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Innovative Ways for Solid Waste Management in Dar-Es-Salaam: Toward Stakeholder Partnerships
HABI¹A¹ IN¹¸. Vol. 23, No. 3, pp. 351}361, 1999 1999 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved Printed in Great Britain 0197}3975/99 $ - see front matter
PII: S0197-3975(98)00057-5
Innovative Ways for Solid Waste Management in Dar-Es-Salaam: Toward Stakeholder Partnerships FRANCOS HALLA AND BITURO MAJANI ;niversity College of ¸ands and Architectural Studies (UCLAS), Dar-es-Salaam, Tanzania
ABSTRACT Provision of municipal services by local authorities alone cannot be sustained in most cities of the developing countries. Until early 1990s the Dar-es-Salaam City Authority collected less than 5% of the total refuse generated in the city per day. Limited public-sector resources accounted for such low performance. The Sustainable Dar-es-Salaam Project, through environmental planning and management, has been promoting participatory and partnership arrangements whereby working groups formulate strategies and prepare action plans to address critical environmental issues. As an output of the working groups, innovative ways of improving solid waste management in the city have included emergency cleanup campaigns, privatization, community involvement, disposal site management and waste recycling. We have been able to evaluate the performance of these innovative ways through participant observation, document reviews, o$cial interviews, and a survey of householders and businesses. We conclude that these approaches have proved more e!ective in enhancing solid waste management in Dar-es-Salaam than the conventional approaches. 1999 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved Keywords: solid waste management; partnerships; sustainable Dar-es-Salaam project; environmental planning and management
INTRODUCTION The issue addressed in this paper is inadequacy of conventional approaches to urban solid waste management in Sub-Saharan Africa. The objective is to document the innovative ways of solid waste management as practised in Dar-es-Salaam, Tanzania, through the Environmental Planning and Management (EPM) Process under the auspices of the Sustainable Dar-es-Salaam Project (SDP). Hence, we assess the views of key stakeholders on the e!ectiveness of the innovative ways in waste management. Conventional approaches to waste management have usually singled out local authorities as the sole agencies responsible for service delivery. Given the high rates of urban growth and development in Correspondence to: University College of Lands & Architectural Studies (UCLAS), P.O. Box 32911, Dar-esSalaam, Tanzania. Contact Address: (E-mail) [email protected]; Fax-255-051-75449; Phone-255-051-75004; P.O. Box 32911, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania.
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the region and the limited local authorities' resources, the participation of other stakeholders is necessary in service delivery. Participatory and partnership arrangements that involve coordination of stakeholder contributions and commitments de"ne the framework for new ways to operate waste management. These approaches, which lay the basis for employment creation and income generation through waste collection, disposal and recycling and by that contributing to poverty alleviation and urban environmental upkeep, include: occassional emergency cleanup campaigns; privatisation of waste management operations; community involvement in waste collection; disposal site management; and waste recycling and composting. THE CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK Urabanization, at its fast pace, is causing a lot of stress to governments of developing countries in their resolve to deliver services to their urban residents (Devas et al., 1993; Kasarda et al., 1993; Stren et al., 1989; Dogan et al., 1988). This failure is further complicated by the poor economic performance of these countries (Rakodi, 1996; Fuchs et al., 1994; Simon, 1992). One of the critical services that lacks adequate attention in these countries, and especially those in Africa, is that of solid waste management. Although legislative and regulatory frameworks exist with regard to waste management, responsible institutions in these countries "nd themselves in situations where they are unable to collect and dispose the waste generated by di!erent activities in their cities (Briscoe, 1995). As a result most urban residents and institutions resort to burying or burning the waste they generate, or indeed dispose of it indiscriminately in open spaces, on roads and in open drains. The presence of heaps of garbage scattered in undesignated places in these cities is a common phenomenon, resulting in some cities in Africa being dubbed &&garbage cities'' and &&cities of mess'' in mid-1980s (Kironde, 1995). The poor state of service delivery, especially solid waste management, lies in the traditional or conventional approaches where the local authority alone was expected to have both operational and institutional responsibility for the service. This trend tends to exclude other equally important partners in the governance process of urban waste management. These other key partners include the central government, the private sector, the community sector and interested individuals (Briscoe, 1995). The importance of solid waste management through involvement of key stakeholders cannot be overemphasized because of the nature in which waste is generated from large population concentrations and a high preponderance of economic activities in cities (ILO, 1996). E!ectiveness in urban solid waste management can no longer be expected to rest with individual waste generators, but requires participatory and partnership arrangements for better delivery of the service. Moreover, since local authorities are creations of central government, they also depend largely on the latter for "nancial and administrative support to run and operate local services. The management of solid waste in Tanzania has been structured to involve many institutions, each with their own particular responsibilities. The central government ministries are the custodians of the overall policies related to waste management, including the major legislations. The local authorities have been responsible for enactment of local bylaws and delivery of the service directly. The residents and other operators in the city have always been the expectant bene"ciaries of an &&e$cient'' service. THE EMPIRICAL CONTEXT While Dar-es-Salaam was established in 1862 as a port and trading centre to support new caravan routes being opened into the interior of the Africa continent,
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it became the national capital in 1891, acquired municipality status in 1949, and was raised to a city status in 1961. The city falls under the administrative jurisdiction which divides it into three municipalities of Ilala, Kinondoni and Temeke that embrace 70 wards. Until 1972 and from 1978 to May 1996 the city was administered through elected councillors as the Dar-es-Salaam City Council. Between 1972 and 1978 the administration of the city fell under the extended Central Government jurisdiction, namely the Dar-es-Salaam Regional Commissioner's O$ce. Since June 1996 the city has been run, on an interim basis, by the Dar-es-Salaam City Commission appointed by the Central Government. Dar-es-Salaam is the main engine of economic growth in Tanzania. With an estimated population of three million and a growth rate of 8}10% per annum, it is one of the fastest growing cities in sub-Saharan Africa. This growth stimulates numerous economic opportunities to the urban population and national development. If this growth is not properly managed, it will become a major threat to health, the environment and urban productivity. Indeed, an almost total lack of infrastructural investment in the city in the 1970s and 1980s and the concurrent ine!ectiveness of city planning and management practices, resulted in deteriorated environmental conditions that adversely a!ected the health and welfare of the residents especially the disadvantaged groups (Kulaba, 1989; Majani et al., 1992). The 1979 Dar-es-Salaam Master-Plan has not e!ectively guided urban development (Armstrong, 1987). There are no institutional mechanisms to coordinate the various public, private and popular sector parties involved in managing growth or investing resources, neither does the plan represent the interests of partners in urban development. To combat these shortcomings, the Sustainable Dar-es-Salaam Project (SDP) introduced the Environmental Planning and Management (EPM) process and became fully operational from November 1993, with the overall aim of strengthening the City Council's capacity to plan and manage the growth and development of the city in partnership with other interested parties in the public, private and community sectors. Dar-es-Salaam is the primate city and administrative, commercial, and industrial centre in Tanzania. According to the 1988 Census, 36% of the total of 771 industrial manufacturing units in the country were in Dar-es-Salaam and contributed 41% of gross national industrial manufacturing output of 57.6 billion shillings. It constitutes about 30% of the country's urban population. However, the high population growth rate, limited public sector "nancial resources, and inadequate urban management actions to service land have resulted into more than 70% of the city population living in over 40 unserviced and unplanned settlements (Halla et al., 1997). The inadequate servicing of land has led to deterioration of the city environment. Therefore, the challenge for stakeholders has been to ensure that the city develops while it is environmentally sustainable. The challenge has been aggravated by ine!ective determination of the city's resource base and its exploitation and haphazard and uncoordinated investments in infrastructure on the one hand, and the slow pace of the local government to e!ectively respond to the need to plan, coordinate and manage city functions in partnership with other parties on the other. The Sustainable Dar-es-Salaam Project (SDP), which initiated the Environmental Planning and Management (EPM) process in Dar-es-Salaam, is part of the global Sustainable Cities Programme (SCP). The SCP, through the EPM process, provides municipal authorities and their partners in the public, private and community sectors with an improved environmental planning and management capacity (UNCHS, 1994). Several cities, including Dar-es-Salaam, are part of this sustainable cities network in which the SCP is promoting demonstration projects worldwide (UNCHS, 1994). While they have very di!erent environmental settings, thrusts for development, and administrative
