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Intergovernmental relations in Lombardy: provinces, regions and cities
Polir~al Gro,qraphy, Vol 14,No. 4, pp. 419-428. 199.5 Copyright 0 Printed in Great
1995 Elsevier
Science
Ltd
Britain.All rights reserved 0962-629X/95 $10.00+ 0.00
Intergovernmental relations in Lombardy: provinces, regions and cities
IReR, Istituto Regionale di Ricerca della Lombardia, AIWRN:T. Intergovernmenral
relations
recurrent
introduction
the need
tc) adapt some formative
Such efforts
particularly
has transformed local
some
features
have so far not succeeded.
crisis. This applies and
in Italy
society
governments
suggestions
have
of new institutions since the
deeply.
complicated
been
On the contrary, where
the Italian
the postwar
reflect
economic
has to be set on a radically of planning
times.
state
is in boom
the state, and intermediate
The basis on which
as to the practice
hy the
1’970s.These changes
of the Italian state to modern
to Lombardy
operate,
.Wlan, Ita@
in those
new
new
footing
and
frameworks
are
put forward.
Introduction Intergovernmental and societal relations
relations
structure
in northern
and political
have
been
changes
-4dministrative
in modes
reform
problems
encompassing proposed.
Italy since
the background the evolution
the early
at the lower to overcome
of production
has not been
1970s. Efforts
the
apparent
has resulted.
of many
measures,
politicians
changes
are expressions
in voting
of that same
also in the field of politico-administrative
of the
have occurred.
of social
change,
patterns crisis.
and a and the
New,
structures,
more
have been
as we shall see.
The paper first summarizes the politico-administrative tradition then details reforms of the early 1970s and of 1990. The explanation of their
new
Italy in particular.
structures
with the pace
The recent
to institute
obsolescence
In northern
and metropolitan
able to cope
of state-formation
of intergovernmental
tiers of the politico-administrative
in the light of social developments.
crisis of government
judicial
in order
against
I analyse
arrangements
made
arrangements
spectacular severe
In this paper
in that context
administrative traditional
have to be studied
development.
failure
northern
to rectify
Italy’s
administrative incongruent
urban
practice changes
the situation milieux.
of the unified
related
persistence
fiscal and political system,
transformation
of tradition
account
crises
of the system
of politics
and public
of Italian public
state in 1861. This system
resulting
for the current
from state of
possible
administration
administration
was modelled
of
in politico-
conclusions from the evidence presented, some fields of politics and planning are suggested.
in the Italian system
The basic features
the
in the politico-administrative
exasperation. After drawing remedies in the overlapping
Continuities
is first of all due to the rapid
In addition,
and the mutually
in the Italian State. It of these changes and
according
date from the formation to the practice
in the
420
Intergovwnmental
relations in LombardJj: provinces,
regions and cities
kingdom of Savoy as set out by Rattazzi in 1859. The aim was to achieve political unity while respecting
the existing balance
granting some competences mutually autonomous
of power among the state’s constituent
to those parts. State and local finances
to a considerable
parts and
continued
to be
degree, but the new Italian state inherited the
large public deficits and the financial and fiscal disorder of the previous political system. In this way a sufficiently strong link was established new Italian public administration. The new state established interests (including instituted,
it was overseen
managerial
itself throughout
responsibilities.
official and governmental country’s
of notables
was
who took hold of the major
bureaucratic
obedience
and political loyalty, mixed variably
The Prefect was instituted in 1861 as the main public
representative
unification
in each province.
process,
especially
This office was designed
in southern
Italy,
where
to the
had a weak influence on social stability. In 1865, the mayors of municipalities
also became
government
officials, while the administrative
was limited. The public sector bureaucracy regime changes experienced the
a uniform system of
Although a centrally regulated bureaucracy
At all levels and in all fields the main criteria of hiring and
but always strongly interconnected.
bourgeoisie
the land, minimizing friction with vested
by local boards
managing were competence,
the
core and periphery of the
those at the local level) instead of imposing
centrally regulated public administration.
foster
between
It lasted until the historical crisis of the 1980s.
establishment
maintained
autonomy
of the provinces
a continuity that made the three
by the Italian state (the creation of unity, the rise of Fascism,
of republican
democracy)
less
traumatic.
Since
unification
the
apparatus of public administration
has grown in proportion to the increased responsibili-
ties of the state in both economy
and society.
