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Infant physical attractiveness, temperament, and affect in relation to tester behavior
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INFANT PHYSICAL ATTRACTIVENESS, TEMPERAMENT, TESTER BEHAVIOR
AND AFFECT IN RELATION TO
Andrea D. Hart and Lori A. Roggman Utah State University,
Department of Family and Human Development,
Logan, UT. 643224440
Adult-infant interaction may be affected by adult expectations formed from initial first impressions of infant characteristics. Readily perceived infant characteristics that contribute to first impressions include physical attractiveness, emotional expression, temperament, and gender. This study examined these characteristics in relation to the willingness of a tester to repeat items on a standardized cognitive test to elicit a passing response from the infant. From videotapes of 52 1Cmonth-olds, trained observers coded: (a) number of times the tester allowed the infant repeated opportunities to pass items on the test, (b) the number of items that were eventually passed after initial failure, and (c) for a subset of 36 infants, infant affect during a testing situation. Still-shots of infant faces were rated for attractiveness. Mothers rated infant temperament using the Toddler Temperament Scale. The hypothesis was that if the infant was attractive, displayed a lot of positive affect, adapted easily, approached new things easily, and was male, there would be more tester encouragement, as shown by a higher proportion of test items for which the tester allowed the infant repeated opportunities to pass, and also a higher level of elicited performance, as shown by a higher proportion of items that the infant eventually passed after initial failure. Regression analyses indicated that elicited infant performance was negatively predicted by infant physical attractiveness, &Q = -.34,1= -2.53, p = .02, Multiple R =.46), but none of the variables predicted tester encouragement. Regression analyses on the subset of infants for whom affect data were available indicated that infants who were slower to adapt had higher elicited performance (j&Q = .46, I = 2.41, p = .02, MultiDIe R = .56).and that positive affect predicted the number of items initially passed (j&Q = .39,I = 2.03, Q = .05, MultiDIe R = .44). Again, none of the variables predicted tester encouragement and no gender effects were found in any of these analyses. This study suggests that a cuter infant does not have a better chance at scoring higher on a cognitive test. Ritter, Casey, and Langlois (1991) also found that although global evaluations of the general competence of the infants in the study were higher for more physically attractive infants, unattractive looking infants were expected to be competent in more soecific behaviors. A finding in the Ritter, Casey, and Langlois (1991) study that may explain this behavior is that the adults consistently overestimated age for unattractive infants and that the judgments of the abilities of the unattractive/older looking infants were unrealistic and were not appropriate expectations for that age group. Perhaps it is this expectation that leads testers elicit a higher performance from less attractive infants. Positive affect may influence the tester’s willingness to pass an infant’s first attempt on a cognitive test but it may also just reflect the infant’s response to performing competently. And infants’ who were slower to adapt had higher elicited performance. This may indicate that infants who do not adapt easily in a new situation may eventually warm-up and pass a greater number of items after another opportunity. Based on the results from this study, characteristics of infants that could influence “perceiver’s perceptions” do appear to be related to infant performance. Further research should be done which includes gathering data on adults’ perceptions of the infant age and ability as well as the variables collected in this study. Further research that explores ways in which infants modify their environment through their physical appearance or through their display of emotion could enhance our understanding of the adult-infant environment and what shapes it.
INFANT PHYSICAL ATTRACTIVENESS, TEMPERAMENT, TESTER BEHAVIOR
AND AFFECT IN RELATION TO
Andrea D. Hart and Lori A. Roggman Utah State University,
Department of Family and Human Development,
Logan, UT. 643224440
Adult-infant interaction may be affected by adult expectations formed from initial first impressions of infant characteristics. Readily perceived infant characteristics that contribute to first impressions include physical attractiveness, emotional expression, temperament, and gender. This study examined these characteristics in relation to the willingness of a tester to repeat items on a standardized cognitive test to elicit a passing response from the infant. From videotapes of 52 1Cmonth-olds, trained observers coded: (a) number of times the tester allowed the infant repeated opportunities to pass items on the test, (b) the number of items that were eventually passed after initial failure, and (c) for a subset of 36 infants, infant affect during a testing situation. Still-shots of infant faces were rated for attractiveness. Mothers rated infant temperament using the Toddler Temperament Scale. The hypothesis was that if the infant was attractive, displayed a lot of positive affect, adapted easily, approached new things easily, and was male, there would be more tester encouragement, as shown by a higher proportion of test items for which the tester allowed the infant repeated opportunities to pass, and also a higher level of elicited performance, as shown by a higher proportion of items that the infant eventually passed after initial failure. Regression analyses indicated that elicited infant performance was negatively predicted by infant physical attractiveness, &Q = -.34,1= -2.53, p = .02, Multiple R =.46), but none of the variables predicted tester encouragement. Regression analyses on the subset of infants for whom affect data were available indicated that infants who were slower to adapt had higher elicited performance (j&Q = .46, I = 2.41, p = .02, MultiDIe R = .56).and that positive affect predicted the number of items initially passed (j&Q = .39,I = 2.03, Q = .05, MultiDIe R = .44). Again, none of the variables predicted tester encouragement and no gender effects were found in any of these analyses. This study suggests that a cuter infant does not have a better chance at scoring higher on a cognitive test. Ritter, Casey, and Langlois (1991) also found that although global evaluations of the general competence of the infants in the study were higher for more physically attractive infants, unattractive looking infants were expected to be competent in more soecific behaviors. A finding in the Ritter, Casey, and Langlois (1991) study that may explain this behavior is that the adults consistently overestimated age for unattractive infants and that the judgments of the abilities of the unattractive/older looking infants were unrealistic and were not appropriate expectations for that age group. Perhaps it is this expectation that leads testers elicit a higher performance from less attractive infants. Positive affect may influence the tester’s willingness to pass an infant’s first attempt on a cognitive test but it may also just reflect the infant’s response to performing competently. And infants’ who were slower to adapt had higher elicited performance. This may indicate that infants who do not adapt easily in a new situation may eventually warm-up and pass a greater number of items after another opportunity. Based on the results from this study, characteristics of infants that could influence “perceiver’s perceptions” do appear to be related to infant performance. Further research should be done which includes gathering data on adults’ perceptions of the infant age and ability as well as the variables collected in this study. Further research that explores ways in which infants modify their environment through their physical appearance or through their display of emotion could enhance our understanding of the adult-infant environment and what shapes it.