“In search of a good life”: Perspectives on village out-migration in a Tanzanian marine park

Journal of Rural Studies 70 (2019) 36–48

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“In search of a good life”: Perspectives on village out-migration in a Tanzanian marine park

T

Justin Raycraft Department of Anthropology, McGill University, 1654 Laurier East, Montreal, QC, H2J 1J2, Canada

ARTICLE INFO

ABSTRACT

Keywords: Ethnography Migration Displacement Marine protected area Aspirations

This paper draws from ethnographic fieldwork conducted between August–October 2014 and July–August 2015 in a rural village located inside of a Tanzanian marine park. Through narrative responses elicited during interviews with village residents, coupled with ethnographic vignettes from a key interlocutor in the village, the paper reveals people's diverse perspectives on village out-migration. In doing so, it interrogates the claim that the marine park has forced people to out-migrate. Some respondents explained that men generally engage in circular forms of labour-related mobility in the context of seasonal fishing activities and short-term business ventures. Others said that people choose to out-migrate due to everyday hardships, leaving “in search of a good life.” These narrative responses are at once commentaries on the macro-level political and economic drivers of rural out-migration, and on respondent's micro-level aspirations for future socioeconomic autonomy. Thus, they are both expressions of structural constraint and individual agency. While very few interviewees believed that people were forced to migrate because of the marine park, most respondents contended that it had deepened preexisting experiences of a “hard life,” and exacerbated lived experiences of vulnerability. However, migration has historically been woven into the sociocultural fabric of the community, and there are broader trends of rural population mobility in Tanzania, and fisher mobility in coastal areas, which long pre-date the establishment of the park. Furthermore, some respondents offered alternative narratives, noting that villagers may choose not to out-migrate, and that village in-migration may be increasing due to various pull factors. As such, the paper complicates the scholarly discourse on the relationship between marine protected areas and displacement of local communities.

1. Introduction While conducting ethnographic fieldwork between August–October 2014 in Msimbati, a rural village located inside the boundaries of the Mnazi Bay-Ruvuma Estuary Marine Park (MBREMP) in southeastern Tanzania, I spent many days interacting with one of my key interlocutors in the village, Ali.1 Ali was a young man about 20 years old, who had finished the equivalent of high school, but was unable to afford tuition fees for university. In the absence of formal employment opportunities in the village, Ali was working informally as a housekeeper for his Aunt's family, in exchange for a room to sleep. On the weekends, Ali walked eight kilometres to the shorelines of Mnazi Bay to hand-line fish for chaa (Sp. Gerres filamentous), often unsuccessfully. Inshore fish stocks in the area were quite low (MLFD, 2011), and more productive forms of fishing equipment were regulated inside the park as part of the conservation effort (Raycraft, 2019a). Like many of the other young men in the village, Ali faced considerable livelihood insecurity in

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his everyday life, often voicing the refrain: “Maisha magumu” (“life is hard”). The following year, I returned to Msimbati for a second round of fieldwork (July–August). When I sought out Ali upon arrival, however, I was surprised to find that he had moved to Mtwara town. When I messaged him to find out why he had left the village, he explained that he had taken up work as an informal apprentice for a mechanic in exchange for a basic cash income. When his temporary employment opportunity expired a few months later, he returned to Msimbati, where he resumed his duties as a housekeeper for his Aunt. Since leaving the field, I have continued to stay in contact with Ali over the past four years via Whatsapp and other online messaging applications. Ali has continued to engage in a similar pattern of circular, rural-urban migration, often involving several months of informal work in urban centres, followed by a return to the village. This paper focuses on village out-migration. Through narrative segments elicited from residents of Msimbati during interviews,

E-mail address: [email protected]. All names in this paper are pseudonyms.

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jrurstud.2019.05.005 Received 11 December 2018; Received in revised form 25 April 2019; Accepted 9 May 2019 Available online 23 July 2019 0743-0167/ © 2019 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

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coupled with my ongoing interactions with Ali, I show the diversity of views that people hold as to why people out-migrate from the village. Existing literature suggests that there are ‘multiple stressors’ that may bear on people's decisions to out-migrate from fishing communities in rural, southeastern Tanzania (Bunce et al., 2010b). These include climate change and variability, declining inshore fish stocks due to local anthropogenic pressure, and increasing political constraints on fishing livelihoods through marine conservation efforts (Misana and Tilumanywa, 2019; Liwenga et al., 2019; Bunce et al., 2010a; Kamat, 2014). The research presented here focuses on the extent to which the MBREMP has contributed to out-migration from a village located inside of its catchment area. The paper challenges my own pre-held assumptions about the relationship between marine protected areas (MPAs) and displacement of local communities. I interrogate the claim that village residents have been forced to migrate as a consequence of the political and ecological landscape of the coastal fishery, and in particular, the establishment of the MBREMP. As Kamat (2014) writes, “the region's growing poverty and limited access to fish and other marine resources has accentuated the involuntary out-migration of men, particularly artisanal fishers who have to go to other places, including Kilwa, Mafia, Dar es Salaam, Tanga, and Mozambique to fish as migrant fishers in search of a livelihood” (291; see also Bunce et al., 2010a, 488–489). While this quote suggests that the park may be contributing to patterns of 'involuntary out-migration,' as I discuss in this paper, residents of Msimbati do not directly relate to the notion that the park has forced people to migrate. I show that there is a long historical context of gendered village outmigration that is woven into the sociocultural fabric of the community. There are also a variety of micro-level individual reasons and macrolevel political and economic factors that bear on people's decisions to migrate. Thus, while I acknowledge that the MBREMP has in fact dispossessed people of the marine resources upon which they are dependent, I conclude that it has not forced people to migrate. However, when asked about why people choose to migrate, people pointed to everyday experiences of economic hardship, struggle, and insecurity, conditions which most people in Msimbati concede have worsened since the establishment of the park. As such, I maintain that while the park has not directly forced people to migrate, it has deepened people's lived experiences of vulnerability, formed through the convergent influences of multiple livelihood stressors. Importantly, however, there is a wider historical context of rural population mobility in Tanzania, and fisher mobility in coastal areas, which long pre-date the MBREMP. The most common phrase that surfaced throughout interviews was that people in Msimbati leave “in search of a good life,” a sentiment that reveals, on the one hand, the macro-level political and economic factors that drive rural out-migration, and on the other, people's microlevel aspirations for a better future. Some respondents also offered alternative narratives that featured barriers to out-migration in Msimbati, and beliefs about increasing village in-migration in recent years. As such, the paper cautions against strong-handed arguments that the MBREMP has forced people to out-migrate from Msimbati, and instead attempts to situate such processes on a dynamic and dialectical spectrum between agency and structural constraint. The paper is organized as follows: In section 2, I provide a brief overview of internal migration in Tanzania. In section 3, I review relevant literature on environmental migration with attention to the theoretical discourse on agency and structural constraint. In sections 4 and 5, I describe the research context and methods for this study. In section 6, I present ethnographic data, and in section 7, I discuss these findings and conclude the paper.

