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Integrative elaboration of the congruence theory
Journal of Vocational
Behavior 35, 219-230 (1989)
Integrative Elaboration of the Congruence Theory ELCHANAN
I. MEIR
Tel Aviv University This article presents the development of J. L. Holland’s “congruence theory” (1985, Making vocational choices: A theory of vocational personalities and work environments, Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall) in four layers: (I) vocational interests and occupational choices as a dichotomy of fit vs nonfit, (2) level of congruence between vocational interests and occupational choices-both along an occupational structure, (3) environmental congruence, and (4) within-occupation congruence. Each of these layers is accompanied by reference to appropriate empirical evidence. A mapping sentence elaborates the inherent idea of the congruence theory. An integrative interpretation is suggested for the variance found in the numerous studies following the congruence theory. o 1989 Academic Press, Inc.
In the field of vocational psychology, the term “congruence” refers either to the level of similarity between vocational interests and occupation or to the level of similarity between personality type and the environment type. J. L. Holland introduced the concept of congruence as a focus of vocational psychology (1966) and it was he who contributed largely to the elaboration of its meaning and was the motivating force behind the numerous studies which have examined hypotheses emerging from it. Holland defined six personality types: Realistic, Investigative, Artistic, Social, Enterprising, and Conventional. In parallel fashion, he defined six environment types, labeled in the same way. According to Holland (1985), “different types require different environments. For instance, Realistic types flourish in Realistic environments because such an environment provides the opportunities and rewards a Realistic type needs” (P.
5).
Holland proposed (1966) that: “Generally, congruent person-environment interactions (that is, interactions of people and environments belonging to the same type or model), in contrast to incongruent interactions, are conducive to the following personal performance: (1) more Requests for reprints should be addressed to Professor Elchanan I. Meir, Departmenr of Psychology, Tel Aviv University, Ramat-Aviv 69978 Israel. 219 OOOl-8791/89
$3.00
Copyright 0 1989 by Academic Press, Inc. All rights of reproduction in any form reserved.
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stable vocational choice, (2) higher vocational achievement, (3) higher academic achievement, (4) better maintenance of personal stability, and (5) greater satisfaction.” As Holland explains it, in congruent interactions one’s abilities are better suited to the tasks and problems presented by the environment. This article describes the development of the conceptual meaning of congruence in vocational psychology. Our starting point will be the initial meaning of congruence as a term indicating whether one’s vocational interests fit or do not fit one’s occupational choice. The final point will be the current (1988) meaning of congruence as the independent variable in a mapping sentence. At each stage of the description, the elaboration of congruence will be accompanied by a summary of one or two studies which, to the best of my judgment, serve as milestones in our understanding of the concept. Thus, this article focuses on the theoretical elaboration and the practical implications of congruence, rather than on a review of studies on the subject (an excellent review can be found in Spokane, 1985). The incremental contribution of this elaboration beyond Holland and Gottfredson’s (1976) explanation of congruence based on the social learning theory is the indication of how congruence is related to personality adjustment and also how the moderating variable of importance of the group (Meir, Keinan, & Segal, 1986) can be incorporated in the general explanation of congruence. CONGRUENCE OF VOCATIONAL INTERESTS AND OCCUPATIONAL CHOICE The most elementary congruence hypothesis states that people whose occupational choice suits their vocational interests, that is, is congruent, have a higher level of satisfaction than people whose vocational interests and occupational choices do not coincide, that is, are incongruent. To illustrate: if an individual’s interests are toward artistic occupations and his/her chosen occupation belongs to the Artistic field of occupations, then that person will presumably report satisfaction with the occupational choice. This outcome is, of course, trivial. If for no other reason than cognitive dissonance alone, the above statement would be as true as the expected report of satisfaction by a person who orders, and is accordingly served, vegetable soup in a restaurant. Yet, if the observations of personality type or vocational interests on the one hand, and vocational choice on the other, are taken with a gap of several years between them, then the relationship with later satisfaction becomes less trivial since such a positive relationship requires stability and predictive validity of the earlier measurements. Many studies have been designed to examine the relationship between vocational interests and later occupational choice. Among the most classical is the follow-up reported by Strong (1960). Vocational interests
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were measured by the SVIB (Strong Vocational Interest Blank, 1943). Strong found that 33% of the 109 subjects who received an “A” score on the engineering scale were indeed engineers 18 years later, while only 5% of the other subjects were engineers. Presumably, people who scored low on the engineering scale either refrained from choosing the field as an occupation, or abandoned it over the course of the 18 years. Another study which examined the impact of congruent occupational decisions was conducted by Barak and Meir (1974). These authors reported that the occupational choice satisfaction of subjects whose chosen occupation was congruent with the most preferred occupational field 7 years before had a higher level of satisfaction with occupational choice than those whose occupational choice was incongruent. The difference in occupational choice satisfaction was impressive: .75 and 59 standard deviations for males and females, respectively (n = 160 and 208, t = 4.70 and 4.09, respectively, both significant at .OOl). LEVEL OF CONGRUENCE BETWEEN INTERESTS AND OCCUPATIONAL CHOICE A more sophisticated formulation of the congruence hypothesis holds that there is a positive correlation between the level of interest with respect to the chosen occupation and the level of satisfaction with its choice. In this formulation of the congruence hypothesis, the independent variable is the level of proximity between vocational interests or personality type and occupational field or environment type, and not a mere dichotomy of congruence versus incongruence. According to Holland (1973, 1985), the six personality types form a hexagonal structure: Realistic-Investigative-Artistic-Social-Enterprising-Conventional-Realistic-. . . , or RIASEC (using the appropriate abbreviations). An alternative method of classification is Roe’s (1956) classification of occupations. According to findings using Roe’s occupational classification (Meir, 1973, 1975), the eight occupational fields form a circular structure: Business-Organization-General Cultural-Service-Arts and EntertainmentOutdoor-Science-Technology-Business-. . . . Gati (1979) claimed that a hierarchical model fits both Holland’s types and Roe’s fields better than the hexagonal or circular models. Whatever the case, on the basis of either the hexagonal-circular or hierarchical structure, congruence scores can be assigned to subjects according to the proximity between their personality type or interest on the one hand and their environment type or chosen occupation on the other. The hypothesis concerning congruence in this context proposes that vocational congruence (i.e., the proximity on the appropriate structure between one’s personality type or most preferred occupational field and
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one’s environmental type or field of occupation) is positively correlated with occupational choice satisfaction. In a reanalysis of Barak and Meir’s (1974) data, the latter formulation of the congruence hypothesis was confirmed by Peiser and Meir (1978) on the basis of the circular configuration of occupational fields and by Gati and Meir (1982) on the basis of the hierarchical configuration. To illustrate: for 158 males the correlation between the level of congruence (five ranks) on the basis of the circular configuration and occupational choice satisfaction was .40 and for females .26 (n eq 202), both significant at .Ol. Among the most interesting practical implications of the verification of the congruence hypothesis as a continuum is the occupational cylinder. On a cylinder (when unfolded 196 x 35 cm) 650 occupational titles are written, organized by four levels as the vertical dimension and eight fields as the horizontal dimension. Thus, for instance, Technology level 1 consisted of 21 occupational titles, and level 2 of 32 additional titles. The cylinder is designed so that occupations on level 1 appear between 200 and 180 cm from the floor, beneath levels 2 and 3, and occupational titles of level 4 are placed at about 120 cm from the floor. As a result of this design, most observers have to look upward to read the names of occupations on level 1, and move their eyes downward to the lower levels. Meir and Shiran (1979) examined the effect of the occupational cylinder on vocational maturity. One hundred and three 11th and 12th grade students responded twice to a vocational maturity inventory. They were divided into three groups: one received an explanation of the structure of occupations with the occupational cylinder placed prominently in front of them, one received this explanation without seeing the cylinder, and one was given selected occupational descriptions instead of an explanation on the occupational structure. Findings showed that the group which saw the cylinder scored higher on vocational maturity than the other two groups (ANCOVA, F = 10.76, & = 2, 99, p < .Ol). Presumably, the option they were afforded to locate themselves on congruent level and field by their own estimated level of capacities and interests contributed to the difference in vocational maturity. ENVIRONMENTAL
