Impossible meals? The food and meal situation of flight attendants in Scandinavia – A qualitative interview study

Appetite 113 (2017) 162e171

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Impossible meals? The food and meal situation of flight attendants in Scandinavia e A qualitative interview study €s Wiklund b Maria Nyberg a, *, Maria Lennerna a b

School of Learning and Environment, Department of Human Sciences, Food and Meal Science, Kristianstad University, SE-291 88 Kristianstad, Sweden €vle, SE-801 76 Ga €vle, Sweden Department of Occupational and Public Health Sciences, University of Ga

a r t i c l e i n f o

a b s t r a c t

Article history: Received 15 August 2016 Received in revised form 11 January 2017 Accepted 22 February 2017 Available online 24 February 2017

The working conditions of flight attendants (FAs) often involve extended and irregular working hours, short rest periods, difficulties in planning for breaks and high demands of service provision. Moreover, work schedules including early check-in, shifts during circadian low and time-zone transitions imply constant exposure to alterations in circadian systems and related health risks. The aim of this explorative study was to investigate how the organisation of work, time and place influence the food and meal situation of FAs when at work, focusing on patterns, form and social context of meals. The research questions posed were how food and meals at work were characterised and perceived among the FAs, and what strategies were adopted to manage the food and meal situation. Qualitative, semi-structured interviews were conducted with fourteen FAs working in Scandinavia. The results indicated that the organisation of work, time and place have a major influence on the meal situation at work, and how food and meals are perceived and managed by FAs. The work was defined as fragmented and inconsistent regarding time and place resulting in scattered meals and a more snack-based form of eating. The meal situation was characterised by irregularity as well as unpredictability. Eating took place when food was available and when there was enough time to eat, rather than being guided by hunger or social context. Various strategies such as eating in prevention, using emergency food, avoiding certain food and drinks or eating little or nothing at all were used to manage the unpredictability of the meal situation as well as the gap between organisational and individual times. The findings demonstrated the individual responsibility to solve the meal at work, e.g. to solve organisational times. © 2017 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Keywords: Flight attendants Meals Workplace Organisation Working time Timing of eating

1. Introduction In this explorative study, we examine how the organisation of work, time and place influence the food and meal situation of flight attendants (FAs) in Scandinavia, and how they perceive and manage food and meals at work during both short and long-haul flights. The working conditions of FAs often involve extended and irregular working hours, time-zone transitions, short rest periods, difficulties in planning for breaks and high demands of service r & Ryde n, 2001, p. 4; Whitelegg, 2007; Banks, provision (Amne Avers, Nesthus, & Hauck, 2012; Shalla, 2004). The work has been characterised on the one hand by routines and on the other hand by high demands for flexibility and being able to manage

* Corresponding author. E-mail addresses: [email protected] (M. Nyberg), [email protected] €s Wiklund). (M. Lennerna http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.appet.2017.02.033 0195-6663/© 2017 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

r & Ryde n, 2001, p. 4; Shalla, 2004). unpredictable situations (Amne In addition, the FAs service provision involves a high level of emotional demands (Hochshild, 1983; Sonnentag & Natter, 2004). Food is often provided for the FAs by their employer after a certain number of hours of work, however due to changed flight schedules or delays, but also difficulties in planning for regular meals at work, food intake might be quite irregular. The FAs themselves might also purchase food to take on board the aircraft. However, due to lack of space as well as limited possibilities to either heat food or keep it cool, this may not be perceived as a satisfactory solution. At the same time, FAs are responsible for safety and service on board the aircraft and are expected to perform in front of the passengers during various times, both day and night. Irregular working hours, insufficient sleep and less intake of nutritious food, in combination with a lack of recovery and rest during working hours have been associated with increased health risks and a higher risk of accidents due to fatigue (Hunter & Wu, 2016; Nea, Kearney, Livingstone, Pourshahidi, & Corish, 2015; Tucker, 2003).

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In general, there is limited knowledge concerning how the organisation of work, time and place influence the food and meal situation in a workplace context, and more specifically for FAs in airline companies. Previous research on FAs has mainly focused on health aspects related to working conditions and work environment, where larger quantitative research studies €ck, have been conducted (e.g. Wahlstedt, Lindgren, Norba Wieslander, & Runeson, 2010). Moreover, research focusing on food and meals at work has not included this occupational group. However, during recent years evidence has accumulated suggesting that the timing of meals, and not only the quantity and quality of meals, can affect performance, alertness, metabolism and a variety of physiological processes (Asher & Sassone-Corsi, 2015). These are all aspects that are important in relation to the work of the FAs who are responsible for safety in the cabin on board the aircraft. Few studies have attempted to integrate the complexity of the meal situation at work, including organisational and cultural aspects, with a chronobiological approach in order to capture the impact of varying times and rhythms. In this study, we contribute to this field of knowledge by qualitatively approaching the food and meal situation at work among FAs to increase the understanding of food and meals in relation to the shifting times and rhythms of today's working life. However, since this is an explorative, qualitative study the purpose is not to generalise the results to a larger population. Instead, the focus is on gaining a deeper understanding of FAs experiences and perceptions where we try to further explore the interconnectedness between people as biological and cultural human beings, time, place and food. In this study, the overall aim was to examine how the organisation of work, time and place influence the food and meal situation at work among FA's in Scandinavia, focusing on patterns, i.e. times, timing and rhythms of eating, forms, i.e. composition and complexity of the meals, as well as social and physical contexts of eating (Holm €, 1991). The specific research questions in et al., 2012; M€ akela the study concerned how food and meals were characterised and perceived by the FAs, and what strategies were adopted in order to manage the food and meal situation at work. 1.1. Previous research e food at work and the work of flight attendants From a nutritional and public health perspective, food at work has been investigated in relation to dietary interventions with the purpose of promoting healthy eating habits (Geaney et al., 2013; € rgensen, 2011; Thorsen, Lassen, Lassen et al., 2011; Poulsen & Jo Tetens & Mikkelsen, 2010) and identifying barriers to healthy eating (Faugier, Lancaster, Pickles, & Dobson, 2001). Eating lunch at a staff canteen has, for example, been associated with better €hteenkorva, & nutritional quality of the diet (Roos, Sarlio-La Lallukka, 2004). Relatively few studies have addressed eating behaviour in relation to shift work and nutritional status (Lennern€ as, Abrahamsson, Hambraeus, & Åkerstedt, 1994; Lennern€ as, Hambraeus, & Åkerstedt, 1995; Lowden, Moreno, €ck, Lennern€ Holmba as, & Tucker, 2010) or highlighted the chronobiological dimensions of eating at work (Ekmekcioglu & Touitou, 2010, a review). Food and meals at work have been explored from a social science perspective, focusing on food choice and food choice strategies (Devine et al., 2009; Sobal & Bisogni, 2009; Sobal, Bisogni, Devine, & Jastran, 2006) as well as on food and organisan & Nyberg, tional culture, meal patterns, norms and values (Linde €berg & Nyberg, 2010; Nyberg, 2009; Wandel 2009; Svederberg, Sjo & Roos, 2005; Kristensen & Holm, 2006). For example, extended work pressure in combination with an organisational culture that fosters high workloads may result in workers not taking lunch