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setup and capabilities, all these cities face enormous environmental problems, have a growing commitment to resolve them, and have a growing understanding that solutions must be found locally by building local technical capacities and "nancial resources, if these solutions are to be e!ective. The central focus of the SDP is to support Dar-es-Salaam and other municipalities to prioritize their most critical problems, and in so doing, to bring together in working groups those a!ected by the problem, those who create the problem, and those who have an institutional responsibility to manage the problem to negotiate pragmatic solutions, which they (and their institutions) are willing to implement (Halla, 1994; Majani et al., 1992). In essence, these groups through an improved understanding of each others' interest, e!ectively negotiate pragmatic solutions to various environmental problems. Before the interventions of the SDP in 1992, the Dar-es-Salaam City Council had failed to collect refuse from the fast growing city population activities. It was estimated then that the city was generating around 1400 t of waste daily and the Dar-es-Salaam City Council collection #eet was only capable of collecting only 30}60 t accounting for 2}4% of the total waste generated (Haskoning, 1989). The situation was particularly serious in the central business district. The main reasons for such big pileups and failure to collect were: lack of equipment, "nancial resources to purchase spare parts and fuel, and o$cial disposal sites. The city environment was thus characterized by large amounts of dumped garbage in public open spaces, on streets and major roads, and in open drains, resulting in &&#ooded'' roads, ground water pollution, soil contamination and escalating outbreaks of communicable diseases. In August 1992 a City Consultation on Environmental Issues was convened, bringing together all key stakeholders in the public, private and popular sector institutions and individuals. Solid waste management was one of the nine priority environmental issues that was mandated by the consultation to be addressed through the use of cross-sectoral and multi-institutional working groups drawn from among the stakeholder representations. The SDP was mandated to coordinate these initiatives of stakeholder participation with the City Council as the lead partner. The Working Group on Solid Waste Management adopted a "ve-point strategy involving the following innovative ways: E E E E E
launching of an emergency city clean up campaign; privatization of solid waste management operations; community participation in solid waste management; disposal site management; and promoting refuse recycling and composting.
THE INNOVATIVE WAYS OF SOLID WASTE MANAGEMENT ¹he Emergency City Clean-;p Campaign 1992}1994 An emergency cleanup campaign was initiated in 1992 by the Prime Minister's O$ce to haul wastes from market places, open spaces, and streets. Collection points were established in the city centre and at market places and open spaces. The Prime Minister's O$ce, in collaboration with the donor community, raised adequate funds for repairing garbage trucks, establishing the Vingunguti dump site, and facilitating waste collection services by the City Council. Hand-cart operators responded also to demand by owners of commercial and residential premises for a service to haul their wastes to collection points where tractor and wheel loaders were used to load refuse trucks.
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The emergency cleanup campaign was so successful that within a few months of start up the amount of waste transported by the City Council rose from 40 to 400 t daily. This level of service was maintained during the emergency clean up period which lasted from 1992 to 1994. As such the City Council gained experience on how routine refuse collection can be improved through stakeholder participation using available equipment and personnel. The stakeholders in improving solid waste management included the Prime Minister's O$ce, Regional Administration, donor community, businesses, research centres, and local communities. Privatization of Solid =aste Management Experiences gained in solid waste collection during the 1992}1994 Emergency Cleanup Campaign in the city o!ered an opportunity for privatizing waste collection services through participatory and partnership arrangements with other stakeholders. Privatization of refuse collection in the city entails participation of the private sector and devolution of powers of the City Council to the private sector to collect refuse. But, the City Council is still responsible for provision of this service. Privatization was prompted by failure of the City Council to operate and maintain its #eet and lack of incentives for its sta! and by that leading to haphazard dumping of refuse in the city. It was prompted also by stakeholder complaints and interventions regarding haphazard dumping of refuse in the city. Privatized solid waste collection started with 10 city centre wards. After competitive bidding, Multinet Africa Company Limited won the tender to collect and dispose of solid waste from these wards. The contractor was empowered to collect refuse collection charges directly from patrons. The charge for commercial premises is linked to the issuing of trade licences for easy collection on an annual basis; while for residential areas it is collected on a three-month basis. The contractor has to arrange for the necessary facilities for waste collection. The collection and disposal of refuse by-law was passed in 1993 under Act No.8 of 1982 to take e!ect from September 1994. The bylaw sets out the refuse collection charge applicable for the various premises and provides for revisions to be made following changes in wages and foreign exchange rates. The contractor started to operate in September 1994. Initially, the contractor performed well, collecting up to 75% of the solid waste generated daily in the 10 wards. Later this rate dropped due to contractual problems stated below. Thus, privatization could not be extended to other areas; the number of wards operated by the contractor was reduced from 10 to 5; and only 15% of waste generated daily from the wards was collected. The stakeholders involved in privatization of refuse collection were contractors; Ministries of Health, Industries and Trade, and Lands; National Income Generation Programme, and Japanese International Cooperation Agency. As a Working Group it makes action plans and devises strategies to privatize the service delivery. For example, the Working Group drafted the contract for Multinet Africa Company Limited and prepared for additional contractors to enter agreement with the City Council. The Working Group is still advising the City Council and the contractors on a workable mode of payment for services and facilities between the Council, contractor, and patrons. Under the agreement, the contractor is obliged to pay the City Council a monthly sum of money for renting its trucks, leasing its depot, and refuse disposal charge. The City Council is also obliged to pay the contractor revenue collection charge for the services provided by the contractor at Council owned premises like schools, hospitals, and o$ces. While the Working Group was working on these modalities the Prime Minister's O$ce was concerned with deterioration in solid waste management in the city. Hence, the Prime Minister's O$ce directed the City Council to ensure prompt solid waste management for the city. The Council responded by reviewing the "rst contract so as to rectify controversial clauses covering the 10 central wards;
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preparing other contracts for privatized refuse collection services to cover 13 more wards which resulted in four more contractors winning tenders to collect refuse in these wards; and convening a solid waste management working session to deliberate on further action plans and implementation strategies for improved solid waste management in the city. The session agreed on the need to speed up the tendering process for privatized refuse collection services in more wards while incorporating the experiences of the "rst contract. It was also agreed to improve the refuse disposal site by promptly availing funds for operation and maintenance. As of September 1996 "ve "rms (namely, Multinet Africa, Mazingira, Allyson's Traders, Kamp Enterprises, and Kimangele Enterprises) had been contracted by the City Council to provide refuse collection services to 23 wards including the 10 central wards. The contractors worked with a high morale and commitment and the daily rates of refuse collection increased in these wards as refuse heaps along streets, on open spaces and at market places were signi"cantly reduced. During the last four months of 1996 a total of 1100 t of solid waste was collected daily in the city by the City Council and the contractors. The City Council collected in 15 wards 50% of this amount; Multinet Africa, 30%; Mazingira 1994, 10%; Allyson's Traders, 5%; Kimangele Enterprises, 4%; and Kamp Enterprises, 1%. Ironically, the contractors encountered the problem of insu$cient collection of charges due to lack of cooperation from the City Council in enforcing prompt payment of collection charges and public awareness creation. As a result the performance levels of the contractors dropped. Meanwhile, the SDP Working Group on privatization of solid waste collection services has worked out further action plans and implementation strategies to promote an e$cient working relationship between patrons, contractors and the City Council. One agreed strategy is to divide the city into waste operational zones as follows: 䊉
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Zone A covers nine city centre wards that comprise a planned, a%uent, and highly accessible area generating 480 t of refuse daily and requiring house-based collection of solid waste using not less than 20 refuse trucks daily; Zone B covers 12 inner-city wards that comprise both planned and unplanned but fairly a%uent and accessible areas generating 500 t of refuse daily and requiring house-based collection of solid waste (in planned areas) and establishment of collection points (in unplanned settlements) using not less than 20 refuse trucks daily; Zone C covers 15 outer-city wards that comprise mostly unplanned areas with low accessibility and income levels generating 650 t of refuse daily and requiring collection points and communal storage containers using about 25 refuse trucks daily; and Zone D covers 16 rural wards that comprise areas of low accessibility and income levels generating little refuse leading to on-site refuse burying or burning.