CONGRUENCE
According to Holland’s (1985) description of congruence, the concept encompasses not only the agreement between vocational interests and occupational choice, but also that between one’s personality type and the environment type. As Holland put it (1966): “Vocational satisfaction, stability and achievement depend on the congruency between one’s per-
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sonality and the environment (composed largely of other people) in which one works” (p. 6). Empirically, the environment type can be measured by the census method, that is, by submitting the Self-Directed Search (SDS) inventory, or a similar inventory, to all individuals in a given environment. The environment type is defined as the type which appears in the highest frequency in that environment. The environment type may also be determined by experts or “judges” with or without the Occupations Finder (Holland, 1985, Appendix A) if technical reasons prevent submitting an appropriate inventory to the persons in the environment. Thus, judges might decide that the chemistry department in a university is of the Investigative type and its counseling unit is of the Social type though the frequency of incongruent people may convert the expected stereotype. According to the environmental congruence hypothesis, the satisfaction, stability, and achievements of congruent subjects will be enhanced in the environment while those of incongruent subjects will not. Meir and Hasson (1982) examined the environmental congruence hypothesis on three settlements in Israel. The congruence level between one’s personality type and the environment type served as the independent variable, and a combined satisfaction-stay scale as the dependent variable. The personality type was measured by the SDS inventory, the environment type by the census method (the modal type among the personality types in the environment), and the environmental congruence level as the gap on the RIASEC structure for each subject between his/her personality type and the environment type (separately for males and females, since the environment types for the two genders were not identical). A five-rank scale was used to measure the satisfaction level of the settlements’ members with the social and economic life in the settlement and their level of inclination to stay in the settlement. Subjects’ answers were ranked from “5” for the lowest inclination to stay to “9” for the highest inclination to stay in the settlement. Scores “1’‘-“4” were assigned to those who had left the settlement according to when this had occurred (“1” for those who had stayed the shortest time). The findings showed a correlation of .44 (n = 142, p < .Ol) between the environmental congruence level and the satisfaction-stay criterion. Extrapolation of the idea and findings of this study by Meir and Hasson (1982) implies that one’s adjustment to an environment can be predicted by the level of proximity between one’s personality type and the relevant environment type. The correlation of .44 was unexpectedly high if we consider all the possible reasons for staying in or leaving a settlement (e.g., family, health, economic opportunities), as well as the methodological drawbacks of the satisfaction-stay scale. Not all studies have found the relationship between congruence and
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satisfaction or stability to be around .45. Empirical studies vary in their findings. Spokane (1985) reviewed 63 studies conducted between 1959 and 1983 on the relationship between congruence and a variey of criteria. He concluded his review with the statement that there seems to be a .30 “magic correlational plateau” (p. 335) between congruence and the various dependent criteria. In other words, it can hardly be expected that in any given enterprise (e.g., a supervisor’s working unit) congruence will account for more than 10% of the variance of the dependent variable (e.g., satisfaction). Even those congruence studies which used the same census method as Meir and Hasson (1982) to determine the environment type did not all show similar results. To illustrate: among a class of 35 psychology students the congruence-satisfaction correlation was .23, while in an army unit of 14 girls the correlation was .50 and in a group of 25 workers in the computer unit of a large factory it was .45 (Meir et al., 1986). The question which arises is: What are the instances in which the congruence-criterion correlation exceeds the “magic .30 correlational plateau?” In addition to satisfying the natural curiosity of theoreticians, the answer might be of practical importance, since it might well be that proper intervention in high congruence-criterion relationship environments could minimize the negative effects of incongruence, and that adequate consideration of congruence in the personnel selection process could reduce type I and type II errors. Assouline and Meir (1987) used the meta-analysis method on 77 correlations between congruence and either achievements (7 correlations, 1331 subjects), stability (17 correlations, 1855 subjects), or satisfaction (53 correlations, 9041 subjects). The mean congruence-criterion correlations were .06 with achievements as the criterion, .15 in the case of stability, and .21 with satisfaction as the criterion. Since the residual variances for achievements and stability were negligible, Assouline and Meir concluded that congruence cannot be used as a predictor for either of these variables. Even the congruence-satisfaction correlation was lower than Spokane’s “magic” number (.21 vs .30), although the residual variance of this correlation was high enough to require a further breakdown of the data. In this breakdown, five mean congruence-satisfaction correlations were derived which differ by the environmental reference and by the method of measuring the congruence level (see Assouline & Meir, 1987, Fig. 1, p. 327). In fact, Assouline and Meir (1987) performed two breakdowns, since the first still showed a high residual variance. Interestingly, after the first breakdown the occupational congruence-satisfaction mean correlation was .21 (16 correlations, 4661 subjects), the mean environmental-satisfaction correlation .29 (20 correlations, 995 subjects), and the mean
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specialty congruence-satisfaction correlation jects). This issue will be discussed below. WITHIN-OCCUPATION
.42 (8 studies,
978 sub-
CONGRUENCE
A by-product of modern technology is the diversity of specialties within occupations. Nowadays there is no such occupation as “medicine” or “engineering” which is homogenous and in which all specialties are similar. In some cases, specialties “belonging” to different occupations are more alike than those within the same main occupation (e.g., clinical psychology and psychiatry vs psychiatry and surgery). Thus, the idea of “occupational congruence” can be replaced by “within-occupation specialty congruence.” The findings summarized by Assouline and Meir (1987) indicate that within-occupation specialty congruence correlates with satisfaction by .42 vs the “broad” occupational congruence which correlates by only .21 to .30 with satisfaction (all these coefficients were not corrected for range restriction since the adequate restriction data is not available). The relevant studies were conducted on specialties within the occupations of engineering (Meir & Erez, 1981), medicine (Meir & Engel, 1986), nursing (Hener & Meir, 1981), teaching (Meir, 1987; Katzir, 1981), police work (Maloul, 1983), biology (Eilam, 1984), law (Davidovitch, 1984), and psychology (Rosenbloom, 1981). In each of these studies, the main occupation was divided into domains or dimensions which were judged to be psychologically significant to the specific occupation. Subjects with several years of experience in the main occupation were asked to respond to interest inventories whose items represented the relevant domains or dimensions, and their scores were transformed into congruence scores and compared with their reported satisfaction level. A cross-validation on a new set of 324 subjects was done by Meir and Yaari (1988) on the same occupations, and verified the earlier results. In this study it was found that the correlation between within-occupation congruence and satisfaction is about .41. Both the .42 (Assouline & Meir, 1987) and .41 (Meir & Yaari, 1988) correlations between specialty congruence and satisfaction are mean correlations through eight separate studies each. The comparison between these specialty congruence correlations with satisfaction and the “broader” occupational congruence correlations with satisfaction which reach only the “magic .30 correlational plateau” (Spokane, 1985, p. 335) requires the conclusion that these might be two different congruence layers. The .42 and .41 specialty congruence correlations are close to the .44 correlation reported for environmental congruence and the stay-satisfaction variable in settlements (Meir & Hasson, 1982) discussed before. The findings on the relationsip between within-occupation congruence and satisfaction may help in understanding the apparently frustrating
