Incest survivors: the relation of their perceptions of their parents and their own parenting attitudes

ChildAbuse& Nqk Vol. 13, pp.409-416, Printed in the U.S.A. All rights reserved.

1989

0145.2134/89 $3.00 + 03 Copynght 0 I989 Pergamon Press plc

INCEST SURVIVORS: THE RELATION OF THEIR PERCEPTIONS OF THEIR PARENTS AND THEIR OWN PARENTING ATTITUDES PAMELA M. COLE National

Institute

of Mental Health,

Bethesda,

MD

CHRISTI WOOLGER University

of Houston

Abstract-The present study examined the child-rearing attitudes ofincest and nonincest child sexual abuse survivors and their perceptions of their own parents’ behavior. From a sample of women with a history of child sexual abuse, 40 women with children completed questionnaires designed to assess their own and their parents’ child-rearing behavior in terms of the dimensions of parental acceptance and control. The data indicated that women from incestuous backgrounds had more negative perceptions of their fathers and mothers in terms of acceptance and control than women abused by men who were not related to them. Moreover, incest victims who perceived their mothers negatively endorsed autonomy promotion in their own attitudes toward child rearing. The findings are discussed in terms of (I) the lack of positive parenting models when relations with both parents are experienced as negative, (2) incest survivors’ conflicts about their own early maturity, and (3) the relation ofthese findings to the tendency for intergenerational repetition of father-daughter incest.

INTRODUCTION VIRTUALLY NO SYSTEMATIC RESEARCH exists on the parental style, skills, or attitudes of women with a history of incest. Effects of incest on later parenting might be expected for two reasons. First, incestuous families have been depicted by clinicians as dysfunctional systems in which parents fail to provide emotional support or display self-control over selfgratification and in which parental needs dominate those of the child (Butler, 1978; Forward & Buck, 1978; Justice & Justice, 1979; Mrazek & Bentovim, 198 1). Empirical data confirm that sexually abusive homes are highly conflicted and lacking in cohesion (Cole, Stadler, & Stewart, 1988). If a child perceives her parents as uninvolved in her day-to-day life or as not providing a supportive style of limit setting on behavior, then she may fail to develop adequate internal models for her own parenting (Fraiberg, Adelson, & Shapiro, 1975; Main & Goldwyn, 1984; Ricks, 1985). Conflicted feelings about the family of origin may influence a woman when she is faced with the emotional demands of parenting (Fine & Carnevale, 1984). UnforA portion of this paper was presented at the annual meeting of the American Psychological Association, Toronto, Canada, August 1984. Partial support ofthis research was provided by the University of Houston Office of Sponsored Programs. Received

for publication

August

10, 1987; final revision received November

11, 1988; accepted

Reprint requests may be sent to Pamela M. Cole, Ph.D., Laboratory of Developmental of Mental Health, Bldg. I5K, 9000 Rockville Pike, Bethesda, MD 20892. 409