Another agreed strategy is to resolve the issue of prompt payment of refuse collection charge. Patrons have been reluctant to pay the charge directly to contractors. It has been agreed that patrons should pay the charge directly to the City Council while contractors will collect solid waste and be paid monthly by the Council based on performance. As such, special media programmes have to be run in order to sensitize and educate the general public on such institutional arrangements for improved solid waste management using television, radio, newspapers, etc. Community Involvement in Solid =aste Management Since more than 70% of the city residents live in unplanned areas and since most of these areas are inaccessible by motor-vehicles, local communities have to be
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mobilized to manage solid waste generated locally. The stakeholders involved in mobilizing local communities in solid waste management were local communities, CBOs and NGOs, National Income Generation Programme, International Labour Organization, United Nations Development Programme, Vice President's O$ce, and Ministry of Community Development and Children A!airs. As a Working Group, it has mobilized several community groups to participate in solid waste management. They include Kinondoni-Moscow Women Development Association, Hanna-Nassif Women Development Association, Tanzania Environment Cleanliness Association, Skuvi 167, Women Advancement Trust, and Sinza Environmental Association. Activities performed by these community groups include primary refuse collection and haulage, using push carts, to sites where the City Council and contractor trucks can reach; removing solid waste from drainage systems; street sweeping; grass cutting; and public awareness creation in their respective areas. These community based initiatives have attracted support from the United Nations Development Programme through its Programme on Integrated Solid Waste Management in the city. Solid =aste Recycling and Composting Solid waste recycling and composting reduce the amount of disposable waste and haulage costs, increase the life span of disposal sites, and generate employment opportunities. The stakeholders involved in mobilizing waste recycling were local communities, research centres, National Income Generation Programme, United Nations Development Programme, Danish Development Agency, CBOs and NGOs. As a Working Group it has identi"ed waste from various industries and premises that can be reused or recycled or composted. The Group has identi"ed also industries that recycle waste to manufacture other products. To arouse public awareness of the merits of refuse recycling the Group has sensitized local communities to sort waste at source. The initiatives to recycle waste have attracted support by the United Nations Development Programme through its Programme on Integrated Solid Waste Management in the city. The programme includes organization and training of refuse sorters and collaboration with industries that recycle solid waste and use recycled products in identifying appropriate recycling and composting technologies. It also includes enhancement of the marketing of products from recycling and composting of solid waste by locating existing markets and creating new ones and establishing links between buyers and sellers through publicity campaigns, training and exchange visits. Disposal Site Management During the 1992}1994 emergency cleanup campaign the Vingunguti dump site was developed following the closure of the old Tabata dump site. The new dump site was meant to be an interim facility pending the establishment of a sanitary land-"ll. However, the dump site was found un"t for transformation into a sanitary land-"ll because of, inter alia, inadequate space, its proximity to a residential area and Msimbazi River, and its sandy soil characteristics. The method used to treat waste at this site is crude dumping. This method has adverse environmental e!ects that include soil contamination, surface and ground water pollution, bad smells, dangerous gas emissions, and breeding sites for #ies, vermin, cockroaches and other insects. Hence, the stakeholders involved in dump site management were the Vice President's O$ce, National Environment Management Council, Ministry of Lands, donor community, and research centres. As a Working Group it has devised
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action plans and implementation strategies to facilitate establishment of sanitary land-"lls at agreed sites. In addition to the high capital investments required to establish a sanitary land-"ll, land acquisition is also another constraint. All identi"ed potential disposal sites involve con#ict with development activities. Resolution of the con#icts is so cumbersome that it delays agreement on site selection for establishment of a sanitary land-"ll. It is also observed that since the city area is large and spread out, waste disposal at only one dump site is uneconomical. Hence, the Group has decided that every City's municipality should have its own disposal site so as to reduce the haulage distance and costs. It has also made a comparative analysis of the identi"ed sites with respect to soil types, accessibility, distance from collection points and ranked them accordingly. Within the foregoing conceptual and empirical contexts, we (the authors) have carried out "eldwork to assess whether these innovative ways of solid waste management as adopted in Dar-es-Salaam are more e!ective than the conventional approaches. In the following section we present the results of our assessment.