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results of Keret’s (1985) follow-up study. In her study, Keret examined 60% of 516 twelfth graders who had responded to the Ramak interest inventory nearly 19 years earler. Satisfaction with occupational choice at age 36 showed close to zero correlations with occupational interests at ages 17-18 and at age 25, as well as with concurrent interests. The explanation suggested by Meir (1988) is that after lo-15 years of work experience “broad” occupational congruence is not sufficient and specialty congruence is required to satisfy one’s needs. An alternative explanation might be that in the course of lo-15 years in an incongruent occupation, a person finds a solution for the incongruence (e.g., a congruent avocational activity) and thus compensates for the discomfort resulting from the incongruent occupation by means of other sources of satisfaction. Spokane’s (1985) review and Assouline and Meir’s (1987) meta-analysis describe the variability in congruence studies and allow for predictions as to the expected level of congruence-criterion correlation in accordance with the environmental reference and measurement methods. These studies do not offer an explanation for the variability of the congruence-criterion relationship they report. An elaboration of the relationship between congruence and satisfaction and its variability emerges from the study by Meir et al. (1986). These investigators examined the “importance of the group” as a moderating variable capable of distinguishing between environments in which environment-congruence will show a high correlation with satisfaction and those in which this correlation will be low. The importance of the group was empirically defined by means of a specially designed inventory of 13 questions (split-half reliability = .85). On scales of nine, each subject was asked to respond to questions such as “To what extent do you care about how your group members relate to you?“, “To what extent is it important to you that your group members care about the quality of your family life?“. For 23 groups of subjects (a total of 1137 subjects, 12 to 203 per group), the rank order correlation between the mean importance score of the group on the one hand and the congruence-satisfaction correlation on the other was .77. In other words: if the group is important to its members (e.g., small settlements or submarine crew), then congruence and satisfaction will show a high correlation; if the group is unimportant to its members, a low congruence-satisfaction correlation can be expected. Meir and Yaari (1988) adopted and expanded Holland and Gottfredson’s (1976) explanation derived from learning theory for the process by which congruence, especially in important groups, and specialty congruence become positively correlated with satisfaction. They proposed that the individual receives positive reinforcements from his/her environment for congruent behavior, and negative reinforcements for incon-
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gruent behavior. The positive reinforcements give rise to satisfaction and further congruent behavior, as well as to the desire to remain in the environment. The negative reinforcements increase the probability of changing one’s behavior or abandoning the incongruent environment. The positive reinforcements with which the environment rewards its members for congruent behavior are generally expressions of attention and sympathy, while incongruent behavior engenders neglect and rejection. Where the environment is important to the individual, such reinforcements cannot be disregarded so that-all other things being equalthey become that much more effective in shaping his/her behavior. Assuming that specialty congruence, and environmental congruence in cases like the settlements, are more important to the individual than the broader occupational congruence, we can expect specialty congruence and environmental congruence to be more related with satisfaction than “simple” congruence and satisfaction. In other words: following the difference in importance between occupational congruence on the one hand and (small) environmental or specialty congruences on the other hand, the two layers of congruence account for 9 and 18% of the variance of satisfaction, respectively. Existing data does not allow us to determine that this is the only possible explanation or that no better explanations can be formulated. However, it is compatible with most, if not all, reports which incorporate findings from several studies. EXPANSION OF THE CONGRUENCE THEORY The initial meaning of congruence referred to the level of agreement between vocational interests and occupational choice. The concept was first expanded to include the level of agreement between personality type and the modal personality type in one’s environment. Studies examining any of these kinds of congruence compared the congruence level with various criteria, with satisfaction being the modal criterion and-as found by Assouline and Meir’s meta-analysis-the best one. The hypothesized relationship between congruence and various criteria, such as satisfaction, can be phrased as a mapping sentence whereby: Level of Congruence + Well Being. A variety of congruences may be derived from this mapping sentence which go beyond the narrow meaning of congruence as related to chosen occupation or to the agreement between personality type and the modal personality type in the environment. Similarly, a variety of outcomes serving as dependent variables might be suggested, beyond the mere satisfaction level as reported by the subjects. Though stability and achievements were not found to serve this purpose by Assouline and
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Meir’s (1987) meta-analysis, presumably there are other dependent variables which could be useful. The study by Meir and Melamed (1986) may serve as a model for this kind of study. They investigated 74 female teachers in Israel, testing the cumulative effect of three kinds of congruence: (a) occupational congruence, (b) avocational congruence-to what extent the teacher’s avocational choice suits her interests, and (c) skill congruence-to what extent the individual had the feeling that she had opportunities to express her skills in her occupational role. The first kind of congruence was described in detail above. The second was examined earlier by Melamed and Meir (1981) and found, in two independent studies, to compensate in cases of vocational incongruence and to be positively correlated with satisfaction. The third kind of congruence-skill congruence-was examined in only very few studies and did not yield consistent findings (Spokane, 1985). In respect to these three kinds of congruence, four dependent variables were tested: (1) Occupational choice satisfaction, (2) Work satisfaction, (3) Somatic complaints (e.g., frequency of headaches), and (4) Anxiety level. Naturally, the last two were expected to be negatively correlated with the congruence variables. The findings confirmed the hypotheses. Correlations between each of the congruence variables were in the predicted direction with each of the dependent variables, and the results also confirmed the hypothesis regarding the cumulative effect of the congruences: In the case of each of the dependent variables, the well-being of those with one congruence was higher than the well-being of those with none of the three congruences (8% of the teachers!), and the well-being of those with either two or three congruences was higher than those with only one. In a replication of this study Meir, Melamed, and Abu-Fricha (unpublished) investigated 117 male and female Arab Bedouin teachers in Israel. Among the dependent variables they used, they included burnout. Here, as in the earlier study, the intercorrelations among the congruence measures were low. This was interpreted as additional evidence that some people choose both an occupation and an avocational activity which are congruent with their interests or type, while for others their avocation serves as compensation for their incongruent occupational choice. In general, Meir, Melamed, and Abu-Fricha’s findings were in accord with those of Meir and Melamed. The two studies which examined the cumulative effect of the various congruences on a variety of dependent variables suggest that extreme expressions of dissatisfaction, such as maladjustment and abandonment of an environment, may also emerge from incongruence of various kinds. Thus congruence emerges as a saliant psychological variable with an impact that extends much beyond relationships which can be explained merely by cognitive dissonance.