Psychology,

December National

I, 1988. Institute

410

Pamela

M. Cole and Christi Woolger

tunately, there is no empirical research on how relationships in the family of origin affect the incest victim’s parenting of her own children. Another reason for studying parenting among incest survivors is the frequent report of clinicians that mothers in incestuous families were sexually abused as children (Butler, 1978; Goodwin, McCarthy, & DiVasto, 198 1; James & Nasjleti, 1983; Mrazek, 198 1; Raphling, Carpenter, & Davis, 1967; Steele & Alexander, 198 1). This pattern would suggest not only the selection of sexually abusive mates by incest victims but perhaps repetition of emotional estrangement between mother and daughter as well. Clinicians describe mother-daughter emotional distance as a contributing factor to incest because it increases the daughter’s need for affection from her father (Butler, 1978; Forward & Buck, 1978; Justice & Justice, 1979). There is, however, limited empirical support for this intergenerational hypothesis. Goodwin, McCarthy, and DiVasto ( 198 1) found that 24% of mothers in families identified as physically and/or sexually abusive had a prior history of incest in contrast to 3% of mothers in a nonabusive comparison group. But Kaufman and Zigler (1987) have noted that not all child abuse survivors become abusive parents. The specific factors that lead some victims to become parents in sexually abusive homes need to be identified. The risk for such recurrence might be greatest when the victim lacks a positive relationship with either parent as when the father is the perpetrator and mother and daughter lack a positive relationship. Intergenerational repetition of physical abuse and rejection has been linked to lack of a positive internalized model of mother-daughter attachment (Main & Goldwyn. 1984: Ricks, 1985). While there is no empirical evidence that childhood incest affects later parenting, incest survivors in therapy do express concerns about themselves as parents. Herman (198 1) reported that her sexually abused clients feared becoming bad parents; they held high expectations for parental conduct which were easily unmet and further contributed to their feelings of guilt and worthlessness. She attributed this pattern to the lack of a model for adequate, satisfactory mothering and a hopeful ideal. Butler (1978) felt that victims whom she interviewed had experienced emotional neediness as children, which led them to be unwilling or unable to give what they never received and to be resentful of the sacrifices which parenting demands. Steele and Alexander (198 1) described ambivalence about parenting in incest victims, some to the point of never having children. Clearly, parenting may be a different and difficult role for women from dysfunctional systems such as incestuous families. This study explores the potential effects of incest on later parenting by comparing a group of mothers who were incest survivors with a group of women who were sexually abused by men who were not related. Although parenting is a complex, multidimensional construct, two robust dimensions of parenting, parental acceptance and parental control, emerge consistently in empirical research (Maccoby & Martin, 1983). Acceptance involves the degree to which the parent is child- vs. self-focused, warm and positively involved with the child. Control consists of several aspects of parental efforts to influence a child, such as demands for maturity, strictness about rules, and methods for managing child behavior. A distinction is made between the authoritative parent who is firm but democratic and responsive to the child and the authoritarian parent whose style is harsh and negative and whose techniques include guilt induction, withdrawal of love, intrusiveness, and distancing from emotional demands (Baumrind, 197 1). It would be preferable to observe parent-child relations at the time of the sexual abuse and to follow victims prospectively as they marry and have children. Obviously, such an approach is costly and time-consuming, warranted only after preliminary research has established correlations and focused hypotheses. This study used retrospective method in which victims shared their perceptions of their parents’ acceptance, control, and discipline toward them and examined whether these perceptions systematically affected their attitudes toward rearing their own children. For this preliminary work, we asked women who were participating in an interview

Incest

survivors

411

study of survivors of sexual abuse and who were mothers to complete a child-rearing attitude questionnaire. We studied whether the fact of incest alone affected parenting in these survivors or whether later effects were a byproduct of dysfunctional relationships with both parents in which there was no positive relationship to buffer a dysfunctional one and no adequate models for parenting.

METHOD

Sample From a sample of 95 female child sexual abuse survivors who were recruited through local media and participated in a study of effects on adult adjustment, 55 women who were mothers and had at least one child living in the home were asked to complete a child-rearing attitude questionnaire. Of these mothers, 2 1 had been sexually abused by their fathers ( 17 natural, 4 step) and 19 were abused by men who were unrelated (family friends, strangers). Women who were abused by more than one man or by relatives other than father were excluded from these analyses. None of the unrelated men functioned as head of household or as primary caretaker, and all of the fathers were the main caretakers during the victim’s childhood. Other abuse variables were highly related to who the perpetrator was. (Extensive analyses were conducted of the association between each sexual abuse factor: duration, frequency, acts involved, use of coercion, age at onset, age at offset, residency of the perpetrator in relation to the child. These are available upon request from the first author.) Abuse was more frequent, lasted through more of childhood, and more often included intercourse when the father was the perpetrator. Due to the strong correlations and the small sample size, unique effects of these factors could not be distinguished from perpetrator-child relationships. There were no demographic differences between the mothers and the nonmothers in the study nor between the incest and nonincest victims. The majority of the women were white, middle-income, Christian, with at least one year of college education. The sample was representative of the community from which they were sampled as reflected in the 1980 census. Only half of the women (52.6%) had ever been to therapy, and only 6.3% had ever been involved with police or welfare agencies regarding the sexual abuse. This community sample, although all volunteers, has the advantage of not being skewed toward maladjustment as do clinical samples. None of the women acknowledge current child sexual abuse in their homes, but we should note that the consent procedures stated that current abuse would be reported by the interviewer as required by law. The two groups of mothers did not differ in terms of age, age at first marriage, age at first pregnancy, marital status, or number of marriages. The average number of children was 2.8 for the incest group and 2.3 1 for the nonincest group, a difference which approached but did not reach statistical significance (In < . 10).