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(Devine, Nelson, Chin, Dozier, & Fernandez, 2007; Pridgeon & Whitehead, 2009). As a regularly occurring and socially shared event (Holm, €kela €, 2000), which includes the intake 2001; Murcott, 1982; Ma of energy and various nutrients, the meal is challenged in a working life that does not follow times and rhythms, foster regular meal patterns or prioritise the meal as an event. Most of our daily meals still take place at home and in the workplace, at least from a Nordic perspective (Holm et al., 2016). However, regular meals, still the most frequent meal pattern in society (Lund & Gronow, 2014), are challenged by the way work, time and place are organised in the workplace. An increasing amount of shift work, defined as work conducted primarily outside of daytime and where the working shifts are either permanent or rotating (Esquirol et al., 2011), affects overall food and meal structures, as well as health and well-being (Costa, 1996; Knutsson, 2003). Previous studies on FAs have addressed health and circadian disruption (Grajewski, Nguyen, Whelan, Cole, & Hein, 2003) in relation to working hours, as well as gastrointestinal symptoms (Sveinsdottir, Gunnarsdottir, & Fridriksdottir, 2007; Wahlstedt et al., 2010) and overall fatigue and sleep dis€ck, 2005; McNeely et al., 2014). Howorders (Lindgren & Norba ever, no studies can be found that focus specifically on food and the ambience of meals in flight cabin crew. People that work around the clock are vulnerable from a nutritional perspective since it appears that not only what we eat but also the time of eating, that is day versus night, has dramatic effects on health, obesity and other metabolic pathologies (Asher & Sassone-Corsi, 2015). During recent decades, the airline industry has changed dramatically, which includes an increased deregulation and enhanced competitiveness as a result of globalisation (McNeely et al., 2014; Ng, Simbasivan, & Zubaidah, 2011; Shalla, 2004; Whitelegg, 2007). In addition, there is greater pressure on the individual to adapt to various working hours and tight working schedules. Grignon (1996) earlier noted that the rhythm of eating in today's society could be seen as a compromise between various interests and that strong economic drives seem “to encourage the chronological deregulation of social life” (Kristensen & Holm, 2006, p. 153), for example what to do, when to do it, and with whom. Kristensen and Holm further emphasise how the work arrangements in today's society have resulted in the need “to plan and organise our social life around ever more complex structures of time and space” (2006, p. 151) due to constantly shifting temporal structures. However, there are limits to how far our body's flexibility regarding, for example, the timing of eating, sleep and restitution can be pushed before negative health consequences, reduced performance and increased accident risk appear. 2. Material and methods 2.1. Participants The participants in this study were ten female and four male FAs, 25e54 years old, working for an airline company in Scandinavia. They were either native Danish or Swedish and had worked as FAs for 6e32 years. Their current work time arrangements included both short- and long-haul flights (defined as short/long). Short-haul flights took place within Scandinavia and Europe, while long-haul flights were intercontinental flights, involving travels across several time zones. Both flight arrangements could imply one or more stays in hotels. Prior to the study, contact was established with the FA union which enabled us to inform the FAs about the study through their internal website. The participants were recruited from one Scandinavian airline company, however many of the participants had previously worked for other airline companies,