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There are several practical implications of the congruence theory, mainly for those who for some reasons happen to be incongruent in their occupational choice. What can incongruent people do in order to avoid suffering too severely from their incongruence? Several solutions, arranged below from the simplest to the most difficult suggest themselves: (1) Replace their working unit with a more congruent working unit while remaining in the same occupation and specialty, (2) Replace their specialty within their occupation with one which is more congruent for them, (3) Choose an avocational activity which is congruent with their interests (with the option of making it their occupation after a sufficient period of experience and training), (4) Play down the importance of the job and its environment as sources of satisfaction and other measures of well-being, and compensate by enhancing the importance of other kinds of congruence, such as skill congruence, avocational congruence, or congruence with the ideas of the others in one’s environment, (5) Change one’s occupation and/or environment to a more congruent one. REFERENCES Assouline, M., & Meir, E. I. (1987). Meta-analysis of the relationship between congruence and well-being measures. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 31, 319-332. Barak, A., & Meir, E. I. (1974). The predictive validity of a vocational interest inventory“Ramak”: Seven year follow-up. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 4, 377-387. Davidovitch, R. (1984). Advocates’ interests in legal domains and activities: A test of the congruence-satisfaction relationship. Unpublished master’s thesis, Tel Aviv University (Hebrew). Eilam, E. (1984). Congruence between biologists’ interests and their specialty as a predictor of vocational satisfaction. Unpublished master’s thesis, Tel Aviv University (Hebrew). Gati, I. (1979). A hierarchical model for the structure of vocational interests. Jolournal of Vocational Behavior, 15, 90-106. Gati, I., and Meir, E. I. (1982). Congruence and consistency derived from the circular and hierarchical models as predictors of occupational choice satisfaction. Journul of Vocational Behavior, 20, 354-365. Hener, T., and Meir, E. I. (1981). Congruency, consistency and differentiation as predictors of job satisfaction within the nursing occupation. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 18, 304-309. Holland, .I. L. (1966). The psychology of vocational choices: a theory of personality types and model environments. Waltham, MA: Blaisdell. Holland, .I. L. (1973). Making vocarional choices: A theory of careers. Englewood Cliffs. NJ: Prentice-Hall. Holland, J. L. (1985). Making vocational choices: A theory of vocational personalities and work environments. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Holland, J. L., and Gottfredson, G. D. (1976). Using a typology of persons and environments to explain careers: Some extensions and clarifications. The Counseling Psychologist. 6, 20-29.
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Katzir, L. (1981). The relationship between the vocational interests of teachers in the aspects of teaching and their satisfaction from teaching them. Unpublished master’s thesis, Tel Aviv University (Hebrew). Keret, M: (1985). The predictive validity of the Ramak interest inventory: A 19 year followup. Unpublished master’s thesis, Hebrew University, Jerusalem (Hebrew). Maloul, D. (1983). Policemen’s interests in specialties: A test of the congruence-satisfaction relationship within the police occupation. Unpublished master’s thesis, Tel Aviv University (Hebrew). Meir, E. I. (1973). The structure of occupations by interests: A smallest space analysis. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 3, 21-31. Meir, E. I. (1975). Manual for the Ramak and Courses interest inventories. Department of Psychology, Tel Aviv University. Meir, E. I. (1987). Extension of the interests-job congruence hypothesis to teaching specialities. Man and Work, 1, 49-58. Meir, E. I. (1988). The need for congruence between within-occupation interests and specialty in mid-career. Career Development Quarterly, 37, 63-69. Meir, E. I., and Engel, K. (1986). Interests and specialty choice in medicine. Social Science and Medicine, 23, 527-530. Meir, E. I., and Erez, M. (1981). Fostering careers in engineering. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 18, 115-120. Meir, E. I., and Hasson, R. (1982). Congruence between personality type and environment type as a predictor of stay in an environment. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 21, 309-317. Meir, E. I., Keinan, G., and Segal, Z. (1986). Group importance as a mediator between personality-environment congruence and satisfaction. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 28, 60-69. Meir, E. I., and Melamed, S. (1986). The accumulation of person-environment congruencies and well-being. Journal of Occupational Behavior, 7, 315-323. Meir, E. I., and Shiran, D. (1979). The occupational cylinder as a means for vocational maturity enhancement. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 14, 279-283. Meir, E. I., and Yaari, Y. (1988). The relationship between congruent specialty choice within occupations and satisfaction. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 33, 99-l 17. Melamed, S., and Meir, E. I. (1981). The relationship between interests-job incongruity and selection of avocational activity. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 18, 310-325. Roe, A. (1956). The psychology of occupations. New York: Wiley. Rosenbloom, T. (1981). Interests in specialties in psychology and the specialty congruencesatisfaction relationship. Unpublished master’s thesis. Tel Aviv University (Hebrew). Peiser, C., and Meir, E. I. (1978). Congruency, consistency and differentiation of vocational interest as predictors of vocational satisfaction and preference stability. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 12, 270-278. Spokane, A. R. (1985). A review of research on person-environment congruence in Holland’s theory of careers. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 26, 306-343. Strong, E. K. (1943). Vocational interests of men and women. Stanford: Stanford Univ. Press. Strong, E. K., Jr. (1960). An eighteen year longitudinal report on interests. In W. Layton (Ed.), The SVIB and uses. Minneapolis: Univ. of Minnesota Press. Received: March 13, 1989
Behavior 35, 219-230 (1989)
Integrative Elaboration of the Congruence Theory ELCHANAN
I. MEIR
Tel Aviv University This article presents the development of J. L. Holland’s “congruence theory” (1985, Making vocational choices: A theory of vocational personalities and work environments, Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall) in four layers: (I) vocational interests and occupational choices as a dichotomy of fit vs nonfit, (2) level of congruence between vocational interests and occupational choices-both along an occupational structure, (3) environmental congruence, and (4) within-occupation congruence. Each of these layers is accompanied by reference to appropriate empirical evidence. A mapping sentence elaborates the inherent idea of the congruence theory. An integrative interpretation is suggested for the variance found in the numerous studies following the congruence theory. o 1989 Academic Press, Inc.