Procedure and Measures The measures were completed on the day of the interview which provided information on the nature of the sexual abuse experiences and on the construction of the family of origin. To assess retrospective perceptions of the parents in the family of origin, the Children’s Report of Parental Behavior Inventory (CRPBI) (Schaefer, 1965a) was administered. Persons who lived in different households during childhood answered for the persons whom they regarded as their parents; in all cases, these were primary caretakers. The CRPBI has 48 items for each parent which the respondent, using a 3-point scale, rates as like or not like the parent. The

412

Pamela M. Cole and Christi Woolger

original measure was composed of several subscales, but factor analysis (Schaefer, 1965b) indicated a three-factor structure tapping the parental dimensions of acceptance and control: positive involvement, negative control, and lax discipline. Reliability coefficients for the scales range from .69 to .84 (Schaefer, 1965a), and discrimination validity was shown in two clinical studies (Schaefer, 1965a; Crook, Raskin, & Eliot, 198 1), indicating the sensitivity of the measure to problems of clinical significance. To assess women’s parenting attitudes, the ParentaI Attitudes Research lnstru~eni (PARI) (Schaefer & Bell, 1958) was used because it was developed by the author of the CRPBI and attempted to assess parallel factors. The PAR1 is a 78-item questionnaire in which respondents on a l-4 scale agree or disagree with statements about child rearing. Three factors are generated: child acceptance-rejection, child indulgence-autonomy, and democracy-domination. The latter two scales are control dimensions emphasizing maturity demands and use of the child’s viewpoint in decision making, respectively. Extensive reliability and validity data are reported by the authors, and the test has distinguished positive from negative parenting (Coopersmith, 1967). Because marital adjustment can affect parenting, two scales of the marital Satisfaction fnventntory(MSI) (Snyder, 1979), which was administered to all subjects, were used to assess whether current marital conflict accounted for any parenting effects. The conflict over child rearing and dissatisfaction with children scales assess the effect of marital discord on parenting. Preliminary analyses revealed that the incest and nonincest groups did not differ on these scales.

RESULTS Survivnrs ’Perceptions of Their Parents One-way analyses of variance were used to examine differences in survivors’ perceptions of their parents as a function of whether the abuse was incestuous or not. These analyses revealed that incest victims perceived their fathers as less accepting, F (1, 38) = 26.37, p < .OO1, more negatively controlling, F ( 1, 38) = 9.60, p < .OOOI, and as stricter disciplinarians, F ( 1, 38) = 5.0 1, p .03, than nonincest victims. Incest victims perceived their mothers as less involved, F( 1,38) = 12.06, p < .O1, and more negatively controlling, F (1, 38) = 10.17, p < .003, than nonincest victims. There were no differences in perceptions of maternal discipline. The means and standard deviations for perceptions of parents in the family of origin are presented in Table 1. Survivors ‘Attitudes

Toward Child Rearing

One-way analyses of the three PARI and two MS1 scales revealed one significant difference between incest and nonincest victims’ parenting attitudes: Incest victims scored higher on the child indulgence-autonomy scale than nonincest victims, F (1, 38) = 8.3 1, p < .007. Incest victims scored lower on child acceptance and higher on conflict over child rearing, but the differences only approached the .05 criterion @J< .07 and .06, respectively). All other Fs were less than 1. The means and standard deviations for these scales are also presented in Table 1. Prediction ofSurvivors’ Child-Rearing Attitudes Hierarchical regression analyses were used to examine the degree to which survivors’ perceptions of their own parents predicted their child-rearing attitudes toward their own children. The order of entry of predictor variables began with perpetrator type entered as a vector to

Incest survivors

413

Table 1. Means and Standard Deviations of Victims’ Perceptions Their Parents and Their Own Child-Rearing Attitudes

of

Perpetrator Group

Perception of Father Lack of Involvement Positive Control Lax Discipline Perception of Mother Lack of Involvement Positive Control Lax Discipline