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both in and outside of Scandinavia. The participants were then recruited through a request on the flight attendants’ Facebook page where those interested in participating could submit their contact details. Only those who were members of the union were informed and recruited for the study. However, since about 90% of all FAs were members of this association, we did not find this problematic. Within two weeks, 18 FAs had submitted an expression of interest to participate in an interview. Each person was then contacted through a telephone call or by mail, and was given further oral and written information about the project. A few declined participation due to lack of time and difficulties in planning for the interview in their working schedule. Finally, 14 people were interviewed. In the study, nine of the participants could work as pursers, implying that they would have the overall responsibility for the cabin, including safety and the service provided to the passengers. However, one FA might work as a purser on one flight, but not on another. Depending on the type and size of the aircraft, the number of FAs in the cabin differed. In the smaller aircraft only one FA works in the cabin, however in most aircraft there were four FAs in the cabin, two at the front and two at the back. 2.2. Data collection Data was collected through qualitative, semi-structured interviews. An interview guide was used during the interviews, which included themes that helped to structure the interviews. In order to encourage the participants to describe their overall experiences of food and eating at work, they were initially asked to describe what characterised their food habits at work. The responses often included descriptions of both food habits in general and how these were influenced by their working situation. The interview began with the response to this open-ended question, ensuring that the following themes, including subsequent questions, were followed up in the interview. The first theme dealt with overall questions about working time and scheduling of work; the second theme included questions on food choice, type of food eaten, mealtimes, and the social and physical context of eating. The meal situation was further discussed in relation to perceived problems, challenges and strategies. The third theme dealt with breaks and rest periods during working hours and how these were organised and planned for. Questions regarding opportunities, problems and challenges relating to the meal breaks were included. This theme also dealt with more overall possibilities for rest and recovery between different duty periods.

2.5. Data analysis The process of analysing qualitative data often starts in parallel to the data collection and then continues with more formal analysis. A model for analysing qualitative data outlined by Miles and Huberman (1994) was used in this study. Initially, after transcription, the interviews were read through several times in order to get a general sense of the material. In order to find the most central concepts in the interviews, the material was sorted and categorized using codes and central key words. Patterns and connections between the codes were then searched for and sub-themes were identified in order to provide a deeper understanding of the questions being focused on in the study. The sub-themes were sorted under the two main themes “Eating in the air e patterns, forms and the contexts of eating” and “Food and meal strategies in the air” (see Table 1). Qualitative analysis is always iterative, implying a process where constant reviews of the material are made in order to attain a stable result. Moreover, the analysis should be understood as the interplay between the theoretical framework and prior knowledge of the field, and the empirical data (see e.g. Burawoy, 1998, p. 5). The findings of this analysis process were interpreted in the context of patterns, forms and the social context of eating, € (1991), and empirical inspired by Holm et al. (2012) and M€ akela research related to work, time and meals. The analysis was primarily conducted by the first author in continuous discussion with the second author. Quotations from the interviews were translated into English and are used in the presentation of the results to illustrate the findings. 3. Results The results indicated a frequently complex meal situation where time and place had to be managed in every situation. Meals at work were often perceived as stressful and they mostly took place on board the aircraft. This often made eating part of working time instead of being part of break time. The FAs used different strategies to manage the meal situation. The findings of the study are presented and discussed under the two main themes: “Eating in the air - patterns, forms and the contexts of eating” and “Food and meal strategies in the air”. Under these main themes, additional sub-themes are used that emerged in the analysis of the interviews (see Table 1). 3.1. Eating in the air e patterns, forms and the contexts of eating

2.3. Procedure The interviews took place at the participant's base airport in , and were conScandinavia or at a nearby location, often at a cafe ducted close to their work time or in their spare time. In one case, the interview took place in the participant's home. The interviews lasted between 45 and 90 min, and were all recorded with digital equipment and transcribed. The interviewer spoke both Danish and Swedish and both languages were used. Interviews conducted in Danish were transcribed into Swedish. 2.4. Ethical considerations The participants were informed about the purpose of the study both orally and in writing in advance of and in connection with the interview. They were also informed of their right to discontinue their participation in the study at any point. Participation was voluntary and all information was treated confidentially. The Ethics Committee in Uppsala, Sweden approved the study design (Registration number 2014/149).

Meals at work were characterised by irregularity as a result of the irregular working hours as well as by eating in a hurry, often standing up. The meals were further characterised by being “placeless” due to the lack of a physical place to eat in the aircraft. Moreover, meals were to a large extent perceived as being unpredictable with regard to time, place and the food available. 3.1.1. Irregular working hours e irregular meals Meals during working hours were characterised by irregularity with regard to time and place and to the food eaten at particular times. This was primarily described as a result of the special character of the work and the shifting time patterns, where short-haul flights were combined with long-haul flights, destinations succeeding one another over a work period, and where every working day had its specific start and end points with regard to time and place. The FAs described eating at work as an activity where time and rhythmicity were not consistent with perceived normative meal patterns. In this context, breakfast, lunch and dinner were often viewed as an impossible meal format.

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Table 1 Main themes and sub-themes. Main themes

Sub-themes

Eating in the air e patterns, forms and the contexts of eating

Irregular working hours e irregular meals Eating in a hurry, standing up Placeless eating Unpredictable eating Preventive eating Emergency food Avoidance e eating less or nothing at all Guiding when to eat e the clock, the time zone or the stomach Compromised eating