In the field of vocational psychology, the term “congruence” refers either to the level of similarity between vocational interests and occupation or to the level of similarity between personality type and the environment type. J. L. Holland introduced the concept of congruence as a focus of vocational psychology (1966) and it was he who contributed largely to the elaboration of its meaning and was the motivating force behind the numerous studies which have examined hypotheses emerging from it. Holland defined six personality types: Realistic, Investigative, Artistic, Social, Enterprising, and Conventional. In parallel fashion, he defined six environment types, labeled in the same way. According to Holland (1985), “different types require different environments. For instance, Realistic types flourish in Realistic environments because such an environment provides the opportunities and rewards a Realistic type needs” (P.
5).
Holland proposed (1966) that: “Generally, congruent person-environment interactions (that is, interactions of people and environments belonging to the same type or model), in contrast to incongruent interactions, are conducive to the following personal performance: (1) more Requests for reprints should be addressed to Professor Elchanan I. Meir, Departmenr of Psychology, Tel Aviv University, Ramat-Aviv 69978 Israel. 219 OOOl-8791/89
$3.00
Copyright 0 1989 by Academic Press, Inc. All rights of reproduction in any form reserved.
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stable vocational choice, (2) higher vocational achievement, (3) higher academic achievement, (4) better maintenance of personal stability, and (5) greater satisfaction.” As Holland explains it, in congruent interactions one’s abilities are better suited to the tasks and problems presented by the environment. This article describes the development of the conceptual meaning of congruence in vocational psychology. Our starting point will be the initial meaning of congruence as a term indicating whether one’s vocational interests fit or do not fit one’s occupational choice. The final point will be the current (1988) meaning of congruence as the independent variable in a mapping sentence. At each stage of the description, the elaboration of congruence will be accompanied by a summary of one or two studies which, to the best of my judgment, serve as milestones in our understanding of the concept. Thus, this article focuses on the theoretical elaboration and the practical implications of congruence, rather than on a review of studies on the subject (an excellent review can be found in Spokane, 1985). The incremental contribution of this elaboration beyond Holland and Gottfredson’s (1976) explanation of congruence based on the social learning theory is the indication of how congruence is related to personality adjustment and also how the moderating variable of importance of the group (Meir, Keinan, & Segal, 1986) can be incorporated in the general explanation of congruence. CONGRUENCE OF VOCATIONAL INTERESTS AND OCCUPATIONAL CHOICE The most elementary congruence hypothesis states that people whose occupational choice suits their vocational interests, that is, is congruent, have a higher level of satisfaction than people whose vocational interests and occupational choices do not coincide, that is, are incongruent. To illustrate: if an individual’s interests are toward artistic occupations and his/her chosen occupation belongs to the Artistic field of occupations, then that person will presumably report satisfaction with the occupational choice. This outcome is, of course, trivial. If for no other reason than cognitive dissonance alone, the above statement would be as true as the expected report of satisfaction by a person who orders, and is accordingly served, vegetable soup in a restaurant. Yet, if the observations of personality type or vocational interests on the one hand, and vocational choice on the other, are taken with a gap of several years between them, then the relationship with later satisfaction becomes less trivial since such a positive relationship requires stability and predictive validity of the earlier measurements. Many studies have been designed to examine the relationship between vocational interests and later occupational choice. Among the most classical is the follow-up reported by Strong (1960). Vocational interests
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were measured by the SVIB (Strong Vocational Interest Blank, 1943). Strong found that 33% of the 109 subjects who received an “A” score on the engineering scale were indeed engineers 18 years later, while only 5% of the other subjects were engineers. Presumably, people who scored low on the engineering scale either refrained from choosing the field as an occupation, or abandoned it over the course of the 18 years. Another study which examined the impact of congruent occupational decisions was conducted by Barak and Meir (1974). These authors reported that the occupational choice satisfaction of subjects whose chosen occupation was congruent with the most preferred occupational field 7 years before had a higher level of satisfaction with occupational choice than those whose occupational choice was incongruent. The difference in occupational choice satisfaction was impressive: .75 and 59 standard deviations for males and females, respectively (n = 160 and 208, t = 4.70 and 4.09, respectively, both significant at .OOl). LEVEL OF CONGRUENCE BETWEEN INTERESTS AND OCCUPATIONAL CHOICE A more sophisticated formulation of the congruence hypothesis holds that there is a positive correlation between the level of interest with respect to the chosen occupation and the level of satisfaction with its choice. In this formulation of the congruence hypothesis, the independent variable is the level of proximity between vocational interests or personality type and occupational field or environment type, and not a mere dichotomy of congruence versus incongruence. According to Holland (1973, 1985), the six personality types form a hexagonal structure: Realistic-Investigative-Artistic-Social-Enterprising-Conventional-Realistic-. . . , or RIASEC (using the appropriate abbreviations). An alternative method of classification is Roe’s (1956) classification of occupations. According to findings using Roe’s occupational classification (Meir, 1973, 1975), the eight occupational fields form a circular structure: Business-Organization-General Cultural-Service-Arts and EntertainmentOutdoor-Science-Technology-Business-. . . . Gati (1979) claimed that a hierarchical model fits both Holland’s types and Roe’s fields better than the hexagonal or circular models. Whatever the case, on the basis of either the hexagonal-circular or hierarchical structure, congruence scores can be assigned to subjects according to the proximity between their personality type or interest on the one hand and their environment type or chosen occupation on the other. The hypothesis concerning congruence in this context proposes that vocational congruence (i.e., the proximity on the appropriate structure between one’s personality type or most preferred occupational field and
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one’s environmental type or field of occupation) is positively correlated with occupational choice satisfaction. In a reanalysis of Barak and Meir’s (1974) data, the latter formulation of the congruence hypothesis was confirmed by Peiser and Meir (1978) on the basis of the circular configuration of occupational fields and by Gati and Meir (1982) on the basis of the hierarchical configuration. To illustrate: for 158 males the correlation between the level of congruence (five ranks) on the basis of the circular configuration and occupational choice satisfaction was .40 and for females .26 (n eq 202), both significant at .Ol. Among the most interesting practical implications of the verification of the congruence hypothesis as a continuum is the occupational cylinder. On a cylinder (when unfolded 196 x 35 cm) 650 occupational titles are written, organized by four levels as the vertical dimension and eight fields as the horizontal dimension. Thus, for instance, Technology level 1 consisted of 21 occupational titles, and level 2 of 32 additional titles. The cylinder is designed so that occupations on level 1 appear between 200 and 180 cm from the floor, beneath levels 2 and 3, and occupational titles of level 4 are placed at about 120 cm from the floor. As a result of this design, most observers have to look upward to read the names of occupations on level 1, and move their eyes downward to the lower levels. Meir and Shiran (1979) examined the effect of the occupational cylinder on vocational maturity. One hundred and three 11th and 12th grade students responded twice to a vocational maturity inventory. They were divided into three groups: one received an explanation of the structure of occupations with the occupational cylinder placed prominently in front of them, one received this explanation without seeing the cylinder, and one was given selected occupational descriptions instead of an explanation on the occupational structure. Findings showed that the group which saw the cylinder scored higher on vocational maturity than the other two groups (ANCOVA, F = 10.76, & = 2, 99, p < .Ol). Presumably, the option they were afforded to locate themselves on congruent level and field by their own estimated level of capacities and interests contributed to the difference in vocational maturity. ENVIRONMENTAL