Child-Rearing Attitudes Autonomy Promotion Child Acceptance Democracy

Incest

Nonincest

59.08 6.90 31.58

42.69 14.15 41.78

9.57 25.25 5.03

8.41 23.09 5.43

M SD M SD M SD

46.46

40.87

10.83 31.08 9.76 24.25 5.88

12.12 36.48 8.48 24.55 5.67

M SD M SD M SD

75.36 7.93 48.88

69.66 5.31 51.97

11.01 40.00 8.49

9.48 41.12 7.94

M SD M SD M SD

examine the direct contribution of incest to child-rearing attitudes. Maternal acceptance and control variables (i.e., degree of positive maternal involvement toward child, degree of use of negative control strategies) were then entered as a block to examine the unique additional contribution of survivors’ perceptions of their relationships with their mothers. Finally, because we believed that a poor relationship with both parents would be most likely to affect a person’s child-rearing attitudes, we entered the interaction of group and maternal perception variables as a block. The only child-rearing attitude predicted by family of origin factors was the child indulgence-autonomy scale. This scale was predicted by incest, RZ = .17, F( 1,39) = 8.25, p < .007. The maternal perception variables did not contribute over and above incest except when examined in interaction with this variable. The interaction of incest and maternal control accounted for an additional 19% of the variance, R2 = .19, F (4, 36) = 4.28, p < .05. The interaction between incest and maternal involvement approached significance, R2 = .06, p < .lO. In sum, the regression analyses indicated that the overall equation accounted for 33% of the variance in survivors’ attitudes regarding the promotion of autonomy in their children. Incest victims endorsed autonomy promotion, particularly when they perceived their mothers as negatively controlling or as uninvolved. Because incest and a poor mother-daughter relationship often co-occur, several follow-up regressions were conducted on child autonomy scores to determine whether the fact of incest explained unique variance in victims’ attitudes toward child autonomy after the motherdaughter relationship variables were entered. These analyses explored (1) whether incest contributed over and above the combined maternal involvement and control scores, (2) whether incest contributed over and above the incest-maternal relationship interactions, and (3) which interaction accounted for the most unique variance when entered first. For brevity, only significant (p < .05) R2 changes are reported. Incest contributed uniquely to child autonomy, over and above the block of maternal in-

414

Pamela

M. Cole and Christi Woolger

volvement and control, R' = .19, F = 7.2 1, p < .O1, but not over and above either interaction. The interaction of maternal control and incest accounted for 22% of the variance, while the interaction of maternal involvement and incest accounted for 1 1%. In sum, the planned regression equation predicted 33% of the total variance in child autonomy scores. The direction of the correlations indicated that incest, as well as incest victims’ negative perceptions of their mothers, was associated with higher rates of endorsement of child autonomy. Follow-up analyses indicated that the interaction of incest and perceiving mother as negatively controlling was the most predictive factor.

DISCUSSION The present study demonstrated that, as a group, incest survivors have more negative perceptions of their parents than nonincest child sexual abuse survivors. These differences are reflected in their perceptions of their parents’ control techniques rather than their parents’ strictness/permissiveness. In terms of parental warmth and acceptance, incest survivors viewed their fathers and mothers as more lacking in positive involvement. A history of incest, particularly when combined with negative perceptions of mother, was associated with endorsement ofautonomy promotion attitudes. These women tended to agree with statements that are extreme in requiring that children become autonomous quickly (e.g., “Most children are toilet trained by 15 months, ” “The earlier a child is weaned from its emotional ties to its parents the better it will handle its own problems”). There are several possible interpretations of this finding. First, as Butler (1978) reported, incest survivors may feel resentful of their children’s desires and demands for indulgence, and inadequate in providing their children with the indulgences they themselves never received. Another interpretation is that of Herman (198 1): These women may set high expectations for themselves and their children’s behavior, and so they may have unrealistic ideas regarding child autonomy. On the other hand, these women may be more motivated to prepare their children for early self-sufficiency, given their own precocious exposure to trauma. Further research is needed to clarify this finding. Recalling that incest victims tended to score somewhat lower in child acceptance, the question can be raised whether there is a rejecting quality to the emphasis on autonomy promotion. During open-ended portions of the interview, many women expressed wishes to be warm, fair, authoritative parents, but in describing specific child-rearing situations sounded harsh or detached to the interviewers (e.g., one mother stated that her daughter would have to fend for herself after seeing her touched suggestively by a houseguest). Without positive models for loving, parental control, these women may lack strategies for being responsive to their children’s dependency on them and may experience anxiety and anger in certain childrearing situations. In our clinical work, incest survivors often express inadequacy in coping with children’s need for support and structure, and demonstrate acute difficulty in responding to children’s dependency demands, e.g., toddlers’ needs for limits, teen needs for coping with sexuality. They also manifest resentment and hostility toward their children, and appear unaware that these feelings may be related to their own disappointing, harsh childhood. The findings call for further study of incest victims’ ability to place appropriate maturity demands on their children. This limited study suggests one way in which an incestuous past may influence child rearing among the survivors. These data suggest that women from an incestuous background who perceive both parents negatively lack strong, positive models and that they do feel differently about some aspects of child rearing than women who were sexually abused by men who were not family family members. The data indicate that the control dimension of parenting, rather