EVALUATION OF THE INNOVATIVE WAYS ¹he Evaluation Process The "eldwork was conducted in three wards, namely Kariakoo in the city centre; Msasani (a ward in a planned and a%uent-class area); and Buguruni (a ward in an unplanned and unserviced area). The "eldwork involved a survey of 450 householders and 100 business operators in those wards. It also involved interviews with key city stakeholders in solid waste management. Our "ndings from the "eldwork reveal the following: Dar-es-Salaam City Commission Generally, the Dar-es-Salaam City Commission "nds the privatization concept worthwhile because the collection and disposal of waste in the city has improved compared with when the City Council was doing it alone. However, the Commission admits that due to budgetary constraints they do not have adequate sta! to supervise the contractors and NGOs and CBOs in terms of the days when the waste should be collected, the routes to be followed, and the time schedules. With increased supervision the amount of waste collected would also increase. As a result the Commission is unable to expand privatization to cover more wards. Moreover, the Commission is also involved in collecting wastes in non-contracted wards where most of its sta! is concentrated. As such, the City Commission, which is an interim arrangement for managing the city from 1996 to 2000, feels overburdened because apart from attending to day-to-day functions it is also required to restructure the city administration into a Greater Dar-es-Salaam Council and three Municipalities. Otherwise, the City Commission has also bene"ted from privatization in that it is no longer spending its budgetary funds to pay for the service delivery in the wards where contractors and NGOs/CBOs operate. Contractors, NGOs and CBOs The Dar-es-Salaam City Commission faces the problem of linking the activities of contractors and those of NGOs and CBOs involved in waste collection because of the absence of contracts and viable remuneration modalities among these parties. Whereas the contracts between the Commission and contractors stipulate that the latter should collect refuse collection charges directly from the bene"ciaries
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there are no similar contractual arrangements between the contractors and NGOs/CBOs or between the Commission and NGOs/CBOs. The problem is aggravated by the absence of elected councillors and the failure of the Commission to "ll the positions of Ward Executive O$cers. As a result there is a missing link between waste collectors and generators. Contractors are not able to collect charges from all the bene"ciaries because the Commission has not met its contractual obligation of public awareness creation in the city including prosecuting defaulters. Contractors also feel that the Commission has not updated the city bylaws in order to squarely address the privatization process. But, contractors "nd that the activities in the service delivery have created additional employment and generated incomes to them. NGOs and CBOs involved in the service delivery feel marginalized in terms of remuneration because the Commission has not provided the necessary legal support for them to operate. As a result NGOs and CBOs operate mostly in low-income neighbourhoods where contractors are reluctant to operate. But, they "nd an opportunity to organize scavengers in recovering reusable and recyclable materials for selling to the market. Thus, NGOs and CBOs have contributed to employment creation and income generation for youth and women in the city. They have also engaged themselves in deliberate campaigns aimed at urban environmental upkeeping by discouraging refuse burning, burying and indiscriminate disposal. Householders The householders interviewed generate wastes on the one hand, and bene"t from a cleaner urban environment on the other. Interview parameters were city cleanliness, employment creation and income generation, stakeholder partnerships, community awareness and involvement, performance of waste collectors; and collection charges. Of the 450 householders interviewed the rating of the innovative ways was as follows: 䊉
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Sixty-seven percent of respondents rated that the city's cleanliness has improved; 21% are indi!erent; while 12% have no idea. Thirty-one percent of respondents reported that one or more of their household members have secured gainful employment through the selling of reusable and recyclable materials recovered from the waste; while 69% have not secured such employment. Forty-three percent of respondents welcome participatory and partnership arrangements for the service delivery involving waste generators, CBOs and NGOs, contractors and City Commission; 43% feel that the Commission should remain the sole agency responsible for the service delivery because it collects development levy and other service charges from the residents; and 14% cannot make a di!erence between the innovative and the conventional ways of refuse collection. Fifty-four percent of respondents rated solid waste collection by contractors as satisfactory; 15% rated the contractors' work as unsatisfactory; while 31% remained neutral. Forty-one percent of respondents can a!ord the refuse collection charges; 15% cannot a!ord to pay these charges; 44% feel that the charges should be revised downwards.
Business Operators Interviewed business operators generate wastes on the one hand, and bene"t from a cleaner urban environment on the other. Interview parameters were city
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cleanliness, stakeholder partnerships, community awareness and involvement, performance of waste collectors, and collection charges. Of the 100 businesses surveyed the rating of the innovative ways was as follows: 䊉
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Eighty-nine percent of respondents rated that the city cleanliness has improved; while 11% have not noticed any di!erence. Seventy-seven percent of respondents welcome participatory and partnership arrangements for the service delivery involving waste generators, CBOs and NGOs, contractors and City Commission; while 23% feel that the Commission should be the sole agency responsible for the service delivery because it collects development levy and service charges from residents. Ninety percent of respondents rated contractor refuse collection as satisfactory; while 10% rated the work as unsatisfactory. Ninety-eight percent of respondents can a!ord the refuse collection charges; while 2% need them to be revised downwards. CONCLUSION
Our conclusion on e!ectiveness of the &&innovative'' ways for urban solid waste management in Dar-es-Salaam City suggest that they are more e!ective than the conventional approaches. Urban waste is now identi"ed as an economic good that helps in employment creation and income generation. This attitudinal change is important as it enhances environmental upkeep while boosting people's earnings. Participatory and partnership arrangements among key stakeholders in the service delivery have been promoted through initiatives of Working Groups. Positive results of these initiatives could be maximized if the Dar-es-Salaam City Commission, which is a temporary replacement of the Dar-es-SalaH am City Council, played its lead agency role. But, apparently, the Commission has concentrated on succeeding in their short-term tenure assignments rather than succeed in issues that are not directly related to their terms of reference. Use of contractors in waste collection is e!ective in planned areas where locational accessibility for refuse trucks is good. But in unplanned and unserviced areas, use of labour-intensive methods through microenterprises and NGOs/CBOs is worthwhile in complementing and supporting the activities of contractors and contributing in engagement of residents in gainful employment. Business operators are more adoptive to the innovative ways than householders because the former generate larger amounts of solid waste than the latter. Waste collection is more e$cient at business premises and a%uent areas than at other places. Continuity in municipal governance is essential for ensuring the sustainability of the innovative ways of service delivery in the city. The municipal government needs to be transparent, fair, accountable, and e!ective in service delivery if it is to promote urban development and guide urban growth. We note in this case that city-council run municipal governments stand a better chance of sustaining the innovative ways in service delivery through the EPM Process interventions than commission run municipal governments because the latter are imposed by central governments for short-term assignments whereas the former are elected by residents to guide them in their long-term aspirations and achievements. REFERENCES Armstrong, A. (1987) Master-plans for Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. Habitat International 11(2), 133}145. Briscoe, A. (ed.) (1995) Small Business Promotion by ¸ocal Government in Southern Africa. Southern African Development Community, Gaborone. Devas, N. and Rakodi, C. (eds.) (1993) Managing Fast Growing Cities. Wiley, New York.
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Dogan, M. and Kasarda, J. (eds.) (1988) ¹he Metropolis Era: A =orld of Giant Cities and ¹he Metropolis Era: Mega-Cities. Sage, Newbury Park, CA. Fuchs, R., Brennan, E., Chamie, J., Lo, F.-C. and Uitto, J. (eds.) (1994) Mega-City Growth and Future. United Nations University Press, New York. Halla, F. (1994). A Coordinating and participatory approach to managing cities: the case of sustainable Dar-esSalaam project in Tanzania. Habitat International 18(3), 19}31. Halla, F. and Majani, B. (1997) Environmental Management Strategy and Environmental Planning and Management Process for Dar-es-Salaam. Dar-es-Salaam City Commission, Dar-es-Salaam. Haskoning & M-Konsult Ltd. (1989) Master-Plan on Solid =aste Management for Dar-es-Salaam. Ministry of Water * Department of Sewerage and Sanitation, Dar-es-Salaam. ILO (International Labour Organisation) (1996) Support Programme for an Integrated Solid =aste Management Strategy in Dar-es-Salaam. ILO, Dar-es-Salaam. JICA (Japan International Cooperation Agency) (1997) ¹he Study on Solid =aste Management for Dar-es-Salaam City. Kokusai Kogyo Company Ltd, Dar-es-Salaam. Kasarda, J. and Parnell, A. (eds.) (1993) ¹hird =orld Cities. Sage, Newbury, California. Kironde, J. L. (1995) ¹he Governance of Solid =aste Management in ¹anzania. University College of Lands & Architectural Studies (UCLAS), Dar-es-Salaam. Kulaba, S. (1989) Local Government and the management of urban services in Tanzania, eds Richard Stren and Rodney White, pp. 203}245. African Cities in Crisis: Managing Rapid ;rban Growth. Westview, Boulder, CO. Majani, B., Halla, F., Chaggu, E., Kironde. J. L., Rugumamu, W., Kyessi, A. and Baruti, P. (1992) Managing the Sustainable Growth and Development of Dar-es-Salaam: ¹he Environmental Pro,le of the Metropolitan Area. Dar-es-salaam City council, Dar-es-Salaam. Rakodi, C. (ed.) (1996) ;rban Challenge in Africa. United Nations University Press, Tokyo. Simon, D. (1992) Cities, Capital and Development: African Cities in the =orld Economy. Wiley, New York. Stren, R. and White, R. (eds.) (1989). African Cities in Crisis: Managing Rapid ;rban Growth. Westview, Boulder, CO. UNCHS (United Nations Centre for Human Settlements) (1994) Sustainable Cities Programme: Concepts and Applications of a ;nited Nations Programme. UNCHS, Nairobi.