CONGRUENCE
According to Holland’s (1985) description of congruence, the concept encompasses not only the agreement between vocational interests and occupational choice, but also that between one’s personality type and the environment type. As Holland put it (1966): “Vocational satisfaction, stability and achievement depend on the congruency between one’s per-
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sonality and the environment (composed largely of other people) in which one works” (p. 6). Empirically, the environment type can be measured by the census method, that is, by submitting the Self-Directed Search (SDS) inventory, or a similar inventory, to all individuals in a given environment. The environment type is defined as the type which appears in the highest frequency in that environment. The environment type may also be determined by experts or “judges” with or without the Occupations Finder (Holland, 1985, Appendix A) if technical reasons prevent submitting an appropriate inventory to the persons in the environment. Thus, judges might decide that the chemistry department in a university is of the Investigative type and its counseling unit is of the Social type though the frequency of incongruent people may convert the expected stereotype. According to the environmental congruence hypothesis, the satisfaction, stability, and achievements of congruent subjects will be enhanced in the environment while those of incongruent subjects will not. Meir and Hasson (1982) examined the environmental congruence hypothesis on three settlements in Israel. The congruence level between one’s personality type and the environment type served as the independent variable, and a combined satisfaction-stay scale as the dependent variable. The personality type was measured by the SDS inventory, the environment type by the census method (the modal type among the personality types in the environment), and the environmental congruence level as the gap on the RIASEC structure for each subject between his/her personality type and the environment type (separately for males and females, since the environment types for the two genders were not identical). A five-rank scale was used to measure the satisfaction level of the settlements’ members with the social and economic life in the settlement and their level of inclination to stay in the settlement. Subjects’ answers were ranked from “5” for the lowest inclination to stay to “9” for the highest inclination to stay in the settlement. Scores “1’‘-“4” were assigned to those who had left the settlement according to when this had occurred (“1” for those who had stayed the shortest time). The findings showed a correlation of .44 (n = 142, p < .Ol) between the environmental congruence level and the satisfaction-stay criterion. Extrapolation of the idea and findings of this study by Meir and Hasson (1982) implies that one’s adjustment to an environment can be predicted by the level of proximity between one’s personality type and the relevant environment type. The correlation of .44 was unexpectedly high if we consider all the possible reasons for staying in or leaving a settlement (e.g., family, health, economic opportunities), as well as the methodological drawbacks of the satisfaction-stay scale. Not all studies have found the relationship between congruence and
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satisfaction or stability to be around .45. Empirical studies vary in their findings. Spokane (1985) reviewed 63 studies conducted between 1959 and 1983 on the relationship between congruence and a variey of criteria. He concluded his review with the statement that there seems to be a .30 “magic correlational plateau” (p. 335) between congruence and the various dependent criteria. In other words, it can hardly be expected that in any given enterprise (e.g., a supervisor’s working unit) congruence will account for more than 10% of the variance of the dependent variable (e.g., satisfaction). Even those congruence studies which used the same census method as Meir and Hasson (1982) to determine the environment type did not all show similar results. To illustrate: among a class of 35 psychology students the congruence-satisfaction correlation was .23, while in an army unit of 14 girls the correlation was .50 and in a group of 25 workers in the computer unit of a large factory it was .45 (Meir et al., 1986). The question which arises is: What are the instances in which the congruence-criterion correlation exceeds the “magic .30 correlational plateau?” In addition to satisfying the natural curiosity of theoreticians, the answer might be of practical importance, since it might well be that proper intervention in high congruence-criterion relationship environments could minimize the negative effects of incongruence, and that adequate consideration of congruence in the personnel selection process could reduce type I and type II errors. Assouline and Meir (1987) used the meta-analysis method on 77 correlations between congruence and either achievements (7 correlations, 1331 subjects), stability (17 correlations, 1855 subjects), or satisfaction (53 correlations, 9041 subjects). The mean congruence-criterion correlations were .06 with achievements as the criterion, .15 in the case of stability, and .21 with satisfaction as the criterion. Since the residual variances for achievements and stability were negligible, Assouline and Meir concluded that congruence cannot be used as a predictor for either of these variables. Even the congruence-satisfaction correlation was lower than Spokane’s “magic” number (.21 vs .30), although the residual variance of this correlation was high enough to require a further breakdown of the data. In this breakdown, five mean congruence-satisfaction correlations were derived which differ by the environmental reference and by the method of measuring the congruence level (see Assouline & Meir, 1987, Fig. 1, p. 327). In fact, Assouline and Meir (1987) performed two breakdowns, since the first still showed a high residual variance. Interestingly, after the first breakdown the occupational congruence-satisfaction mean correlation was .21 (16 correlations, 4661 subjects), the mean environmental-satisfaction correlation .29 (20 correlations, 995 subjects), and the mean
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specialty congruence-satisfaction correlation jects). This issue will be discussed below. WITHIN-OCCUPATION
.42 (8 studies,
978 sub-
CONGRUENCE
A by-product of modern technology is the diversity of specialties within occupations. Nowadays there is no such occupation as “medicine” or “engineering” which is homogenous and in which all specialties are similar. In some cases, specialties “belonging” to different occupations are more alike than those within the same main occupation (e.g., clinical psychology and psychiatry vs psychiatry and surgery). Thus, the idea of “occupational congruence” can be replaced by “within-occupation specialty congruence.” The findings summarized by Assouline and Meir (1987) indicate that within-occupation specialty congruence correlates with satisfaction by .42 vs the “broad” occupational congruence which correlates by only .21 to .30 with satisfaction (all these coefficients were not corrected for range restriction since the adequate restriction data is not available). The relevant studies were conducted on specialties within the occupations of engineering (Meir & Erez, 1981), medicine (Meir & Engel, 1986), nursing (Hener & Meir, 1981), teaching (Meir, 1987; Katzir, 1981), police work (Maloul, 1983), biology (Eilam, 1984), law (Davidovitch, 1984), and psychology (Rosenbloom, 1981). In each of these studies, the main occupation was divided into domains or dimensions which were judged to be psychologically significant to the specific occupation. Subjects with several years of experience in the main occupation were asked to respond to interest inventories whose items represented the relevant domains or dimensions, and their scores were transformed into congruence scores and compared with their reported satisfaction level. A cross-validation on a new set of 324 subjects was done by Meir and Yaari (1988) on the same occupations, and verified the earlier results. In this study it was found that the correlation between within-occupation congruence and satisfaction is about .41. Both the .42 (Assouline & Meir, 1987) and .41 (Meir & Yaari, 1988) correlations between specialty congruence and satisfaction are mean correlations through eight separate studies each. The comparison between these specialty congruence correlations with satisfaction and the “broader” occupational congruence correlations with satisfaction which reach only the “magic .30 correlational plateau” (Spokane, 1985, p. 335) requires the conclusion that these might be two different congruence layers. The .42 and .41 specialty congruence correlations are close to the .44 correlation reported for environmental congruence and the stay-satisfaction variable in settlements (Meir & Hasson, 1982) discussed before. The findings on the relationsip between within-occupation congruence and satisfaction may help in understanding the apparently frustrating