agricultural plantations to produce cash crops, particularly in Kilimanjaro and Mbeya (Msigwa and Mbongo, 2013; Liviga and Mekacha, 1998). Some scholars have suggested that following independence, President Nyerere's vision of ujamaa socialism slowed rural to rural internal migration as a consequence of the regime's focus on village-level farming schemes (Msigwa and Mbongo, 2013). While some seasonal, labour-related rural to rural migration took place at the time, particularly to the coastal sisal farms, internal migration decreased during this period (Msigwa and Mbongo, 2013). Since the 1970s, however, internal migration in Tanzania has continued to increase against the backdrop of decentralization of state governance, and the creation of regional capitals and urban centres throughout the country. Following state-level economic liberalization in the 1980s, internal migration in Tanzania has continued to accelerate. Literature on internal migration in Tanzania has generally emphasized the economic determinants of migration. People may be pulled to urban areas by prospects of employment, education, and health and consumer services (Mascarenhas, 1996; von Troil, 1992; Holms, 1992; Van Vuuren, 2000; Diyamett et al., 2001). Push factors have also generally been framed in terms of the low quality of life in rural areas, as compared to urban centres (Mabogunje, 1980). Based on panel data gathered from the Kagera region of Tanzania between 1991 and 2004, for example, Beegle et al. (2011b) suggest that rural-urban “migration is the norm, rather than the exception” in their study area (27). While they do note some micro-level variations, they assert that this form of rural out-migration is a normative mechanism of poverty reduction for people who reside in rural areas in Tanzania, which are not closely connected to the economic growth of Dar es Salaam (Beegle et al., 2011a,b). While Dar es Salaam became a centre point for rapid statelevel economic growth between 1994 and 2004, poverty in rural areas did not decline at a comparable rate; Beegle et al. (2011b) argue that it has since diminished “only slightly” (15). Neoliberal economic reforms in Tanzania have been entangled with an ideology of individual ‘responsibilization,’ implying an emphasis on autonomous individual action in pursuing personal prosperity and health security (Shamir, 2008; Kamat, 2013). Some have suggested that neoliberal logics on a global scale may play an important role in motivating people to migrate to urban centres to improve their socioeconomic conditions (see for example Cohen and Sirkeci, 2016). Others also maintain that rural-urban migration in Tanzania is a product of structural constraint and land alienation (see Lockhart, 2008). As Liviga and Mekacha (1998) explicitly argue, “the decision to migrate is not voluntary” in rural Tanzania, given the significant livelihood insecurity in migrants' home villages, coupled with the lack of adequate alternatives (26). These restrictions on subsistence are directly linked with post-independence state-level rural development and conservation policies (Liviga and Mekacha, 1998; see also Bluwstein et al., 2018). As Igoe and Croucher (2007) write, “it appears that Tanzania is now facing a potential crisis of internal displacement in which people are shunted from place to place as valuable natural resources are appropriated from communities for conservation, commerce, and increasingly both together” (553). Liviga and Mekacha (1998) maintain that rural-urban migrants in Tanzania are visible symbols of the structural violence implicit in the state's distribution of resources and economic opportunity. It is important to note, however, that in Tanzania “not all migrants seek or prefer to settle in urban centres in order to improve their economic position” (Arens, 1979, 2; see also Salerno et al., 2017). While variance in income between the place of origin and destination may remain the driving force, this can be “irrespective of whether the destination is urban or rural” (Kubik, 2017, 4; De Brauw et al., 2014). People in Tanzania move from one rural area to another, and not simply to urban centres and back. Furthermore, contemporary scholarship on the rural-urban interface in Tanzania, drawing from insights in rural geography, suggests that the distance, both “actual and theoretical, between the rural and the urban” has shortened to the point that it is

2. Population mobility and internal migration in Tanzania Population mobility in Tanzania has long historical roots. During the colonial era, migrant labourers were recruited to work on 37

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challenging to conceive of the two in binary opposition to each other (Allegretti, 2018, 122). Tanzania, like many other post-independent African states, has historically attempted to forward a model of ruralagricultural development projects, rather than emphasizing the industrial-urban economic sector of society (Arens, 1979). In the 1960s and 70s, President Nyerere's socialist government encouraged the growth of rural communities (like ‘Mto wa Mbu’) through villagization programmes which sought to condense scattered rural populations into densely settled rural communities. Some scholars suggest that these state-led rural development projects throughout Tanzania may be associated with decreases in rural-urban migration relative to intra-rural migration. As Arens (1979) notes, through “emphasizing rural development [,] Tanzania has placed tremendous importance on change in the countryside and improvement in the social and economic position of the inhabitants” (10). Intra-rural migration in Tanzania is a common practice that often entails a move away from subsistence agricultural livelihoods towards wage labour and other income sources that are associated with consumptive benefits and overall improvements to well-being (see Wineman and Jayne, 2017, 1). Thus, rather than urbancentric benefits, it may be “labor mobility” that accounts for “improvements in well-being” (Wineman and Jayne, 2017, 1). Such improvements are manifest in contexts where intra-rural migration provides increases in available land, increases in agricultural productivity, and income diversification (Wineman and Jayne, 2017). In short, many of the rural-urban migration drivers that make people willing to search for improvements in their lives have been shown to also drive rural-rural migration in Tanzania in a contemporary context. Hirvonen and Lilleor (2015), for example show that 74% of rural migrants out-migrating from the rural Kagera region over a 10 year period settled in other rural areas. Further, Wineman and Liverpool-Tasie (2018) found that over 1/3 of rural households in the Kagera region were in fact first-generation migrants, with an average of 18 years of residence (as cited in Wineman and Jayne, 2017, 4). Wineman and Liverpool-Tasie (2016, 2018, 832) have attributed these moves in part to dynamic rural land markets which enable “households to access land and establish residence in a new community and, perhaps, to liquidate their land wealth and finance a move.” Rural-rural migration may also be motivated by perceptions of climatic change, and desires to relocate to more favourable locations conducive for generating income (Kubik, 2017). Structurally-embedded economic factors are certainly important drivers of internal migration in Tanzania. Against the backdrop of globalization, such trends are indeed occurring in rural localities around the world as people move to “engage with the differentiated geographies of the global economy” (Woods, 2018, 164: see also Woods, 2007; Woods, 2016, 573–574). But at the same time, as Lugalla (1995) explains, rural-urban migration in Tanzania is also about the social construction of cities as imagined places of fulfilment. Aspirations, after all, are dynamic, relational, and future-oriented. On the one hand, aspirations reflect individualistic processes of conceptualizing an imagined future. At the same time, the ‘capability to aspire’ is subject to external influences (see Appadurai, 2004; Hart, 2016, 326). Foster and Main (2018) suggest that young people hold aspirations that are formed at early ages, and are deeply susceptible to “public narratives and discourses that equate urban locations and mobility with success, and rural attachments with failure” (see also Karabanow et al., 2014; Nugin, 2014). Discourses about failure and success, and in this case, constraint and opportunity, form “moral geographies” of rural-urban relations that shape people's imaginaries (see Norman and Power, 2015). Young people may aspire to leave rural localities because they cannot imagine a rural future (Rauhut and Littke, 2016). As Farrugia (2016) notes, young people “must often be mobile in order to access the resources they need to navigate biographies and construct identities” (837). Understanding the dynamic relationships between micro-level aspirations, social structures, and macro-level political and economic conditions demands theoretical attention to the dialectic between structure and