Food and meal strategies in the air

It doesn't work as it does in real life, so to speak, where you have breakfast in the morning, at a time of the day when your body needs it, and then you have lunch at noon, and later supper in the evening (no. 14). Meal breaks, either on board the aircraft or at the airport, were planned based on the demands of the organisation and the schedules of the flights, rather than on the biological needs of the individual or the social and cultural norms surrounding eating. (…) just because it should fit the flights' time schedule they say ‘now you have your meal break at 7 o'clock in the morning, but at that time you might just have had your breakfast. And at the same time, if you check-in at 4 pm in the afternoon, and then it should be mealtime at 6 pm, but then you might not have your break until 9 pm in the evening, ‘now you can eat’. This often happens, and that's the problem. You have to eat when it doesn't suit you. Nobody thinks about whether it's ‘food-time’ or not (no. 7). The FAs described a huge difference between working shorthaul flights and long-haul flights, where short-haul flights were characterised by having much tighter time schedules, leading to constant stress. Compared with short-haul, long-haul flights were described in terms of having a more draining effect and placing greater demands on the body and performance. However, due to being in the air for a longer period of time, long-haul flights more often gave the opportunity to eat a meal in peace and quiet. During long-haul flights, pre-prepared hot and cold meals and various kinds of snacks were always loaded for the FAs, unlike short-haul flights. I don't get stomach ache when I eat on long-haul flights (…) when I eat on a short-haul flight I'll throw my food into me in a minute and sometimes I refrain from eating because I get stomach ache. On the other hand, on long-haul flights I have more time to sit down if I want to, or stand up, and eat slower, and there is also a greater supply of food (no. 2). Due to the work demands and flight scheduling, eating irregularly was described as part of the work itself. However, physical problems such as stomach ache were recurrently reported in the interviews. Scheduling of work and time, including whether it is a long-haul or a short-haul flight, all influenced the ability to eat at work as well as the perception of the meal situation. 3.1.2. Eating in a hurry, standing up Meals at work, especially when taking place on board the aircraft during short-haul flights, were most often described as stressful and time-pressured activities. Multiple deadlines and keeping a constant eye on the clock were described as characterising the meal situation.

The time-pressured work schedules and the constant stress that you are under all the time, where you're constantly checking what time it is, where you should be now, when the passengers will board, when the pilots will enter, when the security-check should be finished. You have all these deadlines in your head that you are constantly thinking about when you're having a meal break during the day. And that's stressful (no. 12). This distraction in combination with stressful eating could also lead to lack of control over how much food is actually eaten. The entire meal is a stress factor in some way. I easily lose track of how much I have actually eaten. I poke a bit at the food and eat a little of it. It is not a plate where I see in front of me how much I have eaten (no. 4). A perceived lack of time to eat was frequently reported by the FAs. The term “break”, defined as time for recovery and rest from work, was most often viewed as a non-relevant term, as eating was an activity that on one day had to be squeezed into the schedule, but on another day could take longer. (…) if you say ‘break’, it doesn't exist. It doesn't exist as something that you should have in that way (…). It is in between, we stand up eating, notice stand up, and then the passengers come and ’ohh, sorry’, they say sometimes and then they at least realise that we are human beings eating our food (…). Break, as we understand break, doesn't exist (no. 4). The actual amount of time available for eating during a working day depended on various aspects including flight time and destination, time spent on customer services and other duties on board, and on the purser of the specific flight. Time for eating was also disturbed by various factors such as delays and passengers in need of extra help. The actual eating time also depended on whether the meal was taking place on board the aircraft, either during a flight or when the aircraft was standing still on the ground, or if the meal break was taking place at the airport. Company regulations state that on board the aircraft crew food should be eaten in 20 min. However, the average time taken to eat on board the aircraft, even though this could vary, was described by the participants in the study to be most often about 5e10 min. The responsibility for catering for food is not the same as organising time for crew members to eat it; the responsibility for finding time to eat was not included in the provision of crew food. But it is not the same thing to say that we have time for it. There could be a huge business section, economy extra or just a lot to do, so, it's not the same thing to say that we actually have 20 minutes to eat our food (…). So, you try to solve it anyway, maybe you'll get 7 minutes to eat your food (no. 10).

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They have renounced that responsibility. Now we have loaded food, now there is food, now there is a possibility, but they haven't related to whether there is a practical possibility to eat or not (no. 12). Moreover, the possibilities to sit down and eat on board the aircraft were described as strictly limited. As there are so few seats in the crew areas in the front and rear of the airplane, this has created a situation where eating standing up is the most common scenario. It is uncomfortable trying to squeeze into narrow spaces while eating and at the same time have the plate or food box balanced on the knees. Eating standing up was described as the result of lack of seats on board but also lack of time. However, eating in a hurry standing up was perceived as having negative effects on health and well-being. You don't sit down and eat and the food gets thrown into you, rather than being eaten, to allow time for eating. That's the problem, when you actually have to throw your food into you. That's not especially good (…). I eat faster when I'm standing up. And so we sometimes joke and say that the food reaches the stomach more quickly if you are standing up (laugh) (no. 13). Standing up to eat has almost become a marker of the fact that eating was not perceived as part of a break. However, the importance of not taking a meal break while other colleagues were working, unless this had been agreed with the purser from the start, was also reported in the interviews. It became part of a collegial agreement and a collegial act to wait until everyone had completed their working tasks. My conscience won't let me watch my colleagues work while I sit and eat (…). There is a saying that no-one is finished working until everybody is finished. It is a culture we have (no. 11). Eating in a hurry and eating standing up were further described as part of the culture and a habit at work, which was also emphasised in an expression from one of the participants, “Eating standing up is the air hostess method” (no. 8). This can be interpreted as a cultural expression that has evolved due to the conditions at work and the organisation of time, place and social relations.

3.1.3. Placeless eating Having to eat in narrow spaces on board the aircraft and not being able to withdraw while eating were perceived by some participants as troublesome, and having a negative effect on the meal situation. Sometimes a curtain could be pulled across to separate the working sphere from what was supposed to be a more private sphere in the rear or in the front part of the aircraft. However, the curtain did not always work well as a divider. (…) it almost never happens that you don't get disturbed during a meal on board the aircraft. Sometimes you can pull the curtain just to show that we have a ten-minute break, but then, there may still be someone who says 'excuse me' and wants something (no. 4). Being aware that there were passengers on the other side of the curtain was also perceived as a stress factor. Here, the uniform became a marker for the feeling of always being on duty. I think I eat more stressfully when I know that I have passengers standing on the other side of the curtain. You know they are there and it's uncomfortable. We are all human beings, but