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results of Keret’s (1985) follow-up study. In her study, Keret examined 60% of 516 twelfth graders who had responded to the Ramak interest inventory nearly 19 years earler. Satisfaction with occupational choice at age 36 showed close to zero correlations with occupational interests at ages 17-18 and at age 25, as well as with concurrent interests. The explanation suggested by Meir (1988) is that after lo-15 years of work experience “broad” occupational congruence is not sufficient and specialty congruence is required to satisfy one’s needs. An alternative explanation might be that in the course of lo-15 years in an incongruent occupation, a person finds a solution for the incongruence (e.g., a congruent avocational activity) and thus compensates for the discomfort resulting from the incongruent occupation by means of other sources of satisfaction. Spokane’s (1985) review and Assouline and Meir’s (1987) meta-analysis describe the variability in congruence studies and allow for predictions as to the expected level of congruence-criterion correlation in accordance with the environmental reference and measurement methods. These studies do not offer an explanation for the variability of the congruence-criterion relationship they report. An elaboration of the relationship between congruence and satisfaction and its variability emerges from the study by Meir et al. (1986). These investigators examined the “importance of the group” as a moderating variable capable of distinguishing between environments in which environment-congruence will show a high correlation with satisfaction and those in which this correlation will be low. The importance of the group was empirically defined by means of a specially designed inventory of 13 questions (split-half reliability = .85). On scales of nine, each subject was asked to respond to questions such as “To what extent do you care about how your group members relate to you?“, “To what extent is it important to you that your group members care about the quality of your family life?“. For 23 groups of subjects (a total of 1137 subjects, 12 to 203 per group), the rank order correlation between the mean importance score of the group on the one hand and the congruence-satisfaction correlation on the other was .77. In other words: if the group is important to its members (e.g., small settlements or submarine crew), then congruence and satisfaction will show a high correlation; if the group is unimportant to its members, a low congruence-satisfaction correlation can be expected. Meir and Yaari (1988) adopted and expanded Holland and Gottfredson’s (1976) explanation derived from learning theory for the process by which congruence, especially in important groups, and specialty congruence become positively correlated with satisfaction. They proposed that the individual receives positive reinforcements from his/her environment for congruent behavior, and negative reinforcements for incon-
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gruent behavior. The positive reinforcements give rise to satisfaction and further congruent behavior, as well as to the desire to remain in the environment. The negative reinforcements increase the probability of changing one’s behavior or abandoning the incongruent environment. The positive reinforcements with which the environment rewards its members for congruent behavior are generally expressions of attention and sympathy, while incongruent behavior engenders neglect and rejection. Where the environment is important to the individual, such reinforcements cannot be disregarded so that-all other things being equalthey become that much more effective in shaping his/her behavior. Assuming that specialty congruence, and environmental congruence in cases like the settlements, are more important to the individual than the broader occupational congruence, we can expect specialty congruence and environmental congruence to be more related with satisfaction than “simple” congruence and satisfaction. In other words: following the difference in importance between occupational congruence on the one hand and (small) environmental or specialty congruences on the other hand, the two layers of congruence account for 9 and 18% of the variance of satisfaction, respectively. Existing data does not allow us to determine that this is the only possible explanation or that no better explanations can be formulated. However, it is compatible with most, if not all, reports which incorporate findings from several studies. EXPANSION OF THE CONGRUENCE THEORY The initial meaning of congruence referred to the level of agreement between vocational interests and occupational choice. The concept was first expanded to include the level of agreement between personality type and the modal personality type in one’s environment. Studies examining any of these kinds of congruence compared the congruence level with various criteria, with satisfaction being the modal criterion and-as found by Assouline and Meir’s meta-analysis-the best one. The hypothesized relationship between congruence and various criteria, such as satisfaction, can be phrased as a mapping sentence whereby: Level of Congruence + Well Being. A variety of congruences may be derived from this mapping sentence which go beyond the narrow meaning of congruence as related to chosen occupation or to the agreement between personality type and the modal personality type in the environment. Similarly, a variety of outcomes serving as dependent variables might be suggested, beyond the mere satisfaction level as reported by the subjects. Though stability and achievements were not found to serve this purpose by Assouline and
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Meir’s (1987) meta-analysis, presumably there are other dependent variables which could be useful. The study by Meir and Melamed (1986) may serve as a model for this kind of study. They investigated 74 female teachers in Israel, testing the cumulative effect of three kinds of congruence: (a) occupational congruence, (b) avocational congruence-to what extent the teacher’s avocational choice suits her interests, and (c) skill congruence-to what extent the individual had the feeling that she had opportunities to express her skills in her occupational role. The first kind of congruence was described in detail above. The second was examined earlier by Melamed and Meir (1981) and found, in two independent studies, to compensate in cases of vocational incongruence and to be positively correlated with satisfaction. The third kind of congruence-skill congruence-was examined in only very few studies and did not yield consistent findings (Spokane, 1985). In respect to these three kinds of congruence, four dependent variables were tested: (1) Occupational choice satisfaction, (2) Work satisfaction, (3) Somatic complaints (e.g., frequency of headaches), and (4) Anxiety level. Naturally, the last two were expected to be negatively correlated with the congruence variables. The findings confirmed the hypotheses. Correlations between each of the congruence variables were in the predicted direction with each of the dependent variables, and the results also confirmed the hypothesis regarding the cumulative effect of the congruences: In the case of each of the dependent variables, the well-being of those with one congruence was higher than the well-being of those with none of the three congruences (8% of the teachers!), and the well-being of those with either two or three congruences was higher than those with only one. In a replication of this study Meir, Melamed, and Abu-Fricha (unpublished) investigated 117 male and female Arab Bedouin teachers in Israel. Among the dependent variables they used, they included burnout. Here, as in the earlier study, the intercorrelations among the congruence measures were low. This was interpreted as additional evidence that some people choose both an occupation and an avocational activity which are congruent with their interests or type, while for others their avocation serves as compensation for their incongruent occupational choice. In general, Meir, Melamed, and Abu-Fricha’s findings were in accord with those of Meir and Melamed. The two studies which examined the cumulative effect of the various congruences on a variety of dependent variables suggest that extreme expressions of dissatisfaction, such as maladjustment and abandonment of an environment, may also emerge from incongruence of various kinds. Thus congruence emerges as a saliant psychological variable with an impact that extends much beyond relationships which can be explained merely by cognitive dissonance.