agency, particularly as it affects people's decisions to migrate. 3. The ‘murky’ overlaps between forced displacement and voluntary migration Literature on the murky overlaps between forced and voluntary migration has some theoretical roots in the work of Max Weber. Weber (1922), distinguishing between rational individual action (when actors attribute meaning and intentionality to their own behaviours), and collective behavioural response (when people react to environmental stimuli) discusses people's migratory responses to a flood in Western Europe. As he writes, “It may be that the flooding of the Dollart [at the mouth of the Ems river near the Dutch-German border] in 1277 had historical significance as a stimulus to the beginning of certain migrations of considerable importance” (Weber, 1922, 7). According to Weber (1922) this process of out-migration constituted a collective reaction to a particular environmental catalyst, and not a series of rational actions rooted in individual agency – hence, it reflected a displacement. Of course, Weber (1922) admits that the categorical distinctions between action and reactive behaviour are not always clearly defined. As he writes, “the line between meaningful action and merely reactive behaviour to which no subjective meaning is attached, cannot be sharply drawn empirically” (Weber, 1922, 4). Similarly, as Witter (2013) notes in the context of conservation-related resettlement in Mozambique, “isolating and then determining volition in a range of mobility contexts is a complex undertaking” (416). As Richmond (1993) notes, the grey areas emerge through analysis of the relationships between “social psychological determinants of individual motivation, on the one hand, and the structural determinants which influence behaviour, on the other” (9–10). In the specific context of rural out-migration, there often exists a continuum between the “rational choice behaviour of proactive migrants” and the “reactive behaviour of those whose degrees of freedom are severely constrained” (Richmond, 1993, 10). As such, the dichotomous categories of ‘voluntary’ and ‘forced migration’ are inadequate ways of describing migratory movements. As Marino and Lazrus (2015) astutely conclude based on their ethnographic study of climate and disaster-related migration, “ the drivers of migration are less distinct on the ground and [...] the differences between forced displacement and voluntary migration can blur the lives of individuals.” (342). As Obokata et al. (2014) similarly contend based on their systematic review of environmental migration literature, “simplistic structure-agency polarizations do not correspond” with the “lived realities” of people “who speak to a fluid interaction between their own decision-making and the ways in which they are able to adapt to environmental conditions due to broader sociopolitical constraints in their regions of origin” (121). Labeling people as forced migrants can also assign people “to a space of physical and discursive marginality” (Witteborn, 2011, 1154). Instead, processes of out-migration can be better understood relative to their place on a complex continuum of ‘proactivity’ and ‘reactivity’ (Richmond, 1993, 6). In any given context, a combination of multi-scalar push and pull social, political and economic factors bear on people's decisions to migrate (Lee, 1966; Richmond, 1993; Kunz, 1981; see also Witter, 2013, 417). While Lee's (1966) approach emphasizes micro-level attention to individuals and families, push/pull theories have since expanded to include macro-level structural determinants of migration (see Castells, 1975; Burawoy, 1976; Portes, 1978). Generally, push/pull theories frame migration as a means of improving social and economic conditions, something which Weber (1922) would associate with intentionality. But as Kunz (1981) points out, “the borderline between political refugees and those who are dissatisfied economically can be blurred when displacement occurs in reaction to events” (43). Out-migration from contexts of poverty may be considered voluntary, but when the conditions of poverty are the direct consequence of 38

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certain structural processes, then people may not be making voluntary and autonomous choices to leave, but may rather be reacting to their altered social environments (Richmond, 1993; Kunz, 1981; Lubkemann, 2008). Furthermore, Oliver-Smith (1991) points out that decisions to migrate out of rural areas are often based on perceptions of land fertility and “the availability of resources” (133). As Jones et al. (2018) find, for example, access to land is an important driver of migration in Madagascar. If rural populations feel they are unable to engage in subsistence livelihoods, community members may migrate to urban centres in search of employment opportunities that would better enable them to provide for their families. Such patterns of out-migration are often gendered, with young men leaving rural areas in search of livelihood (Tiwari and Joshi, 2016; Pedraza, 1991). While this is often framed as voluntary labour migration, it could also be considered a pattern of migration that emerges out of necessity, as food insecurity is a direct threat to life (see for example Williams et al., 2011; White et al., 2013). In these contexts, people are reacting to certain environmental conditions, rendering out-migration a Weberian collective behavioural response to structural constraint and not necessarily a series of individual, goal-oriented actions. Geerse (2010) follows a similar approach in asserting that economic inequality within states often gives rise to particular patterns of migration, as rurally residing poor people out-migrate to “acquire the necessities of life” (9). Some studies also show that marginalized populations are generally more likely to migrate following disasters than non-marginalized ones, suggesting that vulnerability is an important consideration in rural migration discourse that cannot be overlooked (Hunter, 2005; Myers et al., 2008). In contexts where structural processes have created social and economic conditions of poverty and vulnerability for rurally residing people, processes of out-migration could be conceptualized as ‘development-induced displacement’ (Dutta, 2007). At the same time, as Pedraza (1991) writes, “the danger of the structural emphasis, however, lies in its tendency to obliterate people, to lose sight of the individual migrants who do make decisions” (307–308). Ethnographic attention to peoples' lived experiences on the ground can shed light on the ways in which migration-related pressures come together to influence decisions to migrate, particularly in the theoretical context of structure and agency (see Woods, 2016, 574). Explicating where out-migration lies on the spectrum between forced and voluntary is particularly challenging in the context of MPAs and fishing communities. As Crona and Rosendo (2011) write “protected areas may displace fishers and add to already existing coastal migration causing further strain on non-protected marine resources in other locations” (379). As Himes-Cornell and Hoelting (2015) note, however, the exact cause of rural out-migration from fishing communities is difficult to isolate because “fishing communities are affected by the same large-scale socioeconomic and cultural forces faced by rural communities throughout the world that drive out-migration” (1). Fishers are also inherently mobile, and often migrate based on the perceived availability of resources in both sending and receiving areas (Cripps and Gardner, 2016). Based on their study of the relationship between terrestrial protected areas and human migration in Tanzania, Salerno et al. (2014) suggest that “future research should include investigation into the drivers of migration in origin areas” relative to numerous other factors, including “types of conservation initiatives” and ethnographic context (841).

present since the 1970s in Tanzania, these were considered to be “paper reserves,” given their lack of management capacity (see Bryceson, 1981). Declines in biodiversity and productivity of inshore fisheries have since motivated the state to establish a network of marine parks and reserves throughout coastal waters (Silva, 2006; Wells et al., 2007). The legacy of Tanzania's state-driven model of terrestrial resource management, however, has forced the state to balance its attempts to protect marine ecosystems with the well-being of local communities, who depend on marine resources for livelihood. Marine parks in Tanzania are framed as socially-inclusive interventions that prioritize the protection of marine biodiversity alongside sustainable economic development at the community level (see Mwaipopo, 2008). However, in practice, marine parks have been shown to have significant detrimental socioeconomic impacts on local communities in coastal Tanzania (see Raycraft, 2019a; Kamat, 2014; Kamat, 2018; Mwanjela, 2011). 4.2. Mnazi Bay-Ruvuma Estuary Marine Park (MBREMP) The MBREMP is Tanzania's second of three marine parks, following the example set by the well-known Mafia Island Marine Park (see Walley 2004). The main objective of the park is to protect the marine ecosystems and biodiversity in the area, given the fact that they have come under significant anthropogenic and environmental pressure. The park covers approximately 650 km2, encompassing mangrove forests, coral reef ecosystems, beaches, rivers, estuaries and terrestrial forests (see Machumu and Amararatne, 2013; Kamat, 2014). The marine areas are considered by biodiversity conservationists to be of critical importance, given their high diversity of hard and soft corals, and their unique intersection point between the South Equatorial Current (SEC) and the terrestrial coastline of Tanzania (Obura, 2012; Ruitenbeek et al., 2005). The marine areas also form a “source point for the East African Coastal Current (EACC) and Mozambique Current,” rendering it a very important ecological zone for marine organisms throughout Eastern and Southern Africa (Machumu and Amararatne, 2013, 370). However, the coral reefs have been degraded due to unsustainable fishing (Obura, 2004). The park was originally designated as a multiple-use MPA, which entailed a zoning scheme (general-use zones, specified-use zones, and core zones), and various fishing restrictions in accordance to zone and geographical area of residence of resource users (See Table 1). Various management constraints exist in practice, though park rangers do still enforce gear restrictions, and confiscate prohibited equipment when encountered (see Raycraft, 2019a, 137). Park planning processes were largely exclusionary, and communities were not effectively integrated into park governance (Mwanjela and Lokina, 2016; Katikiro et al., 2015). Through private partnerships (IUCN and UNDP), the state assumed a dominant role in establishing and enforcing the park at the expense of an already marginalized rural population (Raycraft, 2019a). In total, approximately 45,000 people live in 23 villages located inside the park (see Kamat, 2019, 4). The park's conservation regulations, enforced in a top-down fashion, have had profound negative impacts on people's everyday lives (Mangora et al., 2014). The fishing restrictions, and closure of fishing areas have significantly constrained local livelihoods (Mwanjela, 2011), engendering widespread conditions of food insecurity (Kamat, 2014; Kamat and Kinshella, 2018) and dispossession (Kamat, 2018), and have exacerbated pre-existing conditions of poverty (Raycraft, 2019b). Some alternative income generating activities (AIGAs) have been implemented (bee-keeping, mariculture, chicken rearing, gear exchanges, vegetable gardening, and fishing grants) but they have thus far been inadequate in offseting losses from fishing (Katikiro, 2016). Despite the rhetoric of ecotourism-related development, tourism infrastructure inside and near the park is very limited. The park currently generates minimal to no revenue, which filters back into the everyday operations of the park (Assad, 2018). Thus, trickle-down benefits for local people have been minimal.