Incest survivors

415

than the acceptance dimension, was more sensitive to the effects of relationships in the family of origin. Whether these patterns would be shown in mothers with different familial stresses (e.g., physical abuse, children of alcoholics) remains to be examined. This group of incest survivors provided no evidence of intergenerational recurrence of incest. The ethical constraints of the consent procedures may have prevented disclosure of such information, but it may also be that women volunteering to self-disclose in a study of this type are less likely to be women from currently incestuous families. However, avoiding a child’s dependency or pushing a child toward autonomy may be part of or contribute to emotional distance in the mother-daughter relationship, a pattern which may facilitate inappropriate affection between an emotionally needy daughter and a father prone toward child sexual abuse. These interpretations are speculative and clearly warrant careful and systematic empirical investigation. The findings suggest the value of examining survivors’ knowledge of control strategies and their actual child-rearing behavior. A prospective study of incest survivors who are having their first children would provide a much needed analysis of the manner in which deficits in the family of origin influence the feelings and actions of these young mothers. Also, it would be useful to include a comparison group of women with other risk factors in their history (e.g., physically abused by a parent) and a nonproblem comparison group to more precisely examine the effects of incest vs. general family dysfunction. Finally, it would be a methodological improvement to control for the age and sex of the children. Acknowledgement-The authors acknowledge the contributions in data collection and the women who shared their experiences

ofDonna with us.

Hilton,

Miriam

Mahnke,

and Sharon

Hall

REFERENCES Baumrind, D. ( I97 1). Current patterns of parental authority. Developmental Psychology Monographs, 4( 1, Pt. 2). Butler, S. ( 1978). Conspiracy ofsilence: The frauma of incest. San Francisco: Volcano. Cole, P. M., Stadler, J. G., & Stewart, S. ( 1988). Familv environments ofwomen who were sexuallv abused as children. Unpublished manuscript. Coopersmith, S. (1967). Antecedents of self-esteem. San Francisco: W. H. Freeman. Crook, T., Raskin, A., & Eliot, J. (1981). Parent-child relationships and adult depression. Child Development. 52, 950-957. Fine, P., & Carnevale, P. (1984). Network aspects of treatment for incestuously abused children. In I. Stuart, & J. Greer (Eds.), Victims of sexual aggression: Treatment of children, women, and men (pp. 75-90). New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold. Forward, S., & Buck, C. (1978). Betrayal of innocence: Incest and its devastation. New York: Penguin. Fraiberg, S., Adelson, E.. & Shapiro, V. (1975). Ghosts in the nursery: A psychoanalytic approach to the problems of impaired mother-infant relationships. Journal of the American Academy of Child Psychiatry, 14,387-42 1. Goodwin, J.. McCarthy, T., & DiVasto, P. (198 1). Prior incest in mothers of sexually abused children. Child Abuse & Neglect. 5. 87-96. Herman, J. L. (198 1). Father-daughter incest. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. James, B.. & Nasjleti, M. (1983). Treating sexually abused children and their families. Palo Alto, CA: Consulting Psychologists. Justice, B.. &Justice, R. (1979). The broken taboo: Sex in thefamily. New York: Human Sciences Press. Kaufman, J., & Zigler, E. ( 1987). Do abused children become abusive parents? American Journal ofOrthopsychiatry, 57, 186-192. Main, M., & Goldwyn, R. (1984). Predicting rejection of her infant from mother’s representation of her own experi_ ence: Implications for the abused-abusing intergenerational cycle. Child Abuse & I?eglect, 8,203-2 17. Maccoby, E. E., & Martin, J. A. (1983). Socialization in the context of the familv: Parent-child interaction. In P. H. Muss& (Ed.), Handbook of child psychology (Vol. 4, pp. I - 10 1). New York: Jdhn Wiley and Sons. Mrazek, P. B. (198 1). The nature of incest: A review of contributing factors. In P. B. Mrazek, & C. H. Kempe (Eds.), Sexually abused children and their,families (pp. 97- 107). New York: Pergamon. Mrazek, P. B., & Bentovim, A. (198 1). Incest and the dysfunctional family system. In P. B. Mrazek, & C. H. Kempe (Eds.). Sexually abused children and theirfamilies (pp. 167- 178). New York: Pergamon.