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There are several practical implications of the congruence theory, mainly for those who for some reasons happen to be incongruent in their occupational choice. What can incongruent people do in order to avoid suffering too severely from their incongruence? Several solutions, arranged below from the simplest to the most difficult suggest themselves: (1) Replace their working unit with a more congruent working unit while remaining in the same occupation and specialty, (2) Replace their specialty within their occupation with one which is more congruent for them, (3) Choose an avocational activity which is congruent with their interests (with the option of making it their occupation after a sufficient period of experience and training), (4) Play down the importance of the job and its environment as sources of satisfaction and other measures of well-being, and compensate by enhancing the importance of other kinds of congruence, such as skill congruence, avocational congruence, or congruence with the ideas of the others in one’s environment, (5) Change one’s occupation and/or environment to a more congruent one. REFERENCES Assouline, M., & Meir, E. I. (1987). Meta-analysis of the relationship between congruence and well-being measures. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 31, 319-332. Barak, A., & Meir, E. I. (1974). The predictive validity of a vocational interest inventory“Ramak”: Seven year follow-up. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 4, 377-387. Davidovitch, R. (1984). Advocates’ interests in legal domains and activities: A test of the congruence-satisfaction relationship. Unpublished master’s thesis, Tel Aviv University (Hebrew). Eilam, E. (1984). Congruence between biologists’ interests and their specialty as a predictor of vocational satisfaction. Unpublished master’s thesis, Tel Aviv University (Hebrew). Gati, I. (1979). A hierarchical model for the structure of vocational interests. Jolournal of Vocational Behavior, 15, 90-106. Gati, I., and Meir, E. I. (1982). Congruence and consistency derived from the circular and hierarchical models as predictors of occupational choice satisfaction. Journul of Vocational Behavior, 20, 354-365. Hener, T., and Meir, E. I. (1981). Congruency, consistency and differentiation as predictors of job satisfaction within the nursing occupation. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 18, 304-309. Holland, .I. L. (1966). The psychology of vocational choices: a theory of personality types and model environments. Waltham, MA: Blaisdell. Holland, .I. L. (1973). Making vocarional choices: A theory of careers. Englewood Cliffs. NJ: Prentice-Hall. Holland, J. L. (1985). Making vocational choices: A theory of vocational personalities and work environments. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Holland, J. L., and Gottfredson, G. D. (1976). Using a typology of persons and environments to explain careers: Some extensions and clarifications. The Counseling Psychologist. 6, 20-29.
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Katzir, L. (1981). The relationship between the vocational interests of teachers in the aspects of teaching and their satisfaction from teaching them. Unpublished master’s thesis, Tel Aviv University (Hebrew). Keret, M: (1985). The predictive validity of the Ramak interest inventory: A 19 year followup. Unpublished master’s thesis, Hebrew University, Jerusalem (Hebrew). Maloul, D. (1983). Policemen’s interests in specialties: A test of the congruence-satisfaction relationship within the police occupation. Unpublished master’s thesis, Tel Aviv University (Hebrew). Meir, E. I. (1973). The structure of occupations by interests: A smallest space analysis. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 3, 21-31. Meir, E. I. (1975). Manual for the Ramak and Courses interest inventories. Department of Psychology, Tel Aviv University. Meir, E. I. (1987). Extension of the interests-job congruence hypothesis to teaching specialities. Man and Work, 1, 49-58. Meir, E. I. (1988). The need for congruence between within-occupation interests and specialty in mid-career. Career Development Quarterly, 37, 63-69. Meir, E. I., and Engel, K. (1986). Interests and specialty choice in medicine. Social Science and Medicine, 23, 527-530. Meir, E. I., and Erez, M. (1981). Fostering careers in engineering. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 18, 115-120. Meir, E. I., and Hasson, R. (1982). Congruence between personality type and environment type as a predictor of stay in an environment. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 21, 309-317. Meir, E. I., Keinan, G., and Segal, Z. (1986). Group importance as a mediator between personality-environment congruence and satisfaction. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 28, 60-69. Meir, E. I., and Melamed, S. (1986). The accumulation of person-environment congruencies and well-being. Journal of Occupational Behavior, 7, 315-323. Meir, E. I., and Shiran, D. (1979). The occupational cylinder as a means for vocational maturity enhancement. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 14, 279-283. Meir, E. I., and Yaari, Y. (1988). The relationship between congruent specialty choice within occupations and satisfaction. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 33, 99-l 17. Melamed, S., and Meir, E. I. (1981). The relationship between interests-job incongruity and selection of avocational activity. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 18, 310-325. Roe, A. (1956). The psychology of occupations. New York: Wiley. Rosenbloom, T. (1981). Interests in specialties in psychology and the specialty congruencesatisfaction relationship. Unpublished master’s thesis. Tel Aviv University (Hebrew). Peiser, C., and Meir, E. I. (1978). Congruency, consistency and differentiation of vocational interest as predictors of vocational satisfaction and preference stability. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 12, 270-278. Spokane, A. R. (1985). A review of research on person-environment congruence in Holland’s theory of careers. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 26, 306-343. Strong, E. K. (1943). Vocational interests of men and women. Stanford: Stanford Univ. Press. Strong, E. K., Jr. (1960). An eighteen year longitudinal report on interests. In W. Layton (Ed.), The SVIB and uses. Minneapolis: Univ. of Minnesota Press. Received: March 13, 1989