4. Context of research 4.1. Marine conservation in coastal Tanzania In 1994, the Tanzanian government enacted the “Marine Parks and Reserves Act,” which sought to introduce state-run marine parks and reserves to protect marine biodiversity and reduce local pressure on inshore fisheries (Raycraft, 2018b). While marine reserves had been 39

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peninsula “had at least one male person who had recently migrated elsewhere” (291). While some women also out-migrate following intervillage marriage, the trend is particularly pronounced for young men. While this migration pattern has been linked to contemporary environmental and political phenomena, however, it has long historical roots, which I outline in the following section.

Table 1 Fishing regulations for residents of the MBREMP. Fishing Equipment/Activity

Specified-Use Zone

General-Use Zone

Hand lines Box traps Fence traps Long lines Pull nets (mesh size 2.5″ or more) Set (shark) nets (mesh size larger than 2.5″ and smaller than 7″) Shark nets (mesh size greater than 7″) Sport/recreational fishing Collecting octopus Collecting sea cucumbers and crustaceans (for subsistence) Collecting sea cucumbers and crustaceans for sale (curio trade) Collecting organisms for aquarium trade Beach seine nets (juya) Harpoons and spear-guns Trawling nets Chemicals and poison Scuba Gear (for extraction) Monofilament Pull nets with mesh sizes less than 2.5 inches (tandillo) Dynamite/Explosives

Yes Yes Yes Yes No Yes

Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes

No No Yes Yes

Yes Yes Yes Yes

No

No

No No No No No No No No

No No No No No No No No

No

No

4.4. Historical context of Makonde migration According to oral histories, the Maconde (Mozambican spelling) consider the southern shores of Lake Malawi (Lake Nyassa) to be their point of origin (Saetersdal, 1999). Following severe droughts in the 14th and 15th centuries, the original ancestors embarked on a “long march,” following the Lugenda river until they arrived at the Ruvuma river in what is today referred to as Negomano (Saetersdal, 1999, 124). Following subsequent droughts, the larger group broke off into smaller groups which diverged following several distinct migratory routes. As Saetersdal (1999) points out, Maconde political organization was historically “very loose, with matrilieneal clans having jurisdiction over vaguely defined territorial areas. Diffusion of smaller groups who went off to settle elsewhere was perfectly normal and happened regularly” (125–126). Maconde peoples originally followed three main migratory routes out of Ndonde, located south of the Ruvuma river in what is now the Cabo Delgado Province of Mozambique (Liebenow, 1971). The first wave involved travel east to the coastline, followed by a river crossing in the Ruvuma Estuary and a northern migratory route through Mtwara, Mikindani, and Sudi up to the Lindi District (see Saetersdal, 1999, 122; Liebenow, 1971, 22). Oral histories from elders in Msimbati village, where I conducted fieldwork, suggest that Makonde people arrived on the Mtwara peninsula around the turn of the 19th century. The second route moved eastwards across the Lugenda river, with a crossing over the Ruvuma river south of Newala, en route towards Mahuta (Liebenow, 1971). This route involved a steep ascent up the Newala escarpment prior to settlement in the central part of the Makonde Plateau, a rectangular highland surrounded by steep escarpments to the south and the west (see Saetersdal, 1999, 124). The third route involved travel north, across the Ruvuma river, towards Masasi. Migrants following this route traversed the western part of the plateau up until Ndanda on its northern side (Saetersdal, 1999). Maconde migration from Mozambique to Tanzania has continued throughout the colonial and post-independence periods. In the colonial periods, Maconde migrants sought work on the sisal plantations along the northern coast in Tanga, and near Dar es Salaam (Saetersdal, 1999). When global demand for sisal declined, migrant workers began to settle around major Tanzanian cities, taking up work as wooden art carvers (a reputation that still holds today) (see Saetersdal, 1998). Importantly, however, Tanzanian Makonde people of Mtwara (who lived in Tanzania throughout its colonial and post-independence periods) have become culturally distinct from Mozambican Maconde peoples and do not practice carving, nor do they identify with many of the ‘cultural practices’ of their Maconde counterparts (Saetersdal, 1999). Rather, Tanzanian Makonde peoples have historically practiced a form of gendered rural-urban migration. As Saetersdal 1999 describes, “while women and children remain in their villages in the south, the young men set out on a traditional work migration to the north, working the streets of Dar es Salaam as the infamous ‘WaMachingas’ [i.e. ‘the marching men’], the street vendors selling clothes on the pavements” (126). WaMachingas are particularly congregated in Kariakoo in Dar es Salaam.3 As Saetersdal (1999) points out, “although the

Table adapted from Raycraft (2019a, 135–136); MLFD (2011, 40–42). Table also published in Raycraft (2019b, 5).

4.3. Msimbati village As mentioned in the introduction, this paper derives from ethnographic fieldwork conducted in Msimbati village between August–October of 2014 and July–August of 2015.2 Msimbati is a seafront village located on the Mtwara peninsula inside the park (see Figs. 1 and 2). The village is encircled by mangrove wetlands, and hosts a population of approximately 10,000 people. Most village residents are Makonde, the most dominant ethnic group in the area (see Kamat, 2014, 290). The vast majority of them follow Islam. In Msimbati, most families are dependent, at least partially, on the coastal fishery for livelihood. Using basic nets from dug-out canoes and hand-lines, men generally target small species of reef fish. Some men, with access to larger boats, fish for pelagic species of fish in deeper waters. Fishing activities in the area are shaped by “the timing of south-easterly and north-westerly monsoon wind patterns, popularly known as Kusi and Kaskazi, respectively” (Liwenga et al., 2019, 163). Local communities in the area maintain that these wind patterns are “becoming stronger and unpredictable” (Liwenga et al., 2019, 164). Fish catches are subsequently sold in Mtwara town, or directly in Msimbati along the main road. Cash from fish sales is used to buy maize flour, beans or rice for consumption. Some villagers work as tailors in the village, and a few operate shops selling non-perishable food and household supplies. Cashew farming is also a common practice in the village, and nuts are brought to market in Mtwara town. Generally speaking, saline soils prevent the engagement in large-scale cultivation, though some parts of the peninsula are suitable for cultivating rice and wheat. In Msimbati, the common crops include onions, cassava, tomatoes, and leafy greens. Women generally maintain the household, prepare meals, and harvest crustaceans, sea cucumbers, and shallow water minnows using cloth nets. Some women also sell nuts, tomatoes, and fruit purchased in Mtwara town along the main road of the village. According to Kamat (2014), at the time of his study, “the vast majority of the households” in Msimbati and other villages on the Mtwara