PII: S0197-3975(98)00057-5
Innovative Ways for Solid Waste Management in Dar-Es-Salaam: Toward Stakeholder Partnerships FRANCOS HALLA AND BITURO MAJANI ;niversity College of ¸ands and Architectural Studies (UCLAS), Dar-es-Salaam, Tanzania
ABSTRACT Provision of municipal services by local authorities alone cannot be sustained in most cities of the developing countries. Until early 1990s the Dar-es-Salaam City Authority collected less than 5% of the total refuse generated in the city per day. Limited public-sector resources accounted for such low performance. The Sustainable Dar-es-Salaam Project, through environmental planning and management, has been promoting participatory and partnership arrangements whereby working groups formulate strategies and prepare action plans to address critical environmental issues. As an output of the working groups, innovative ways of improving solid waste management in the city have included emergency cleanup campaigns, privatization, community involvement, disposal site management and waste recycling. We have been able to evaluate the performance of these innovative ways through participant observation, document reviews, o$cial interviews, and a survey of householders and businesses. We conclude that these approaches have proved more e!ective in enhancing solid waste management in Dar-es-Salaam than the conventional approaches. 1999 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved Keywords: solid waste management; partnerships; sustainable Dar-es-Salaam project; environmental planning and management
INTRODUCTION The issue addressed in this paper is inadequacy of conventional approaches to urban solid waste management in Sub-Saharan Africa. The objective is to document the innovative ways of solid waste management as practised in Dar-es-Salaam, Tanzania, through the Environmental Planning and Management (EPM) Process under the auspices of the Sustainable Dar-es-Salaam Project (SDP). Hence, we assess the views of key stakeholders on the e!ectiveness of the innovative ways in waste management. Conventional approaches to waste management have usually singled out local authorities as the sole agencies responsible for service delivery. Given the high rates of urban growth and development in Correspondence to: University College of Lands & Architectural Studies (UCLAS), P.O. Box 32911, Dar-esSalaam, Tanzania. Contact Address: (E-mail) [email protected]; Fax-255-051-75449; Phone-255-051-75004; P.O. Box 32911, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania.
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the region and the limited local authorities' resources, the participation of other stakeholders is necessary in service delivery. Participatory and partnership arrangements that involve coordination of stakeholder contributions and commitments de"ne the framework for new ways to operate waste management. These approaches, which lay the basis for employment creation and income generation through waste collection, disposal and recycling and by that contributing to poverty alleviation and urban environmental upkeep, include: occassional emergency cleanup campaigns; privatisation of waste management operations; community involvement in waste collection; disposal site management; and waste recycling and composting. THE CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK Urabanization, at its fast pace, is causing a lot of stress to governments of developing countries in their resolve to deliver services to their urban residents (Devas et al., 1993; Kasarda et al., 1993; Stren et al., 1989; Dogan et al., 1988). This failure is further complicated by the poor economic performance of these countries (Rakodi, 1996; Fuchs et al., 1994; Simon, 1992). One of the critical services that lacks adequate attention in these countries, and especially those in Africa, is that of solid waste management. Although legislative and regulatory frameworks exist with regard to waste management, responsible institutions in these countries "nd themselves in situations where they are unable to collect and dispose the waste generated by di!erent activities in their cities (Briscoe, 1995). As a result most urban residents and institutions resort to burying or burning the waste they generate, or indeed dispose of it indiscriminately in open spaces, on roads and in open drains. The presence of heaps of garbage scattered in undesignated places in these cities is a common phenomenon, resulting in some cities in Africa being dubbed &&garbage cities'' and &&cities of mess'' in mid-1980s (Kironde, 1995). The poor state of service delivery, especially solid waste management, lies in the traditional or conventional approaches where the local authority alone was expected to have both operational and institutional responsibility for the service. This trend tends to exclude other equally important partners in the governance process of urban waste management. These other key partners include the central government, the private sector, the community sector and interested individuals (Briscoe, 1995). The importance of solid waste management through involvement of key stakeholders cannot be overemphasized because of the nature in which waste is generated from large population concentrations and a high preponderance of economic activities in cities (ILO, 1996). E!ectiveness in urban solid waste management can no longer be expected to rest with individual waste generators, but requires participatory and partnership arrangements for better delivery of the service. Moreover, since local authorities are creations of central government, they also depend largely on the latter for "nancial and administrative support to run and operate local services. The management of solid waste in Tanzania has been structured to involve many institutions, each with their own particular responsibilities. The central government ministries are the custodians of the overall policies related to waste management, including the major legislations. The local authorities have been responsible for enactment of local bylaws and delivery of the service directly. The residents and other operators in the city have always been the expectant bene"ciaries of an &&e$cient'' service. THE EMPIRICAL CONTEXT While Dar-es-Salaam was established in 1862 as a port and trading centre to support new caravan routes being opened into the interior of the Africa continent,
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it became the national capital in 1891, acquired municipality status in 1949, and was raised to a city status in 1961. The city falls under the administrative jurisdiction which divides it into three municipalities of Ilala, Kinondoni and Temeke that embrace 70 wards. Until 1972 and from 1978 to May 1996 the city was administered through elected councillors as the Dar-es-Salaam City Council. Between 1972 and 1978 the administration of the city fell under the extended Central Government jurisdiction, namely the Dar-es-Salaam Regional Commissioner's O$ce. Since June 1996 the city has been run, on an interim basis, by the Dar-es-Salaam City Commission appointed by the Central Government. Dar-es-Salaam is the main engine of economic growth in Tanzania. With an estimated population of three million and a growth rate of 8}10% per annum, it is one of the fastest growing cities in sub-Saharan Africa. This growth stimulates numerous economic opportunities to the urban population and national development. If this growth is not properly managed, it will become a major threat to health, the environment and urban productivity. Indeed, an almost total lack of infrastructural investment in the city in the 1970s and 1980s and the concurrent ine!ectiveness of city planning and management practices, resulted in deteriorated environmental conditions that adversely a!ected the health and welfare of the residents especially the disadvantaged groups (Kulaba, 1989; Majani et al., 1992). The 1979 Dar-es-Salaam Master-Plan has not e!ectively guided urban development (Armstrong, 1987). There are no institutional mechanisms to coordinate the various public, private and popular sector parties involved in managing growth or investing resources, neither does the plan represent the interests of partners in urban development. To combat these shortcomings, the Sustainable Dar-es-Salaam Project (SDP) introduced the Environmental Planning and Management (EPM) process and became fully operational from November 1993, with the overall aim of strengthening the City Council's capacity to plan and manage the growth and development of the city in partnership with other interested parties in the public, private and community sectors. Dar-es-Salaam is the primate city and administrative, commercial, and industrial centre in Tanzania. According to the 1988 Census, 36% of the total of 771 industrial manufacturing units in the country were in Dar-es-Salaam and contributed 41% of gross national industrial manufacturing output of 57.6 billion shillings. It constitutes about 30% of the country's urban population. However, the high population growth rate, limited public sector "nancial resources, and inadequate urban management actions to service land have resulted into more than 70% of the city population living in over 40 unserviced and unplanned settlements (Halla et al., 1997). The inadequate servicing of land has led to deterioration of the city environment. Therefore, the challenge for stakeholders has been to ensure that the city develops while it is environmentally sustainable. The challenge has been aggravated by ine!ective determination of the city's resource base and its exploitation and haphazard and uncoordinated investments in infrastructure on the one hand, and the slow pace of the local government to e!ectively respond to the need to plan, coordinate and manage city functions in partnership with other parties on the other. The Sustainable Dar-es-Salaam Project (SDP), which initiated the Environmental Planning and Management (EPM) process in Dar-es-Salaam, is part of the global Sustainable Cities Programme (SCP). The SCP, through the EPM process, provides municipal authorities and their partners in the public, private and community sectors with an improved environmental planning and management capacity (UNCHS, 1994). Several cities, including Dar-es-Salaam, are part of this sustainable cities network in which the SCP is promoting demonstration projects worldwide (UNCHS, 1994). While they have very di!erent environmental settings, thrusts for development, and administrative