when you get that uniform on, you become more visible and you are also seen in a different perspective when you eat your food (no. 13). Allowing the act of eating to be seen and being watched while eating were sometimes experienced as difficult and considered to be inconsistent with the perceived professional role. Then, you sit so close and that can be hard. I know that the passengers realise that we also have to eat, but I would rather hide a bit so they don't see you like that (no. 6). Eating in front of the passengers was viewed as something more or less forbidden and described as both disturbing and uncomfortable. Eating and drinking were activities best performed out of sight of the passengers. This is an example where the human side becomes exposed, however, since there is nowhere to actually withdraw to on board the aircraft, all spaces become performance scenes where the professional role is played and, in this context, there is no place separated off for eating meals. 3.1.4. Unpredictable eating Meals at work were further characterised by feelings of insecurity and unpredictability, which were associated with the perceived lack of availability of food or a time and place to eat. Commonly, “it will be the way it is”, as was described by one of the informants. As a result of this unpredictability a certain concern about food and eating was expressed. When will I get my next meal? Almost like a hamster, I should eat a banana, or now I must put something to eat in my bag in case I need it. All the time this concern about food (no. 4). Changes in the organisation of work and work schedule, for example delays and changed flights, or breaks that have to be taken at the ”wrong” time of day, also influenced feelings of unpredictability. I don't know what the day will look like before we're finished. We might be re-scheduled and food may not be delivered as planned (no. 14). According to the flight regulations, the flight cabin crew are to be served crew food on board the aircraft after 6 h of work, unless there has been the possibility to have a meal break at the airport where food can be bought. These rules imply that sometimes it can be many hours before any food is available for the flight crew. Many of the FAs described how they were physically and mentally affected by not having a guaranteed meal break during work, or if the time between meals was too stretched out. The participants described feelings of distraction and tiredness if they were not able to eat and drink properly. I just get lazy, I get almost carsick, I get tired, I have no energy (…). There can be long, long days with delays and all that, and all you have eaten is a handful of almonds (no. 7). There are many aspects that reinforce this unpredictability in relation to food, meals and organisation of time and place. This unpredictability also influences the meal situation that has to be managed according to changing organisational demands. Irregularity of times and rhythms in combination with an insecurity concerning when, where and what food to eat, result in various food and eating strategies at work.

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3.2. Food and eating strategies in the air A variety of strategies were reported in the interviews regarding how to manage long and shifting working hours in combination with the unpredictability of when and what to eat. These strategies were described by the FAs in terms of trying to stay fit at work and not feeling unwell or unhealthy, but also part of trying to ensure having something to eat at all as well as trying to stay alert during the flights. 3.2.1. Preventive eating In most of the interviews the FAs described a situation where eating took place when there was time to eat rather than when they felt hungry or when social and cultural norms indicated that it was time to eat. The previously discussed unpredictability concerning when and what to eat resulted in various strategies. Often, I eat preventively, it is somewhat strange, but it is because I don't want to end up in a situation where I'm really hungry. Because then, when this happens, I get really annoyed and I can't give the passengers the service I would like to give them (no. 6). And then, you often eat in advance too. If you work and there is food left, you eat because you don't know when there will be food next, so you sometimes eat preventively (no. 11). Based on such a strategy, it was not primarily feelings of hunger that controlled eating, instead it was the work organisation of time and when food was available. (…) when you are at work you think ’I'm not especially hungry, but I should probably eat something’ because I don't know when I will have time to eat next (…) Of course, you feel hunger but you kind of ignore it, because it must fit in (…) with our work you eat when it fits in with the job. It is the same thing with sleeping, it will be when it suits (no. 7). If there is food, you eat, even if you're not hungry, because you don't know when you will next get food to eat. Sometimes a passenger doesn't eat and then we share that food. So, you eat what is available, ‘no food should be wasted’ (laugh). It is somewhat primitive, you could say (no. 14). This situation made it difficult to use hunger and satiety as guides for food intake. Bodily needs were set aside and eating to prevent hunger became a way to manage feelings of hunger at work and the risk of ending up having nothing to eat.

3.2.2. Emergency food In trying to manage the perceived insecurity and unpredictability concerning food and meals at work, many of the FAs in the study described how they tried to plan for their meals at work by bringing some kind of food from home. However, the lack of inadequate storage facilities was perceived as a barrier to this. Furthermore, the lack of refrigeration and freezing facilities or possibilities to heat food were also problematic. To some extent, the food could be cooled on ice for a short period of time, however this did not include food that is sensitive to temperature variations. Previously I could make a salad or something like that to bring to work, but then I realised that we don't have anywhere to store the food. It could be left in my bag for quite some time that salad and you don't want to eat a salad that has been in a bag for several hours (no. 9).