3 As Mihanjo and Luanda (1998) write, “Machinga is a word that refers to a social group of hawkers or itinerant traders who operate in most urban centres in Tanzania. This group emerged in the early 1990s primarily in the capital city, Dar es Salaam, before spreading to other urban centres. Hitherto, the machinga

2 This included participant observation of everyday life and informal conversations with villagers.

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Fig. 1. Map of coastal Mtwara. Figure reprinted from Geoforum, 100(1), Justin Raycraft 'Circumscribing Communities: Marine Conservation and Territorialization in Southeastern Tanzania,' 128-143, Copyright (2019), with permission from Elsevier. Figure also published in Raycraft (2019b).

WaMachingas are almost exclusively Tanzanian Makondes, this is hardly mentioned. After having saved enough money to start a little business back in the south, many go back home, marry, settle down, and in this way contribute to their local society” (126). The point of laying out this history of Makonde migration is to show that there is a wider context of migration in the study area that is woven into the cultural fabric of the Makonde peoples and their social histories. The idea that an externally-designed MPA, established in 2000, has catalyzed the 'involuntary out-migration' of people myopically overlooks this broad history and the traditions of mobility that are associated with it. 4.5. A marine park on the periphery Social conditions of poverty have continually been replicated in rural Mtwara since the colonial era (Seppälä, 1998a). In the early 1900s, German colonial administration intentionally underdeveloped the southeastern regions of Lindi and Mtwara (formerly one region) out of fear that the improved infrastructure could fuel civil disobedience; the Makonde people, after all, were notorious for overtly opposing German colonial rule (Wembah-Rashid, 1998). As such, German colonial administration decided against the construction of a road that would connect the Mtwara region to the comparatively prosperous regions in the north. Wembah-Rashid (1998) refers to this as the ‘hidden agenda’ of the German colonial administration – its selective neglect of the southeast (47). ‘The district and regional boundaries’ implemented by the colonial administration, coupled with the Rufiji River floodplain that formed a natural boundary between the northeastern and southeastern regions, exacerbated this dichotomy between the development of the north, and the underdevelopment of the southeast (WembahRashid, 1998, 44). This framework of structural inequality remained relatively unchanged throughout the subsequent transition to British colonial rule in 1919. British authorities took interest in Mtwara in the late 1940s after realizing the potential for producing groundnuts in the region (Rizzo, 2006). Subsequently, British colonial administration commenced building the Mtwara port in 1948 with the intention of exporting

Fig. 2. Map of study area. Figure reprinted from Geoforum, 100(1), Justin Raycraft 'Circumscribing Communities: Marine Conservation and Territorialization in Southeastern Tanzania,' 128-143, Copyright (2019), with permission from Elsevier. Map produced by author with spatial information/ data from Muir (2004), MLFD (2011), Google Maps 2017. Figure also published in Raycraft (2019b).

(footnote continued) of Dar es Salaam come mostly from south-east Tanzania. However […] the term machinga at present includes youths from all over Tanzania” (223). 41

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groundnuts to post-war Britain for vegetable oil production. The nowinfamous Nachingwea groundnut project of 1949, however, failed entirely (Rizzo, 2006; Seppälä, 1998b). Consequently, British colonial administration withdrew financial resources from southeastern Tanzania, leaving the region utterly underserviced (Wembah-Rashid, 1998). In the wake of National independence in 1962, and the Arusha Declaration of 1967, President Nyerere implemented the well-known ‘villagization’ program in the 1970s, which involved reformatting dispersed rural communities into villages to purportedly increase their serviceability. The system also served to collectivize agricultural production for the benefit of the state as a whole. The Mtwara region was one of the early pilot areas for the villagization experiment, where it was carried out with great immediacy given political strife in neighbouring Mozambique (see Swantz, 1998, 173). While framed publicly as a development project aimed at improving people's lives, several scholars have criticized villagization for its significant negative impacts on the Tanzanian peasantry (Scott, 1998; Hydén, 1980). Poverty increased during the socialist period due to increasing constraints on rural livelihoods. In 1985, against the backdrop of a state-wide financial crisis, President Nyerere resigned, and his socialist ideals were replaced by an ideology of neoliberal economic rationalism. Under President Mwinyi, Tanzania implemented structural adjustment programs in coalition with the IMF, which significantly cut spending on social, health and educational services to establish a neoliberal model of privatization (Kamat, 2013). Globalization and the growth of trade in Dar es Salaam exacerbated the dichotomy between rural and urban economic conditions, as the focus on urban growth and prosperity continued to gain momentum, while rural areas experienced increasing marginalization (Havnevik, 1993). Structural adjustment policies had complex socioeconomic impacts on rural localities in that rural citizens saw increased value for commodity crops, fish and other products. However, rural areas also received declining governmental services. Liberalization also promoted an ideology of individual ‘responsibilization,’ that emphasized autonomous individual agency, and the imperative for citizens to take their own measures to pursue personal prosperity and security (Shamir, 2008). Rather than alleviate pre-existing conditions of poverty, the structural adjustment period deepened conditions of poverty in rural Mtwara. The recent discovery of large deposits of natural gas off the coastline of the Mtwara peninsula has renewed state interest in the district. However, the large-scale gas extraction project has thus far provided only minimal and unevenly distributed benefits to some households in the form of monetary compensation for uprooted coconut trees (Kamat, 2017; Kamat et al., 2019). At the time of my fieldwork, the majority of houses on the Mtwara peninsula were still made from a combination of red clay, stone, sticks and thatched palm trees for yard fences and roofs. Most households used candles for light at night, and four-pronged coal stoves for cooking, and none of the households on the Mtwara peninsula had running water.