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setup and capabilities, all these cities face enormous environmental problems, have a growing commitment to resolve them, and have a growing understanding that solutions must be found locally by building local technical capacities and "nancial resources, if these solutions are to be e!ective. The central focus of the SDP is to support Dar-es-Salaam and other municipalities to prioritize their most critical problems, and in so doing, to bring together in working groups those a!ected by the problem, those who create the problem, and those who have an institutional responsibility to manage the problem to negotiate pragmatic solutions, which they (and their institutions) are willing to implement (Halla, 1994; Majani et al., 1992). In essence, these groups through an improved understanding of each others' interest, e!ectively negotiate pragmatic solutions to various environmental problems. Before the interventions of the SDP in 1992, the Dar-es-Salaam City Council had failed to collect refuse from the fast growing city population activities. It was estimated then that the city was generating around 1400 t of waste daily and the Dar-es-Salaam City Council collection #eet was only capable of collecting only 30}60 t accounting for 2}4% of the total waste generated (Haskoning, 1989). The situation was particularly serious in the central business district. The main reasons for such big pileups and failure to collect were: lack of equipment, "nancial resources to purchase spare parts and fuel, and o$cial disposal sites. The city environment was thus characterized by large amounts of dumped garbage in public open spaces, on streets and major roads, and in open drains, resulting in &&#ooded'' roads, ground water pollution, soil contamination and escalating outbreaks of communicable diseases. In August 1992 a City Consultation on Environmental Issues was convened, bringing together all key stakeholders in the public, private and popular sector institutions and individuals. Solid waste management was one of the nine priority environmental issues that was mandated by the consultation to be addressed through the use of cross-sectoral and multi-institutional working groups drawn from among the stakeholder representations. The SDP was mandated to coordinate these initiatives of stakeholder participation with the City Council as the lead partner. The Working Group on Solid Waste Management adopted a "ve-point strategy involving the following innovative ways: E E E E E
launching of an emergency city clean up campaign; privatization of solid waste management operations; community participation in solid waste management; disposal site management; and promoting refuse recycling and composting.
THE INNOVATIVE WAYS OF SOLID WASTE MANAGEMENT ¹he Emergency City Clean-;p Campaign 1992}1994 An emergency cleanup campaign was initiated in 1992 by the Prime Minister's O$ce to haul wastes from market places, open spaces, and streets. Collection points were established in the city centre and at market places and open spaces. The Prime Minister's O$ce, in collaboration with the donor community, raised adequate funds for repairing garbage trucks, establishing the Vingunguti dump site, and facilitating waste collection services by the City Council. Hand-cart operators responded also to demand by owners of commercial and residential premises for a service to haul their wastes to collection points where tractor and wheel loaders were used to load refuse trucks.
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The emergency cleanup campaign was so successful that within a few months of start up the amount of waste transported by the City Council rose from 40 to 400 t daily. This level of service was maintained during the emergency clean up period which lasted from 1992 to 1994. As such the City Council gained experience on how routine refuse collection can be improved through stakeholder participation using available equipment and personnel. The stakeholders in improving solid waste management included the Prime Minister's O$ce, Regional Administration, donor community, businesses, research centres, and local communities. Privatization of Solid =aste Management Experiences gained in solid waste collection during the 1992}1994 Emergency Cleanup Campaign in the city o!ered an opportunity for privatizing waste collection services through participatory and partnership arrangements with other stakeholders. Privatization of refuse collection in the city entails participation of the private sector and devolution of powers of the City Council to the private sector to collect refuse. But, the City Council is still responsible for provision of this service. Privatization was prompted by failure of the City Council to operate and maintain its #eet and lack of incentives for its sta! and by that leading to haphazard dumping of refuse in the city. It was prompted also by stakeholder complaints and interventions regarding haphazard dumping of refuse in the city. Privatized solid waste collection started with 10 city centre wards. After competitive bidding, Multinet Africa Company Limited won the tender to collect and dispose of solid waste from these wards. The contractor was empowered to collect refuse collection charges directly from patrons. The charge for commercial premises is linked to the issuing of trade licences for easy collection on an annual basis; while for residential areas it is collected on a three-month basis. The contractor has to arrange for the necessary facilities for waste collection. The collection and disposal of refuse by-law was passed in 1993 under Act No.8 of 1982 to take e!ect from September 1994. The bylaw sets out the refuse collection charge applicable for the various premises and provides for revisions to be made following changes in wages and foreign exchange rates. The contractor started to operate in September 1994. Initially, the contractor performed well, collecting up to 75% of the solid waste generated daily in the 10 wards. Later this rate dropped due to contractual problems stated below. Thus, privatization could not be extended to other areas; the number of wards operated by the contractor was reduced from 10 to 5; and only 15% of waste generated daily from the wards was collected. The stakeholders involved in privatization of refuse collection were contractors; Ministries of Health, Industries and Trade, and Lands; National Income Generation Programme, and Japanese International Cooperation Agency. As a Working Group it makes action plans and devises strategies to privatize the service delivery. For example, the Working Group drafted the contract for Multinet Africa Company Limited and prepared for additional contractors to enter agreement with the City Council. The Working Group is still advising the City Council and the contractors on a workable mode of payment for services and facilities between the Council, contractor, and patrons. Under the agreement, the contractor is obliged to pay the City Council a monthly sum of money for renting its trucks, leasing its depot, and refuse disposal charge. The City Council is also obliged to pay the contractor revenue collection charge for the services provided by the contractor at Council owned premises like schools, hospitals, and o$ces. While the Working Group was working on these modalities the Prime Minister's O$ce was concerned with deterioration in solid waste management in the city. Hence, the Prime Minister's O$ce directed the City Council to ensure prompt solid waste management for the city. The Council responded by reviewing the "rst contract so as to rectify controversial clauses covering the 10 central wards;
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preparing other contracts for privatized refuse collection services to cover 13 more wards which resulted in four more contractors winning tenders to collect refuse in these wards; and convening a solid waste management working session to deliberate on further action plans and implementation strategies for improved solid waste management in the city. The session agreed on the need to speed up the tendering process for privatized refuse collection services in more wards while incorporating the experiences of the "rst contract. It was also agreed to improve the refuse disposal site by promptly availing funds for operation and maintenance. As of September 1996 "ve "rms (namely, Multinet Africa, Mazingira, Allyson's Traders, Kamp Enterprises, and Kimangele Enterprises) had been contracted by the City Council to provide refuse collection services to 23 wards including the 10 central wards. The contractors worked with a high morale and commitment and the daily rates of refuse collection increased in these wards as refuse heaps along streets, on open spaces and at market places were signi"cantly reduced. During the last four months of 1996 a total of 1100 t of solid waste was collected daily in the city by the City Council and the contractors. The City Council collected in 15 wards 50% of this amount; Multinet Africa, 30%; Mazingira 1994, 10%; Allyson's Traders, 5%; Kimangele Enterprises, 4%; and Kamp Enterprises, 1%. Ironically, the contractors encountered the problem of insu$cient collection of charges due to lack of cooperation from the City Council in enforcing prompt payment of collection charges and public awareness creation. As a result the performance levels of the contractors dropped. Meanwhile, the SDP Working Group on privatization of solid waste collection services has worked out further action plans and implementation strategies to promote an e$cient working relationship between patrons, contractors and the City Council. One agreed strategy is to divide the city into waste operational zones as follows: 䊉
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Zone A covers nine city centre wards that comprise a planned, a%uent, and highly accessible area generating 480 t of refuse daily and requiring house-based collection of solid waste using not less than 20 refuse trucks daily; Zone B covers 12 inner-city wards that comprise both planned and unplanned but fairly a%uent and accessible areas generating 500 t of refuse daily and requiring house-based collection of solid waste (in planned areas) and establishment of collection points (in unplanned settlements) using not less than 20 refuse trucks daily; Zone C covers 15 outer-city wards that comprise mostly unplanned areas with low accessibility and income levels generating 650 t of refuse daily and requiring collection points and communal storage containers using about 25 refuse trucks daily; and Zone D covers 16 rural wards that comprise areas of low accessibility and income levels generating little refuse leading to on-site refuse burying or burning.