As the work schedule often implies layovers, it was also difficult planning for food to eat for more than the first day at work. Having to change airplane during one day and also between days contributed to major difficulties in bringing food from home. You can try to bring food from home and sometimes for example I have boiled eggs with me, and a can of tuna, or a salad. But sometimes you are away for 3 days in a row, without coming home, and then I don't have any food. This is just the first day (no. 6). Instead, food like raisins, nuts and fruits met the requirements for minimal storage space and not needing to be heated or kept cool. The FAs described themselves as being “controlled by the situation” in relation to food and eating at work. The term “emergency-food” was used to describe the character of the food. By having something small to eat in one's bag “you manage”, as one FA expressed it. Having various kinds of cans of food in their bag was also mentioned as an alternative. Those cans of mackerel work really well, I usually have some of them in my bag. Because that's the only thing you can bring, also on long haul flights (…). Then there are many of my colleagues who have nuts and raisins and they make small packets of nuts and raisins (no. 2). I always have a bag of rolled oats and then with some milk you can make porridge (…) and then I often have some cans of tuna with me (no. 7). These emergency solutions were perceived as necessary to be able to perform their work, but also to be able to solve the eating situation at work. 3.2.3. Avoidance - eating less or nothing at all Eating in different time zones affects bodily functions in various ways. The FAs often described feelings of eating “the wrong things at the wrong times” whilst at the same time trying to adjust to constantly shifting times and rhythms. The participants described how they used different strategies in order to manage the intake of specific food and drink in these situations. Avoiding certain food and drink was one way of trying to manage this and stay “fitter” at work. One FA talked about avoiding onions and products containing onion and beans the days before a flight. On board a flight, carbonated drinks were also avoided, as was coffee (by some but not all). Another FA emphasised the importance of avoiding broccoli, mushrooms and cabbage, although these were sometimes part of the food loaded for the flight crew. Bread was described as something more or less always available on board the aircraft. The availability of bread, not least during short-haul flights, made bread and butter a common eating solution, even though many of the interviewees stated that they did not want to eat as much bread as they had to. (…) if you don't eat bread, if you can't eat it or you don't want to eat it, it is a huge problem in this job! We all know it is not that healthy to eat too much bread, but you are forced to do it in this job. In my spare time I never eat bread (no. 12). In order to manage food intake and eating at work during long-haul flights, the FAs also described how they sometimes tried to eat less or nothing at all during a flight or when arriving at a destination. Eating just a little at a destination after a longhaul flight was one example of a strategy described in order to “stay fit”.

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(…) your stomach is not used to food at that time of the day, so I usually skip breakfast before we arrive at our destination and then it feels a little better (no. 3). Another FA talked about how she tried not to eat anything at night during long-haul flights and instead only drink water (no. 4). This was also described by another FA, who also reported having problems with stomach ache as a result of night eating. I try to avoid eating too much at night. When I have long-haul flights I try to eat as little as possible, because you get tense in your stomach. I only need a little food to keep me going. That works for me (no. 7).

3.2.4. Guiding when to eat - the clock, the time zone or the stomach? Some of the strategies used by the FAs included thoughts about what time, as well as whose time should guide the management of food and meals at work. This was especially apparent when flying long-haul flights and trying to adjust to various time zones, but it was also relevant during short-haul flights where the FAs perceived a lack of time to eat. Some FAs emphasised the importance of letting Scandinavian clock-time guide when and what to eat. I was always thinking about the clock-time at home because when you're gone for 3 days your body doesn't have time to adjust to the other time zone anyway (no. 6). Others pointed out that it was actually important to try to adjust to the clock-time of the destination. The best thing you can do is to try to adjust to local time. If you continue on Swedish time you ruin everything (no. 9). Furthermore, working on long-haul flights was described as being in a “time limbo”, where there was no strict regulation about what to eat at particular times or if to eat at all. This is a time constructed by the conditions of the organisation, where clocktime may not always work as the primary guiding time for eating and drinking. When I'm on board the aircraft I don't think about whether it is 4 o'clock in the morning or 4 o'clock in the afternoon, if I'm hungry I eat what is available. In that situation I don't think much about what I eat at what time. But as soon as I have landed, whether it is in Tokyo or New York, I try to enter that time and rhythm. Then I eat breakfast if it is morning in New York and so on (no. 12). Managing food and eating during long-haul flights, as well as at the destination and during layovers, were described as presenting multiple challenges. Upon arrival at the destination hotel, mixed feelings of tiredness and cravings for food were sometimes difficult to interpret. (…) I have so many mixed feelings, I don't know if I'm hungry, if I'm tired, or if I'm alert. I don't feel it in my body, it is just chaos. My body signals are so confused. Am I eating now because I'm hungry or just because I have to? Or is it because I'm tired? So, I try not to eat there (no. 2). Crossing different time zones and thereby also being in different ”clock-times” was perceived as being difficult and confusing, and many individual strategies concerned what was perceived to be best practice and what time should be the guiding time.

I have figured out that if I eat on the return flight, if I eat before boarding the passengers and then nothing during the flight, and then again eat a little just before landing, I feel better. My stomach feels much better and I'm much less jetlagged when I come home (no. 10). The importance of learning how to manage the meal situation at work was emphasised during the interviews, and that many strategies were individual and a result of long working experience. However, strategies were also modified and adjusted in a social context, where ideas about what may be the “best” way to solve the situation was elaborated on and discussed among colleagues. 3.2.5. Compromised eating Most often the meal situation at work was perceived as a compromise between individual needs, both bodily and social, and the needs and demands of the work organisation. A central part of the work is the service aspect, which guides the FAs in their priorities; “The passengers’ needs determine the entire work situation”, was stated during one interview (no. 2). The FAs often pointed out that a central part of their service work is to prioritise the needs, and the times, of the passengers. (…) You don't say 'now I'll sit down and eat', you don't do that, because if you do that the flight will be delayed and the passengers will miss their connection on their next flight and so on. People in our industry are very (…) we are dependent on ensuring that the passengers arrive at the correct places, and you do a lot to achieve this. And then you think, ‘we'll manage, we can eat later’ (no. 14) The FAs related this to the more general character of the work, using the word “pleaser generation” in order to emphasise this “stretched out” service tendency. The passengers' needs and desires, as well as safety, are priorities and this has created less space for the needs and desires of the employees. Trying to solve the situation was often mentioned as a strategy, even if at the same time this meant putting one's own needs aside. That is what we are so bad at, that we put ourselves aside. Sometimes I sit on the cabin attendant seats during landing and eat something. So that's how you do it sometimes (…). Sometimes you are standing there with a yoghurt while someone else is cleaning the aircraft and you get new food loaded for the next flight, you have to count all the things, or you have to move on to another flight. It's running all the time during the day (no. 7). The social aspects as well as the service aspects were described as being inevitable parts of the work, resulting in a situation where the needs and desires of the FAs tended to be undermined. 4. Discussion The food and meal situation, and how food and meals are perceived and managed by FAs were greatly influenced by the organisation of work and the restricted possibilities for a time and place to eat. In this study, the work situation was described as fragmented and not synchronised with feelings of hunger, time of day and working tasks that needed to be performed (see e.g. Kristensen & Holm, 2006; Warde, 1999), resulting in scattered meals and a more snack-based form of eating (Poulain, 2002). Meals were most often perceived as stressful and problem-solving activities, with the main purpose being to appease hunger rather than to enjoy as pleasurable events. Previous studies in a Scandinavian context have stated that regular and socially shared meals

