, WI: University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee. Retrieved from http://www4.uwm.edu/ced/publications/innercity1106.pdf Chatman, E. A. (1996). The impoverished life-world of outsiders. Journal of the American Society for Information Science and Technology, 47, 193–206. de Hart, J., & Dekker, P. (2003). A tale of two cities: Local patterns of social capital. In M. Hoogh, & D. Stolle (Eds.), Generating social capital: Civil society and institutions in comparative perspective (pp. 153–169). New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Degyansky, K. (2008). The disconnected. Library Journal, 133(12), 30–33. Falk, I., & Kilpatrick, S. (2000). What is social capital? A study of interaction in a rural community. Sociologia Ruralis, 40(1), 87–110. Fauber, J., & Diedrich, J. (2006, November 13). Uncounted: Surviving gunshots, paying the price. Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, p. A9. Fischer, C. S. (2005). Bowling alone: What's the score? [Book review]. Social Networks, 27, 155–167. Fisher, K. E., Saxton, M. L., Edwards, P. M., & Mai, J. (2007). Seattle public library as place: Reconceptualizing space, community, and information at the central library. In J. Buschman, & G. J. Leckie (Eds.), The library as place: History, community, and culture (pp. 135–160). Westport, CT: Libraries Unlimited. Gong, H., Japzon, A. C., & Chen, C. (2008). Public libraries and social capital in three New York City neighborhoods. Tijdschrift voor Economische en Sociale Geografic, 99(1), 65–83. Goulding, A. (2004). Libraries and social capital: Editorial. Journal of Librarianship and Information Science, 36(1), 3–6. Hampton, K., & Wellman, B. (2003). Neighboring in Netville: How the internet supports community and social capital in a wired suburb. City and Community, 2, 277–311. Hanna, K. S., Dale, A., & Ling, C. (2009). Social capital and quality of place: Reflections on growth and change in a small town. Local Environment, 14(1), 31–44. Hill, C. (2009). Inside, outside and online. American Libraries, 40(3), 38–41. Hillenbrand, C. (2005). Public libraries as developers of social capital. Aplis, 18(1), 4–12. Hoogh, M., & Stolle, D. (Eds.). (2003). Generating social capital: Civil society and institutions in comparative perspective. New York: Palgrave MacMillan. Jacobs, J. (1961). The death and life of great American cities. New York: Vintage Books. Johnson, C. A. (2007). Social capital and the search for information: Examining the role of social capital in information seeking behavior in Mongolia. Journal of the American Society for Information Science and Technology, 58, 883–894. Johnson, C. A. (2010). Do public libraries contribute to social capital? A preliminary investigation into the relationship. Library and Information Science Research, 32, 147–155. Julien, H., & Hoffman, C. (2008). Information literacy training in Canada's public libraries. The Library Quarterly, 78(1), 19–41. Leckie, G. J., & Hopkins, J. (2002). The public place of central libraries: Findings from Toronto and Vancouver. The Library Quarterly, 72(3), 326–372. Levine, M. V. (2003, April 30). The two Milwaukees: Separate and unequal. Unpublished manuscript. Retrieved from http://www4.uwm.edu/ced/pdf/two-milwaukee.pdf Lin, N. (2001). Social capital: A theory of social structure and action. Cambridge UK: Cambridge University Press. London, C. (2010). When service matters. Library Journal, 135(1), 40–43. Marshall, C., & Ross, G. B. (2006). Designing qualitative research (4th ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA.: Sage Publications. McPherson, M., Smith-Lovin, L., & Brashears, M. E. (2006). Social isolation in America: Changes in core discussion networks over two decades. American Sociological Review, 71(3), 353–375. Miles, M., & Huberman, A. M. (1994). An expanded sourcebook: Qualitative analysis (2nd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA.: Sage Publications. Oldenburg, R. (1999). The great good place: Cafes, coffee shops, bookstores, bars, hair salons and other hangouts at the heart of a community. New York: Marlowe & Company. Portes, A. (1998). Social capital: Its origins and applications in modern sociology. Annual Review of Sociology, 24, 1–24. Public Agenda (2006). Long overdue: A fresh look at public and leadership attitudes about libraries in the 21st century. Retrieved from http://www.publicagenda.org/reports/ long-overdue Putnam, R. D. (1995). Bowling alone: America's declining social capital. Journal of Democracy, 6(1), 65–78. Putnam, R. D. (2000). Bowling alone: The collapse and revival of the American community. New York: Simon & Schuster. Putnam, R. D. (2001). Social capital: Measurement and consequences. Canadian Journal of Policy Research, 2, 41–51. Retrieved from http://www.oecd.org/dataoecd/25/6/ 1825848.pdf Putnam, R. D., & Feldstein, L. M. (2003). Better together: Restoring the American community. New York: Simon & Schuster. Quan-Haase, A., Wellman, B., Hampton, K., & Witte, J. (2002). Capitalizing on the net: Social contact, civic engagement, and sense of community. In B. Wellman, & C. Haythornthwaite (Eds.), The internet in everyday life (pp. 291–324). Oxford: Blackwell. Rothstein, B., & Stolle, D. (2003). Social capital, impartiality and the welfare state: An institutional approach. In M. Hoogh, & D. Stolle (Eds.), Generating social capital:

62

C.A. Johnson / Library & Information Science Research 34 (2012) 52–62

Civil society and institutions in comparative perspective (pp. 191–209). New York: Palgrave MacMillan. Sampson, R. J. (2001). How do communities undergird or undermine human development? Relevant contexts and social mechanisms. In A. Booth, & A. C. Crouter (Eds.), Does it take a village? Community effects on children, adolescents, and families (pp. 1–30). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Sampson, R. J., McAdam, D., MacIndoe, H., & Weffer-Elizondo, S. (2005). Civil society reconsidered: The durable nature and community structure of collective civic action. The American Journal of Sociology, 111(3), 673–714. Sarkodie-Mensah, K. (2002). Introduction. The Reference Librarian, 36, 75–76. State Library of New South Wales (2000). “A safe place to go”: Libraries and social capital. Sydney, Australia: University of Technology. Retrieved from http://www.sl. nsw.gov.au/services/public_libraries/docs/safe_place.pdf United States Census Bureau (2009). Population finder. Retrieved from http://factfinder. census.gov Varheim, A. (2008, July 9). Theoretical approaches on public libraries as places creating social capital. Paper presented at the World Library and Information Congress: 74th IFLA General Conference and Council, Quebec, Canada. Retrieved from http://www. ifla.org/IV/ifla74/papers/091-Varheim-en.pdf Varheim, A. (2011). Gracious space: Library programming strategies towards immigrants as tools in the creation of social capital. Library and Information Science Research, 33, 12–18.

Varheim, A., Steinmo, S., & Ide, E. (2008). Do libraries matter? Public libraries and the creation of social capital. Journal of Documentation, 64, 877–892. Warschauer, M. (2003). Social capital and access. Universal Access in the Information Society, 2(4), 315–330. Woolcock, M. (2001). The place of social capital in understanding social and economic outcomes. Canadian Journal of Policy Research, 2(1), 65–87. Woolcock, M. (2004). Social capital: A theory of social structure and action by N. Lin. [Book review]. Social Forces, 82(3), 1209–1211. Woolcock, M. (2010). The rise and routinization of social capital, 1988–2008. Annual Review of Political Science, 13, 469–487.

Catherine (Kate) Johnson is an assistant professor in the Faculty of Information and Media Studies at the University of Western Ontario in London, Ontario. She received her Ph.D. from the University of Toronto. Before starting her academic career she worked as a librarian with the Toronto Public Library. Her research interests include the social role of public libraries, particularly whether libraries contribute to the social capital of communities; digital divide issues; and the role of information in development. She has published in such journals as Journal of the American Society for Information Science and Technology, Library & Information Science Research and Library Quarterly.