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Raphling, D. L., Carpenter, B. L., & Davis, A. ( 1967, April). Incest: A genealogical study. Archives gfGenerul Psychiatry, 16, 505-5 I 1. Ricks, M. (1985). The social transmission of parental behavior: Attachment across generations. In 1. Bretherton, & E. Waters (Eds.), Growing points of attachment theory and research (pp. 22 l-227). Chicago: Society for Research in Child Development Monographs. Schaefer, E. S. ( 1965a). Children’s reports of parental behavior: An inventory. Child Development. 36,4 13-424. Schaefer, E. S. (I 965b). A contigural analysis ofchildren’s reports of parental behavior. JournaloSConsulfinR Psycho/-

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29,339-36 I. Snyder, D. ( 1979). Marital safisfhcfion inventory. Los Angeles: Western Psychological Services. Steele, B. F., & Alexander, H. (1981). Long-term effects of sexual abuse in childhood. In P. B. Mrazek, Kempe (Eds.), Sexual& abused children and theirfamilies (pp. 223-234). New York: Pergamon.

& C. H.

Rhsum&Les auteurs ont etudii les attitudes educatives de personnes ayant subi des abus sexuels incestueux ou non dans I’enfance et la perception que ces personnes ont du comportement de leurs propres parents. Les auteurs avaient i disposition une cohorte de 40 femmes ayant un passe de s&ices sexuels subis dans I’enfance. Ces 40 femme% qui avaient elles-mimes des enfants, ont rempli des questionnaires, destines i &valuer leur comportement en ce qui concerne I’education de leurs enfants ainsi que le comportement de leurs parents, lorsqu’elles itaient elles-memes enfants. Ce comportement a et& etudie en tennes de dimensions de la faculte d’accepter et de controler. Les don&es ont demontre que les femmes, ayant subi des &ices incestueux, avaient des perceptions plus negatives de leurs pere et mire, en termes d’acceptation et de controle, que les femmes qui avaient kte victimes de s&ices de la part d’hommes qui ne leur etaient pas apparent&. En plus, les victimes d’inceste, qui percevaient leur mere negativement, avaient tendance i promouvoir un comportement autonome chez leurs enfants. Ces observations sont discutees en termes: lorsque les relations avec les 2 parents Staient ressenties comme (I) d’absence de modele positif de “parenting,” negatives; (2) une attitude conflictuelle de la part des femmes victimes d’inceste i l’igard de leur propre maturation accileree; (3) de la relation entre ces observations et la tendance i la repetition inter-generation de I’inceste pere-fille. Resumen-La investigation presente examine las attitudes acerca de la crianza de niiios de las sobrevivientes del abuso sexual de menores incestuoso y no-incestuoso, y sus percepciones de la conducta de sus padres. De una muestra de mujeres con una historia de haber sido abusadas sexualmente cuando niiias, 40 mujeres con hijos completaron cuestionarios designados para juzgar sus hibitos de crianza y 10s de sus padres en termino de las dimensiones de aceptacion y control. Los datos indicaron que las mujeres con antecedentes incestuosos tenian una pcrcepcion mis negativa de sus padres y madres en tirmino de aceptacion y control que las mujeres con antecedentes de abuso sexual no-incestuoso. Asimismo, las victimas de1 incest0 que percibieron a sus madres negativamente, aprobaron et foment0 de la autonomia en sus prop& attitudes de crianza. Los resultados son discutidos en termino de (I) la falta de modelos positivos de crianza cuando las relaciones con ambos padres son experimentadas coma negativas, (2) 10s conflictos de las sobrevivientes del incest0 acerca de su madurez temprana. y (3) la relation de estos resultados con la tendencia a la repetition intergenerational de1 incest0 padre-hija.