park. Study participants' narrative responses to these questions, as presented here, provide ethnographic texture on the issue of conservation-related displacement by elucidating variations in people's beliefs, “motivations, experiences, and aspirations” in the context of out-migration (see Woods, 2016, 587). Interviews were recorded via digital audio-recorder, transcribed into written KiSwahili, and subsequently translated into written English. Narrative responses were then organized into emergent narrative themes for this article. Further to this, I also engaged in what Kozinets (2010) refers to as ‘netnography.’ In the context of migration studies, 'the field' cannot be simply conceptualized as bounded site, as subjects move between areas. In an age of hypermobility, online messaging applications provide deterritorialized ethnographic arenas for engaging with mobile subjects. Through Facebook and Whatsapp, I have continued to engage with Ali, my key interlocutor in the village since 2014. My ongoing online interactions with Ali over the past four years have provided further insight into when, where and why Ali migrates. 6. Results 6.1. Narratives of circular migration and labour-related mobility in Msimbati When asked whether they thought that people in Msimbati migrated to other places, most respondents suggested that men in Msimbati engage in circular forms of labour-related migration, characterized by trips out of the village for periods of several months. Participants suggested that men leave for reasons related to their work and livelihoods, before returning to the village at a later date. As one male elder described, Many men in this village go to Mozambique, Lindi, Kilwa and Dar es Salaam because these are the areas where we can do fishing activities. Because we come from the coast, our main activity is fishing, so we are supposed to find places that resemble our areas, where we can continue with our regular activities. Even those who go to Mozambique, they go to areas around the coast, so they can continue with their activities. For those who go to Mozambique, they can spend up to six months or one year. For those who go to Kilwa, they spend three or four months and then they come back. In this narrative segment, the individual suggests that people tend to travel to places that are geographically similar to the Mtwara peninsula, given their reliance on the coastal fishery for livelihood. As such, circular mobility is considered an extension of fishing activities, as people actively seek out other fishing areas as part of their regular practice. Fisher mobility is indeed a common trait among offshore fishers in the area, irrespective of the implementation of the marine park. However, it is important to explicate why some fishers travel to Kilwa and other places for fishing, and whether the marine park plays a role. Another woman echoed this description of mobility, People from this village go to Mozambique, Dar, Mafia, Kilwa, Zanzibar, and Namponda. Myself, I go to Namponda in the Ruvula area. I go to harvest scallops, which I then go to sell in other areas. Then I buy cassava to use with my family. I usually go to those areas because in our sea, you cannot get enough for the business. Those who go to Kilwa for fishing also cannot get enough fish in our areas here. That is why they decide to go to other areas. After they do business for a certain period of time, they come back home to spend their money with their families. For those who go to Kilwa, they stay there for three, four, or five months. When they collect enough money, they come back home.

5. Methods Between August–October 2014 and July–August 2015, I carried out interviews with villagers, with the assistance of two field assistants. Study participants were recruited via convenience sampling, carried out in collaboration with village leaders. Twenty men and twenty women of mixed ages were interviewed. Interviews were semi-structured and respondents were asked a variety of questions related to their everyday lives, primarily in the context of the MBREMP. Here I present data from several questions that respondents were asked about village out-migration. Respondents were asked whether they thought people outmigrated from the village, and if so, where people out-migrated to, who out-migrated, when, for how long, and why. People were also explicitly asked whether they knew of anyone who had left because of the marine

As this response shows, fishers often leave because their catches are not high enough in local waters to generate adequate income. This is due to numerous factors, including depressed fish stocks in the area, restrictions on fishing inside the park, and regular seasonal and weather42

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related variations in catch-sizes. One male respondent suggested that fisher mobility was due to the lack of islands around the Msimbati area, which were important areas for commercial fishing. As he suggested,

question. And yet, Ali's explanation that he had to leave would seem to contradict this notion. It suggests that he had to leave because of socioeconomic reasons, which became increasingly worse with the political and ecological changes associated with the park and the historic declines in inshore fish stocks. But in his own view, he was not displaced. By November 2018, Ali had returned to Msimbati where he was once again assisting his Aunt as a housekeeper in exchange for a room to sleep.

Some fishermen [male fishers] go to Msumbiji and Mafia. Fishing activities are very difficult in this village because we have no islands. Fish are found in the deeper waters. Around the islands, you can get deeper waters [drop offs] and these are the areas where you can get lots of fish. In Mozambique, there are many islands, so it is easy for fishermen in their activities. They can get many fish. So people of this village, they migrate temporarily to go for fishing activities. Then they come back home. They don't migrate permanently.

6.2. The hard life and the good life: structural constraint and aspirations for a better future Many respondents were quite explicit in their explanations that these forms of circular mobility were a product of the “hard life.” As one young woman said,

As such, his explanation implies that fishers migrate in search of islands, which have favourable depths around their perimeters for fishing activities. Other respondents suggested that return migration was not simply about fishing, but was also associated with business ventures and livelihoods related to trade. As one young man said,

Many people go to Kilwa and Mozambique for business. Other people go to Kilwa and Mozambique for fishing. Our life here is very difficult. That is why many people go to other areas to search for a good life. When they go there, they spend three or four months, then they come back home. For example, my husband went to Kilwa. He spent three months there. He was searching for a good place for fishing.

In this village, what people do is they go for business to other places. After they finish, they come back home. There are so many men who do business in Mozambique. There are some women who migrate permanently because they get married in other villages, but if they divorce, they come back home.

As she describes, people in Msimbati engage in circular forms of migration because the local context is insufficient for maintaining a livelihood year round. When asked why people out-migrate from Msimbati, a similar refrain surfaced across many of the interviews: ‘they leave in search of a good life.’ The notion of a ‘good life,’ however, is not a universal category. This phrase manifests itself across cultures around the world, but the actual meanings that it connotes here must be contextualized relative to the cultural landscapes of everyday life in rural Mtwara. Defined in their own terms, most people in Msimbati equate a good life with having consistent access to food, and with knowing where money will come from to pay for their basic needs like maize flour, clothing, medicine, basic household goods, and school fees for children. While in a western view, ‘a good life’ may conjure up imagery of luxury and decadence, a good life in Msimbati quite simply entails having the means to uphold a basic quality of life. This local discourse complicates the notion within migration literature that economic migrants leave simply to facilitate class mobility, and improve their financial positioning. While this is part of the picture, it fails to attend to the fact that financial mobility is not the end goal of such movements, but a means towards attaining the basic necessities of life. If we reframe villagers' vision of a good life in terms of basic human rights, then we can clearly recognize that economic migration in this context is a product of structural constraint that shapes and influences the agency of individual migrants. As one middle-aged man explained,

While the respondent notes that some women out-migrate because of inter-village marriage, they generally return if they get divorced. As he points out, business-related international migration in Mozambique is common. Such ventures may entail buying products wholesale and selling them locally for profit. As one female respondent described, “Yes, people go away to Mozambique for business, then they come back. Some people also go to Mngoji and then come back. They go to buy cassava.” Other respondents described similar processes involving places like Naumbu, Minyembi, Mbawala juu, Mbawala chini, and Dar es Salaam, and the trade of mattresses, bicycles, and tires. Some suggested that people may combine fishing and business activities during their periods of mobility. As one woman explained, People of this village go to Kilwa for business and fishing. Some do both together. They stay from two-three months up to five months, and then they come back. Even my son went to Kilwa. He ended up spending a year there, and now he has come back. This trend of circular, labour-related migration is particularly pronounced among young men. As one man explained “youth in the village go to Kilwa and Mafia for self-employment. They go for a certain season, and when the season ends, they come back home.” As the respondent maintains, youth migrate out of the village during fishing seasons, and then return home when fishing and business activities slow down. Others echoed this statement suggesting that youth regularly leave the village and travel to Kilwa, Mafia, or Mozambique for fishing, where they stay for three to six months before returning home. Ali's migratory patterns embody this claim. At the time of writing this article in August 2018, Ali was living with a friend in Namputa, Mozambique, where he was engaging in petty roadside trading during traffic jams, but was otherwise unemployed. When I asked him why he out-migrated from Msimbati he explained Nilihitaji kwenda kwasababu sinahela na sinajobi kufanya kazi (I had to leave because I have no money and I have no job to work). In his explanation, he had to leave because he had no job and had no other means of generating income, especially with no start-up capital. The restrictions on inshore fishing in Msimbati also bear on his lack of livelihood options. However, when I asked him whether he thought the MBREMP forced him to leave, he said hapana (no). This to me was an interesting and important point: that the park does not physically displace people, nor do people actually feel that they have been forced to leave because of the park. In fact, of the forty interviewees, almost every respondent replied with a simple ‘no’ to this

People leave this village because there is no income in this village. Many fishermen go to Kilwa or Msumbiji for fishing activities because when they go there, they get more income compared to the income in this village. The reason why we get low income in this village from fishing is caused by dynamite fishers because they destroy the coral reefs, which are reproductive areas for fish. This has caused the number of fish here to decrease, so fishermen have decided to go elsewhere so that they can get more income. As this response suggests, destructive fishing practices, including dynamite fishing, have led to degradation of the local reef fishery, and declines in inshore fish stocks.4 Such processes have led fishers to migrate to other areas in search of income. This phenomenon resembles Cinner's (2009) stance that the use of destructive fishing gear by inshore 4 For further discussion of destructive fishing practices inside the MBREMP see Raycraft (2018a); Raycraft (2019b); Kamat (2019).