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are still a common scenario for most people (Lund & Gronow, 2014), not least at dinner in the evening (Holm et al., 2016), indicating that a decline in shared meals is more a “myth” than reality. However, in sub-populations the desynchronisation of mealtimes may be more widespread, often related to problems with the social €m, Gronow, Holm & coordination of work (see also Kjaernes, Ekstro €kela €, 2001). An increasing number of people are working Ma irregular hours, including night shifts, where regular meal patterns may be difficult or even impossible to maintain. This is not to say that eating is totally disorganised, rather that there are some major challenges related to the 24-h society that tends to differentiate between people regarding their possibility to maintain regularity and predictability in their food and meal situation. In this study, the food and meal situation was characterised by irregularity regarding time and rhythm, i.e. when to eat, for how long and how often, but also place, defined as where to eat at a specific time. Moreover, meals were perceived most often as unpredictable, taking place if and when food was available and when there was enough time, rather than being guided by hunger or being part of a social context. Working across time zones implied even greater challenges in adjusting to different times and places. Difficulties in maintaining a regular meal pattern consisting of breakfast (in the morning after overnight fasting), lunch (at midday) and dinner (in the evening) were obvious among the participants in the study. A hot dish may be served in the middle of the night and meal breaks were planned with the main purpose of fitting into the overall flight schedule rather than with reference to social and biological needs or preferences for food choice. Energy intake, timing and frequency of eating are dictated by the interplay between homeostatic factors and an inherent timing mechanism. Night eating and irregular eating that is not in coordination with the body's circadian rhythms might lead to metabolic disorders and affect sensations of hunger and satiety and, as a consequence, also affect well-being (Asher & Sassone-Corsi, 2015). However, a deeper understanding of these physiological effects has not been the focus of this study. In parallel with an overall deregulation of the flight industry (McNeely et al., 2014; Shalla, 2004; Whitelegg, 2007), the conditions for eating meals at work for FAs have also been deregulated over the past couple of decades. The increase in the total number of flights during a day and an intensification of working time in general have decreased the possibilities for having “natural” breaks when the aircraft is on the ground. Moreover, Shalla (2004) demonstrated how the new work temporalities in modern working life have created work situations that are much more unpredictable and disruptive. The findings of this study also demonstrated how planned breaks could be “disturbed” or rationalised away as a result of changed flight schedules and delays, which also contributed to an unpredictability concerning food availability and a possible time to eat. This affected not only feelings of well-being, but also mood, which might have implications for the ability to perform safely and provide a service for the passengers. One of the FAs main working tasks is to provide a safe environment for the passengers and they are expected to be alert and “fit for flight”, as was the expression used by the FAs themselves. Moreover, the paucity of breaks was also explained by the fact that the service aspect, i.e. the need to deliver service to the customers, was prioritised. Earlier studies on emotional work initially described by Hochshild (1983) illustrate this special character of the work of FAs where the emotional and caring aspects of the service work on board were inevitable parts of their work. This further highlights the fact that formal demands set by the employer regarding food and eating, must also be understood in relation to more informal and cultural aspects of the work of FAs. This was, for example, articulated in the study result when it was seen as non-