Another agreed strategy is to resolve the issue of prompt payment of refuse collection charge. Patrons have been reluctant to pay the charge directly to contractors. It has been agreed that patrons should pay the charge directly to the City Council while contractors will collect solid waste and be paid monthly by the Council based on performance. As such, special media programmes have to be run in order to sensitize and educate the general public on such institutional arrangements for improved solid waste management using television, radio, newspapers, etc. Community Involvement in Solid =aste Management Since more than 70% of the city residents live in unplanned areas and since most of these areas are inaccessible by motor-vehicles, local communities have to be
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mobilized to manage solid waste generated locally. The stakeholders involved in mobilizing local communities in solid waste management were local communities, CBOs and NGOs, National Income Generation Programme, International Labour Organization, United Nations Development Programme, Vice President's O$ce, and Ministry of Community Development and Children A!airs. As a Working Group, it has mobilized several community groups to participate in solid waste management. They include Kinondoni-Moscow Women Development Association, Hanna-Nassif Women Development Association, Tanzania Environment Cleanliness Association, Skuvi 167, Women Advancement Trust, and Sinza Environmental Association. Activities performed by these community groups include primary refuse collection and haulage, using push carts, to sites where the City Council and contractor trucks can reach; removing solid waste from drainage systems; street sweeping; grass cutting; and public awareness creation in their respective areas. These community based initiatives have attracted support from the United Nations Development Programme through its Programme on Integrated Solid Waste Management in the city. Solid =aste Recycling and Composting Solid waste recycling and composting reduce the amount of disposable waste and haulage costs, increase the life span of disposal sites, and generate employment opportunities. The stakeholders involved in mobilizing waste recycling were local communities, research centres, National Income Generation Programme, United Nations Development Programme, Danish Development Agency, CBOs and NGOs. As a Working Group it has identi"ed waste from various industries and premises that can be reused or recycled or composted. The Group has identi"ed also industries that recycle waste to manufacture other products. To arouse public awareness of the merits of refuse recycling the Group has sensitized local communities to sort waste at source. The initiatives to recycle waste have attracted support by the United Nations Development Programme through its Programme on Integrated Solid Waste Management in the city. The programme includes organization and training of refuse sorters and collaboration with industries that recycle solid waste and use recycled products in identifying appropriate recycling and composting technologies. It also includes enhancement of the marketing of products from recycling and composting of solid waste by locating existing markets and creating new ones and establishing links between buyers and sellers through publicity campaigns, training and exchange visits. Disposal Site Management During the 1992}1994 emergency cleanup campaign the Vingunguti dump site was developed following the closure of the old Tabata dump site. The new dump site was meant to be an interim facility pending the establishment of a sanitary land-"ll. However, the dump site was found un"t for transformation into a sanitary land-"ll because of, inter alia, inadequate space, its proximity to a residential area and Msimbazi River, and its sandy soil characteristics. The method used to treat waste at this site is crude dumping. This method has adverse environmental e!ects that include soil contamination, surface and ground water pollution, bad smells, dangerous gas emissions, and breeding sites for #ies, vermin, cockroaches and other insects. Hence, the stakeholders involved in dump site management were the Vice President's O$ce, National Environment Management Council, Ministry of Lands, donor community, and research centres. As a Working Group it has devised
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action plans and implementation strategies to facilitate establishment of sanitary land-"lls at agreed sites. In addition to the high capital investments required to establish a sanitary land-"ll, land acquisition is also another constraint. All identi"ed potential disposal sites involve con#ict with development activities. Resolution of the con#icts is so cumbersome that it delays agreement on site selection for establishment of a sanitary land-"ll. It is also observed that since the city area is large and spread out, waste disposal at only one dump site is uneconomical. Hence, the Group has decided that every City's municipality should have its own disposal site so as to reduce the haulage distance and costs. It has also made a comparative analysis of the identi"ed sites with respect to soil types, accessibility, distance from collection points and ranked them accordingly. Within the foregoing conceptual and empirical contexts, we (the authors) have carried out "eldwork to assess whether these innovative ways of solid waste management as adopted in Dar-es-Salaam are more e!ective than the conventional approaches. In the following section we present the results of our assessment.
EVALUATION OF THE INNOVATIVE WAYS ¹he Evaluation Process The "eldwork was conducted in three wards, namely Kariakoo in the city centre; Msasani (a ward in a planned and a%uent-class area); and Buguruni (a ward in an unplanned and unserviced area). The "eldwork involved a survey of 450 householders and 100 business operators in those wards. It also involved interviews with key city stakeholders in solid waste management. Our "ndings from the "eldwork reveal the following: Dar-es-Salaam City Commission Generally, the Dar-es-Salaam City Commission "nds the privatization concept worthwhile because the collection and disposal of waste in the city has improved compared with when the City Council was doing it alone. However, the Commission admits that due to budgetary constraints they do not have adequate sta! to supervise the contractors and NGOs and CBOs in terms of the days when the waste should be collected, the routes to be followed, and the time schedules. With increased supervision the amount of waste collected would also increase. As a result the Commission is unable to expand privatization to cover more wards. Moreover, the Commission is also involved in collecting wastes in non-contracted wards where most of its sta! is concentrated. As such, the City Commission, which is an interim arrangement for managing the city from 1996 to 2000, feels overburdened because apart from attending to day-to-day functions it is also required to restructure the city administration into a Greater Dar-es-Salaam Council and three Municipalities. Otherwise, the City Commission has also bene"ted from privatization in that it is no longer spending its budgetary funds to pay for the service delivery in the wards where contractors and NGOs/CBOs operate. Contractors, NGOs and CBOs The Dar-es-Salaam City Commission faces the problem of linking the activities of contractors and those of NGOs and CBOs involved in waste collection because of the absence of contracts and viable remuneration modalities among these parties. Whereas the contracts between the Commission and contractors stipulate that the latter should collect refuse collection charges directly from the bene"ciaries
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there are no similar contractual arrangements between the contractors and NGOs/CBOs or between the Commission and NGOs/CBOs. The problem is aggravated by the absence of elected councillors and the failure of the Commission to "ll the positions of Ward Executive O$cers. As a result there is a missing link between waste collectors and generators. Contractors are not able to collect charges from all the bene"ciaries because the Commission has not met its contractual obligation of public awareness creation in the city including prosecuting defaulters. Contractors also feel that the Commission has not updated the city bylaws in order to squarely address the privatization process. But, contractors "nd that the activities in the service delivery have created additional employment and generated incomes to them. NGOs and CBOs involved in the service delivery feel marginalized in terms of remuneration because the Commission has not provided the necessary legal support for them to operate. As a result NGOs and CBOs operate mostly in low-income neighbourhoods where contractors are reluctant to operate. But, they "nd an opportunity to organize scavengers in recovering reusable and recyclable materials for selling to the market. Thus, NGOs and CBOs have contributed to employment creation and income generation for youth and women in the city. They have also engaged themselves in deliberate campaigns aimed at urban environmental upkeeping by discouraging refuse burning, burying and indiscriminate disposal. Householders The householders interviewed generate wastes on the one hand, and bene"t from a cleaner urban environment on the other. Interview parameters were city cleanliness, employment creation and income generation, stakeholder partnerships, community awareness and involvement, performance of waste collectors; and collection charges. Of the 450 householders interviewed the rating of the innovative ways was as follows: 䊉
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Sixty-seven percent of respondents rated that the city's cleanliness has improved; 21% are indi!erent; while 12% have no idea. Thirty-one percent of respondents reported that one or more of their household members have secured gainful employment through the selling of reusable and recyclable materials recovered from the waste; while 69% have not secured such employment. Forty-three percent of respondents welcome participatory and partnership arrangements for the service delivery involving waste generators, CBOs and NGOs, contractors and City Commission; 43% feel that the Commission should remain the sole agency responsible for the service delivery because it collects development levy and other service charges from the residents; and 14% cannot make a di!erence between the innovative and the conventional ways of refuse collection. Fifty-four percent of respondents rated solid waste collection by contractors as satisfactory; 15% rated the contractors' work as unsatisfactory; while 31% remained neutral. Forty-one percent of respondents can a!ord the refuse collection charges; 15% cannot a!ord to pay these charges; 44% feel that the charges should be revised downwards.