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respondents suggested that the lack of soil fertility is an important factor that leads to village out-migration. As one male elder respondent said,

fishers in Tanzania can create poverty traps, which diminish ecosystem services (human benefits derived from ecosystems) for future generations. The juxtaposition of the hard life with the good life surfaced throughout many interviewees' narratives. As another man pointed out, “I think those who move from this area to other areas do so because of hardship in life. Life is very difficult for them, so they try to go somewhere else, hoping that maybe it will help them reach a good position in life.” Others repeatedly voiced similar refrains. As one male elder described,

Yes, people move from this village. Maybe because life is difficult in this village for them and that is why they decide to leave to go to other areas where they can do agricultural activities. They may leave to try to find areas which can produce high crop yields. Normally people in this village, when they leave for agriculture, they take the whole family and they build a house to live with the family. People leave Msimbati because there is no food in this village, and no employment, and that is why they decide to leave, hoping that maybe they will succeed in other areas.

In my experience, I think people move from one area to another trying to search for a good life. For example, a person may decide to leave Msimbati and move to another neighbouring country to search for a better life. If he finds a good life there, he may decide to stay there. This has happened so many times in this village. This happens often for businessmen. Businessmen may take products from this village and bring them to another country or other places in Tanzania to sell. This back and forth enables businessmen to discover places where they can get more income and benefits. At the end of the day, businessmen are looking for places where there are business opportunities. If there are many business opportunities, businessmen may decide to stay there so they can get income more easily. So I think when people leave their place of origin, it is mainly because they want to find income.

In his view, the lack of soil fertility results in low agricultural yields, which compounds the challenges associated with local fishing and business activities. Another male elder echoed this sentiment, People here leave because of the environment – our land is not good for agriculture. That is why some people decide to go away so that they can find a good piece of land for agriculture. Such responses speak to the important role that perceptions of land fertility and availability play in motivating people to out-migrate from Msimbati. 6.3. Narratives of immobility and in-migration

While the above narrative reveals the economic drivers of out-migration, it also touches on people's aspirations for a better future that stem from moving away from the constraints of rural life in the hopes of ‘discovering’ new ‘opportunities’ that may emerge by traveling to cities and other imagined localities. As such, the narrative also shows feelings of hope, and a belief that future socioeconomic autonomy is within the control of migrants. Most people were quick to point out that people were not migrating in search of luxurious qualities of life, but rather fulfilment of basic livelihoods. As one man explained,

While the trend for young men to leave the village, generally on a temporary basis, is indeed engrained in the social fabric of village life, several respondents offered alternative narratives that further complicate this discussion. Some respondents offered reminders that villagers may simply choose not to out-migrate. As one man explained, Most people I know choose not to migrate from this village to go to another place. This happens only for teachers. Maybe teachers come to work in this village for a couple years, then they get transferred to work in another village, or in another region. But most villagers I know choose not to migrate from this village to another place.

People move because they see that there is nothing here which will help them to make a living. That is why they decide to go to other places. Maybe they can find a way to make a living depending on the environment of that area, so there is nobody who goes away for luxury. They go away to search for a good life. Life is difficult in this village, so many people leave in an attempt to improve their life.

In this interviewee's view, only teachers, a small minority of villagers, out-migrate from the village on a regular basis. As he states, most people he knows choose to stay in the village. Another woman echoed this response, Some people leave this village, but most people I know choose to stay. Those who migrate from this village go away because we have a difficult life in this village, so they try to go somewhere else, thinking that maybe their life will be improved. But most people I know prefer to stay.

As this narrative demonstrates, people are leaving out of necessity, and not simply to facilitate economic mobility to higher classes. These socioeconomic conditions in the sending area are further exacerbated by everyday conditions of food insecurity. As one woman said, People decide to leave the village because life is difficult. Some people in this village don't have food, or houses to stay, so they decide to go to other areas, hoping that maybe they will be able to get food and trees easily to use as materials for building houses.

While the respondent notes that some people do out-migrate in an attempt to escape the hard life, she states that most people she knows generally prefer to stay in the village, rather than leave. Adding further complexity this discussion, some respondents alluded to increases in village in-migration in recent years. As one man explained,

As she suggests, people leave to attain food and basic materials for building their houses. As such, they are leaving in an attempt to fulfil basic human rights in the form of food and shelter. Most respondents pointed to these socioeconomic constraints as the driving factors for out-migration, and related them to the local environment. As one female respondent explained,

For those who leave the village permanently, maybe they had problems which forced them to migrate. In this village, many people have migrated in and out of the village as the years go by. But when people move out of this village, it is generally just temporary for business and then they come back home. Many people are actually migrating in these days, and fewer people are migrating out.

Life causes a person to leave the village because if he goes for fishing, he does not catch anything. If he tries doing business, he makes no sales. That is why people decide to leave the village and try to do things that will help them to get income.

According to this man, there have indeed been many people who have left and entered the village throughout its history, but most out-migrants leave only on a temporary basis. A few other respondents echoed his claim that village in-migration has increased in recent years. As one woman said,

In her view, the local marine ecology does not support fishing activities, and the local political and economic landscape is not conducive for small-scale business. This is further compounded by the saline soils in the area, which limit potential for large-scale agriculture. Many 44

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In some ways, study participants' discussions of village out-migration reflect the nuanced appreciation within scholarly migration discourse that migration must always be situated somewhere on the spectrum between structure and agency. Study participants referenced seasonal patterns of male youth migration, involving trips of three to four months in length to take up informal and part-time work. Respondents also pointed to fisher mobility, explaining that male fishers often leave to fish in areas that are more conducive for fishing for ecological and political reasons. These included higher fish stocks, particular marine geographies, and fewer restrictions on fishing activities. These migration patterns were contingent upon seasonal monsoon winds. While the MBREMP has indeed complicated the political landscape in Msimbati, however, these patterns of fisher and labour-related mobility have been ongoing in the area since well before the park was established. The most common theme that surfaced throughout interviews was that people left the village “in search of a good life,” and to escape the hardships of “the hard life.” These responses on the one hand reflect the macro-level structural determinants of rural out-migration. Indeed, the Mtwara region remains “neglected and underdeveloped” relative to the rest of the state (Kamat, 2014, 296). In spite of the ‘development’ and economic growth purported to follow from the state-sanctioned gasextraction project, rural poverty in the region has only deepened due to multiple environmental, political, and economic stressors (Bunce et al., 2010b; Kamat, 2017). The establishment of the MBREMP has engendered further constraints on coastal villagers' abilities to access and use resources, consequently shaping the kinds of choices they are able to make to sustain themselves (see Raycraft, 2019b). As Kamat (2014) has argued, the marine park is constitutive of “structural violence” (290). At the same time, these same sentiments reflect micro-level aspirations about the future, and the opportunities that mobility may open up for people. They reflect feelings of hope, and belief that people can take action to influence their futures by migrating. As such, they demonstrate a belief that future socioeconomic conditions are to an extent within their own loci of control. Thus, they can also be interpreted as narratives that elucidate the agency of people to respond to structural constraint. People in Msimbati make a variety of decisions in the context of migration, in partial relation to their individual dispositions and the social influence of other community-members. For example, different people may decide to migrate to the larger industrial capital in the region (Mtwara town), to Dar es Salaam, or internationally to cities in Mozambique. Such variability cannot be accounted for with reference to economic structural determinants alone, and supports Wood's (2016) assertion that “individual agency can therefore fashion the geography of international migration at a local scale in rural areas” (587). At the same time, however, the normalization of rural-urban migration throughout Tanzania, especially against the backdrop of rapid urbanization, must still be contextualized relative to the broader political and economic structural processes that frame the choices of individual migrants (Beegle et al., 2011a,b). As such, the empirical reality on the ground is a complex and murky one. The MBREMP could on the one hand be interpreted through a Weberian lens as catalyzing behavioural reaction in the form of involuntary migration, given its creation of food and livelihood insecurity for coastal villagers. At the same time, people share a variety of narratives about why people out-migrate from the village, some of which seem to reflect individual aspirations of future socioeconomic autonomy. The picture on the ground is further complicated by several key considerations. First, fisher mobility has been common practice in the area since long before the establishment of the marine park, a practice largely shaped by seasonal availability of fish. Second, study participants did not believe that the marine park in and of itself drives outmigration, though they did generally concede that the park had deepened conditions of economic hardship and vulnerability. Third, some