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collegial to eat while the other crew members were still working, unless the purser had given a clear directive about this. However, even if it was decided in advance, changes during the flight in combination with heavy workload and service demands could alter this at short notice. It was notable that the participants did not describe any differences in their eating patterns depending on whether they worked as a purser or not on a flight. Eating in a hurry standing up, defined by the FAs themselves as “the airhostess model of eating”, was also to be understood as an activity characterised by collegial deliberations and considerations, making eating a shared experience. Moreover, standing up eating was also a marker of being on duty. As part of their professional role as service providers conducting emotional work, consuming food was not seen as appropriate behaviour as it did not belong to the professional façade (Goffman, 1990). Eating in this context was described as both disturbing and uncomfortable. Due to the narrow physical spaces on board the aircraft, the distinction between private and public time (Zerubavel, 1981) in relation to food and eating becomes problematic. The entire aircraft becomes a scene where the professional role is played, which does not include the human activities of eating and drinking. From this perspective, eating becomes placeless and an activity that has to be hidden and hurried. Individuals with an eating rhythm that is not synchronised with conventional mealtimes often have unhealthier eating habits (Lund & Gronow, 2014). Irregular and unsynchronised eating patterns may lead to the risk of a lack of control over the total amount of food consumed, which was also highlighted in this study. Health problems relating to digestive disturbances and gastric problems were reported, which has also been emphasised in other studies (Haugli, Skogstad, & Hellesoy, 1994; Wahlstedt et al., 2010). Compared to individuals who regularly work during the day, shift workers are at higher risk of a range of metabolic disorders, i.e. cardiovascular disease, gastrointestinal problems and failure to control blood sugar (Lowden et al., 2010). This might be related to factors that affect the metabolism such as the quality of the diet, irregular eating times, disrupted circadian rhythms, sleep debt and insufficient time for rest and revitalisation during a shift of work €rma €, & Hublin, 2010). These are (Lowden et al., 2010; Puttonen, Ha risk factors that apply to FAs due to the time-space organisation of their work. Irregular, unpredictable and stressful meals in combination with sleep debt and misalignment of circadian cycles of behaviour and metabolism might contribute to the reported higher prevalence of e.g. fatigue, exhaustion and gastrointestinal complaints in flight cabin crew compared to other working groups €ck, 2005; McNeely et al., 2014; Sveinsdottir et al., (Lindgren & Norba 2007). In the current study, various food and meal strategies were adopted in order to manage the organisation of work, time and place in relation to food and meals. The gap between organisational times and individual/human times, and the unpredictability of the meal situation were managed by preventive eating, using emergency food such as energy dense foods that are easy to store, avoiding certain food and drinks or eating little or nothing at all. Similar to previous studies, strategies focusing on elimination and/ or limitation of specific food items as well as trying to establish a form of routine in relation to food and eating at work were apparent (Sobal & Bisogni, 2009; Sobal et al., 2006). These strategies were often connected to individual negotiations about health and well-being, but could also be seen as a result of managing individual food preferences. As part of the strategies adopted there was also a concern about what time should be the guiding time, which is especially crucial when working across time zones. Descriptions of being in a time-limbo also acknowledged the special character of being in the air, trying to manage a meal situation when not being able to follow one single clock-time, nor any

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normative or culturally defined meal pattern. Rather, it is a kind of de-humanised time constructed by the conditions of the organisation. Moreover, meals at work can be understood as a compromise between individual times and needs, both bodily and socially, and the times of the organisation. This was also acknowledged by Kristensen and Holm (2006), where different eating strategies at work were seen as “bodily compromises”, when social and biological rhythms did not fit the organisation of work and time. In the current study, feelings of having to solve the meal situation through compromise were repeatedly described. Feelings of hunger and appetite may lose their function of guiding food intake, instead organisational times, including passenger times, become the guides for when to eat. The FAs had to adjust and re-adjust, bodily and socially, to shifting times and rhythms in order to manage the meal situation at work, and eating had to be squeezed-in whenever suitable. The findings of the study clearly demonstrated the individual's responsibility for having to solve mealtimes at work, e.g. the organisational times, in order to be able to find time, place and food to eat. This also raises the question of whether the meal, defined by the patterns, forms and context of eating (Holm et al., €kel€ 2012; Ma a, 1991), is a possible form of eating at work. As Kristensen and Holm (2006) previously pointed out, it becomes an individual's responsibility to solve the conflict between organisational demands, including times and scheduling of work, and the needs of the individual. However, the possibilities for the FAs to make choices in relation to food and meals at work are strictly limited. Irregular and unsynchronised mealtimes, night eating and insufficient rest during work as found in this study, are probably generalisable to FAs as a group. Similar results have been found in other studies (Banks et al., 2012; Shalla, 2004). This may also be the case for many other professionals who have irregular working hours and/or night work. However, unlike other groups suffering from social jet lag, FAs are often exposed to time-zone transitions that have consequences for eating habits, metabolism and cognitive factors, which may be a hazard for safety on board. In future research, further knowledge will be needed as to how the organisation of work, time and place, and also social relations, affect food and meal behaviour and attitudes to food. This includes a wider consideration of the relation between food intake, performance and alertness in this specific context, as well as the effect of the meal on rest and recovery. Moreover, in order to better understand determinants of health, quantitative studies on meal patterns in terms of frequency and timing of eating, meal duration and food intake are warranted for professionals who work around the clock. More studies are required in the field of chrono nutrition, a concept that refers to food administration in coordination with the body's daily biological rhythms. This includes not only airline crew but also a wide array of occupational groups with irregular working hours and a mobile working situation. 5. Conclusions This study demonstrates some of the dilemmas in the food and meal situation for FAs. Moreover, it explores how the food and meal situation is perceived and managed at work. The work of an FA was described as fragmented and inconsistent regarding time and place resulting in scattered meals and a more snack-based form of eating. Meals were perceived as vulnerable, unpredictable and stressful events. Sensations of hunger, time of day and the need for a meal break to recover from stress seemed to be subordinate to the organisation of work, including working schedules and working tasks. Time-zone transitions further contributed to disrupted cycles in eating, sleep and metabolism. Various strategies, such as preventive eating, using emergency food, avoiding certain food and

drinks or eating little or nothing at all were used to manage the unpredictability of the meal situation as well as the discrepancy between organisational and individual times. The findings of the study clearly demonstrate the individual's responsibility to solve the mealtime at work, e.g. to solve “impossible” organisational times. Acknowledgements The study was supported by CAU Cabin attendants Union Denmark, Norway and Sweden, the University of G€ avle and Kristianstad University, Sweden. We would also like to thank all the participants in the study. References r, G., & Ryde n, O. (2001). Work conditions and stress management in cabin Amne €llda]. Vinnova attendants [Arbetssituation och stresshantering hos kabinansta €r Innovationssystem/ Report VR 2001. Stockholm, Sweden: Vinnova e Verket fo The Swedish Agency for Innovation Systems. Asher, G., & Sassone-Corsi, P. (2015). Time for food: The intimate interplay between nutrition, metabolism, and the circadian clock. 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