Business Operators Interviewed business operators generate wastes on the one hand, and bene"t from a cleaner urban environment on the other. Interview parameters were city
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cleanliness, stakeholder partnerships, community awareness and involvement, performance of waste collectors, and collection charges. Of the 100 businesses surveyed the rating of the innovative ways was as follows: 䊉
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Eighty-nine percent of respondents rated that the city cleanliness has improved; while 11% have not noticed any di!erence. Seventy-seven percent of respondents welcome participatory and partnership arrangements for the service delivery involving waste generators, CBOs and NGOs, contractors and City Commission; while 23% feel that the Commission should be the sole agency responsible for the service delivery because it collects development levy and service charges from residents. Ninety percent of respondents rated contractor refuse collection as satisfactory; while 10% rated the work as unsatisfactory. Ninety-eight percent of respondents can a!ord the refuse collection charges; while 2% need them to be revised downwards. CONCLUSION
Our conclusion on e!ectiveness of the &&innovative'' ways for urban solid waste management in Dar-es-Salaam City suggest that they are more e!ective than the conventional approaches. Urban waste is now identi"ed as an economic good that helps in employment creation and income generation. This attitudinal change is important as it enhances environmental upkeep while boosting people's earnings. Participatory and partnership arrangements among key stakeholders in the service delivery have been promoted through initiatives of Working Groups. Positive results of these initiatives could be maximized if the Dar-es-Salaam City Commission, which is a temporary replacement of the Dar-es-SalaH am City Council, played its lead agency role. But, apparently, the Commission has concentrated on succeeding in their short-term tenure assignments rather than succeed in issues that are not directly related to their terms of reference. Use of contractors in waste collection is e!ective in planned areas where locational accessibility for refuse trucks is good. But in unplanned and unserviced areas, use of labour-intensive methods through microenterprises and NGOs/CBOs is worthwhile in complementing and supporting the activities of contractors and contributing in engagement of residents in gainful employment. Business operators are more adoptive to the innovative ways than householders because the former generate larger amounts of solid waste than the latter. Waste collection is more e$cient at business premises and a%uent areas than at other places. Continuity in municipal governance is essential for ensuring the sustainability of the innovative ways of service delivery in the city. The municipal government needs to be transparent, fair, accountable, and e!ective in service delivery if it is to promote urban development and guide urban growth. We note in this case that city-council run municipal governments stand a better chance of sustaining the innovative ways in service delivery through the EPM Process interventions than commission run municipal governments because the latter are imposed by central governments for short-term assignments whereas the former are elected by residents to guide them in their long-term aspirations and achievements. REFERENCES Armstrong, A. (1987) Master-plans for Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. Habitat International 11(2), 133}145. Briscoe, A. (ed.) (1995) Small Business Promotion by ¸ocal Government in Southern Africa. Southern African Development Community, Gaborone. Devas, N. and Rakodi, C. (eds.) (1993) Managing Fast Growing Cities. Wiley, New York.
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Dogan, M. and Kasarda, J. (eds.) (1988) ¹he Metropolis Era: A =orld of Giant Cities and ¹he Metropolis Era: Mega-Cities. Sage, Newbury Park, CA. Fuchs, R., Brennan, E., Chamie, J., Lo, F.-C. and Uitto, J. (eds.) (1994) Mega-City Growth and Future. United Nations University Press, New York. Halla, F. (1994). A Coordinating and participatory approach to managing cities: the case of sustainable Dar-esSalaam project in Tanzania. Habitat International 18(3), 19}31. Halla, F. and Majani, B. (1997) Environmental Management Strategy and Environmental Planning and Management Process for Dar-es-Salaam. Dar-es-Salaam City Commission, Dar-es-Salaam. Haskoning & M-Konsult Ltd. (1989) Master-Plan on Solid =aste Management for Dar-es-Salaam. Ministry of Water * Department of Sewerage and Sanitation, Dar-es-Salaam. ILO (International Labour Organisation) (1996) Support Programme for an Integrated Solid =aste Management Strategy in Dar-es-Salaam. ILO, Dar-es-Salaam. JICA (Japan International Cooperation Agency) (1997) ¹he Study on Solid =aste Management for Dar-es-Salaam City. Kokusai Kogyo Company Ltd, Dar-es-Salaam. Kasarda, J. and Parnell, A. (eds.) (1993) ¹hird =orld Cities. Sage, Newbury, California. Kironde, J. L. (1995) ¹he Governance of Solid =aste Management in ¹anzania. University College of Lands & Architectural Studies (UCLAS), Dar-es-Salaam. Kulaba, S. (1989) Local Government and the management of urban services in Tanzania, eds Richard Stren and Rodney White, pp. 203}245. African Cities in Crisis: Managing Rapid ;rban Growth. Westview, Boulder, CO. Majani, B., Halla, F., Chaggu, E., Kironde. J. L., Rugumamu, W., Kyessi, A. and Baruti, P. (1992) Managing the Sustainable Growth and Development of Dar-es-Salaam: ¹he Environmental Pro,le of the Metropolitan Area. Dar-es-salaam City council, Dar-es-Salaam. Rakodi, C. (ed.) (1996) ;rban Challenge in Africa. United Nations University Press, Tokyo. Simon, D. (1992) Cities, Capital and Development: African Cities in the =orld Economy. Wiley, New York. Stren, R. and White, R. (eds.) (1989). African Cities in Crisis: Managing Rapid ;rban Growth. Westview, Boulder, CO. UNCHS (United Nations Centre for Human Settlements) (1994) Sustainable Cities Programme: Concepts and Applications of a ;nited Nations Programme. UNCHS, Nairobi.