For people of the coastal region, it is very difficult to migrate from this village to other places [due to geographical constraints]. Some people do leave, but I don't know why. Recently, people from different areas have been coming to live in this village. This interviewee points out there are constraints on mobility that make it challenging for people, particularly elders, to travel inland. The respondent also believes that in-migration has increased in recent years. Another male elder offered his views on the migration dynamics in the village, once again citing constraints on mobility for people living in Msimbati, and potential pull factors that may draw people to the village, Most people don't want to leave the village. The number of people is actually increasing in this village. In the old days, we had few people, but now we are many. We don't have spaces to build new houses, so if a certain person wants a space to build a house, he may go to the owner of a farm and pay some money to get a plot to build a house. Also, it is not easy for residents of Msimbati to go to another place. People of Msimbati, they can go to Mtwara town, but only if they get jobs, so it is not so easy for people of Msimbati to move to other places. But people are coming from other places to Msimbati. People, they come to this village for fishing activities. When they get fish, they sell them to get income. As this narrative response shows, people in Msimbati may face challenges that bear on their abilities to out-migrate, including a scarcity of formal employment opportunities. Further complicating the picture, the respondent also believes that people may be in-migrating to Msimbati to exploit the coastal fishery for profit. Such accounts pose direct challenges to the claim that people in Msimbati have been forced to out-migrate due to fishing-related challenges. The population in Msimbati has grown steadily in recent years, a pattern which could perhaps be linked to village birth rates and village in-migration. Several themes emerged anecdotally through my informal conversations with people during my fieldwork, when I asked why people were coming to live in Msimbati. People suggested that migrants may be pulled to Msimbati by 1) the prospect of capitalizing on the open access fishery outside of the park's boundaries 2) the potential for future economic prosperity in Msimbati due to its proximity to the natural gas project 3) the prospect of jobs associated with these large-scale development and conservation projects 4) the close proximity of the village to the Tanzania-Mozambique border, which is beneficial for small-scale trade, and 5) a simple desire to live by the coast. Currently, however, there are minimal community-level benefits stemming from the implementation of the marine park (e.g. ecotourismrelated employment; spillover fish catches outside of park boundaries). 7. Discussion and conclusions As these findings reveal, study participants offered a variety of reasons for why people choose to out-migrate from Msimbati to urban centres in Tanzania and Mozambique. Significantly, very few of the respondents pointed directly to the MBREMP as the driving cause of out-migration. My interpretation of this result has to do with the fact that people are very much aware of the history of conservation-induced displacement that has occurred elsewhere in Tanzania. Some of my interlocutors in the village, for example, referenced the forced relocation of communities living near Tanzania's terrestrial national parks (see Brockington, 2002). As such, people's local perspectives on displacement were based on the notion of physical relocation. Furthermore, people in Msimbati are often very particular in how they portray themselves relative to structural constraints. They are generally adamant about the ways in which park management has constrained their livelihoods, but at the same time, are reluctant to underrepresent their own experiences of agency. 45

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author's MA thesis (see Raycraft, 2016). The author is thankful to Vinay Kamat for his comments on this manuscript, and for his mentorship as MA supervisor. The author is also grateful to the two anonymous reviewers of this journal, whose comments greatly improved the quality of the article. The author takes full responsibility for the viewpoints in this article, and for any errors that may remain.

people in Msimbati choose to not move at all, and outsiders may actually be inclined to in-migrate to Msimbati to capitalize on the open access resources of the coastal fishery outside of the boundaries of the MBREMP. Fourth, there is a wider historical context of population mobility in Tanzania, with roots in the colonial era and the recruitment of labourers to work on agricultural plantations (Msigwa and Mbongo, 2013). In a contemporary context, the combination of economic push factors (low quality of life) and pull factors (education, health care and employment opportunities) have become widespread drivers of internal migration in Tanzania, factors which could be attributable to economic liberalization and urbanization. As such, based on my ethnographic data, and considering these myriad compounding factors, I would strongly caution against any strong-handed arguments that the MBREMP has forced people to out-migrate from Msimbati. Rather, I maintain that village residents' decisions to migrate must be situated on a spectrum between agency and structural constraint (see Marino and Lazrus, 2015, 32; Obokata et al., 2014, 121). As I have shown, people in Msimbati offer a variety of reasons for why people out-migrate from the village. While bearing in mind Pedraza's (1991, 322) critiques of attempts to draw wider conclusions about migration from unsystematic ethnographic studies with small samples, I maintain that people's narratives in Msimbati complicate wider discourses about the relationship between agency and structural constraint in the context of rural out-migration. This dialectic is particularly complex against the historical backdrop of population mobility in Tanzania, and fisher mobility in coastal areas. Perhaps in the future, long-term longitudinal and macro-level quantitative research on migration trends in the village across time could be coupled with an ethnographic approach to documenting people's lived experiences and personal narratives. For now, I can conclude that the migration situation in Msimbati is complex and dynamic, and subject to a number of macro-level historical factors and micro-level psychosocial factors that influence the choices that people make. The park is situated at the confluence of pre-existing livelihood stressors including climate change, poverty, overfishing, and political marginalization. Nonetheless, people hold agency relative to structural constraint and have historically migrated (or not) for various reasons, some of which are sociocultural (historical patterns of Makonde migration), economic (for wage labour), psychological (aspirations for the future), political (structural inequality), and environmental (monsoon winds, low fish stocks). In sum, migration is a complex social phenomena that often supersedes simple causal narratives, suggesting that attempts to link such processes together under the umbrella concept of forced displacement may not be entirely productive. Considering this, the resonating contribution of this case to the scholarly discourse on MPAs and displacement of local communities is that ethnographic context, across a broad historical scale, is deeply important.

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Declaration of interest None. Funding Fieldwork was supported by a Joseph Armand Bombardier Scholarship (CGS-M) from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC). The author was supported by a Vanier Canada Graduate Scholarship while preparing this article. Acknowledgements The permit to conduct research in Tanzania was issued by the Tanzanian Commission for Science and Technology (COSTECH) (research permit number 2013-240-ER-2008-68). Ethics approval for this study was issued by the UBC Behavioural Research Ethics Board (approval number H14-01713). The article is also adapted in part from the 46

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