The expansion
of the Italian public administration
based on the hierarchical
structure of its organization
foremost the efficiency and effectiveness for the system as a whole. Therefore,
has had two main consequences, and its decision making. First and
of the administrative process can only be judged
it is difficult to analyse which different parts contribute
in what way to the functioning of the system. Furthermore the growing system of public administration has become more fragmented over time, but at no intermediate level could management
executed
by an autonomous
political power ever be instituted.
The system of public administration grew as a state-wide hierarchy, at the top of which stood
a powerful
central
management.
Nevertheless
the
role
of the
professional
managers’ class was always secondary compared with the leadership of Italy’s politicians, who created both the economy’s
important productive public sector and the welfare state.
The Italian public administration increased in size, number and complexity and finally became ungovernable because of the public debt, the political crisis and the so-called ‘questione
morale’ (government
administration
parties’ robberies).
In its current shape the Italian public
can be likened to a nebular formation with its centre everywhere
and its
circumference nowhere. This metaphor used by Latouche to describe the situation in the West generally is particularly apt in the Italian case. Perhaps Italian public authority is the most western of all.
Reforms of public administration
since 1970
The activities of local government have always been under the bureaucratic control of central government, although they were financed by local income taxes and by local sales levies. In fact local financial autonomy has always been merely formal. Even the formal reciprocal financial autonomy of central and local governments ended with the tax reform of 1971. The reform took the most precious instruments of power (the power to tax and
iL1
GI~ISEPPF GAKIO
levy) away from the local level and thus undercut local notables level
the
were
parties
intertwined
at that juncture already
replaced
controlled
all public
with the state bureaucracies.
administration,
both top down
centralist and bureaucratic of self-governing bodies, regions.
consequently
The
regions
bureaucratized.
Relations
between
administration.
region,
proposal
states
that
therefore
limited,
Three
features
public were
the
obliged
personnel).
Commission
competences the regions
the law establishes
hierarchical
linkages.
of land-use
patterns.
The Florence,
nine
Rome, Naples,
statutes
it assigns
policies.
the lower
state
and
Affairs supplied be enumerated.
to the regions
areas).
effort to reform received
the organization by regional
agreement’ way
areas:
the system
of
the right and of government
authorities
as a planning vohmtary
Turin,
based
on
and coordinating
agreements
Genoa,
regions
This aspect
the power
and
within the terms set out in the law. Authorities enlarged municipalit), or reformed province.
In that
metropolitan
the
competence.
provinces
(including
by law no.
tiers of public
law (May 1991). This
shall
general
this spectacular
Bari (the self-governing
select their own metropolitan reasons: ~ L l
central
and
administration.
crucial to the failure
for Constitutional
areas, to be designated
the ‘programme and
public
a new constitutional
of the
one
leaders
will
LJnder such rules it is even more vital to share a correct
law institutes
the
became
by party
again reformed
among
will be assigned
up their own
for projects
became of public
emphasized
Lombardy
pro\,ed
were
relations
by approving
metropolitan
instrument
arrangement
system
and municipality
territory and functions, were to be created had to choose between two alternatives: Third,
thus
the system
dominated
financial
First of all, municipalities
to draw Second,
The
At the national
parties
aim was to decentralize
of law no. 142 exemplify
administration.
The
was established.
became
to regulate
the Senate reform
while
quickly
province
aimed
In addition, regional
the region,
also
of a centralized
1990) which
basis for further
leaders.
they operated
up. The resulting
The region’s
but the continuing presence of the regional reform. 142 (8 June
resources.
In parallel
and bottom
of the local notables.
party
character of the spate instead of transforming the state into a set be they localities or regions (see F@LW 1 and Tuhk 7).
In 1972 a new tier of government, of those
the power
by political
Milan,
Bologna,
of Sicily and Sardinia
of the law is important
to plan institutions
within
replace
description Venice, are free to
for the following
the limits of their own
territory; l
it recognizes
the
specificity
of each
of the
most
important
urban
areas
in the
country; l
it outlines Europe
However, metropolitan
an urban
hierarchy,
which
is relevant
not only
to Italy but to southern
as a whole. the reform areas
fails to make nor
does
any mention
it clarify
the
of electoral financial
systems
autonomy
with respect of
the
municipalities and the regions, thus indirectly confirming the continuity centralism, The reform thus on the one hand imposed conditions for regulated
to the
provinces, of state relations
between regions, provinces, metropolitan areas and municipalities. On the other hand, it did not reduce financial subordination to central government. Such a situation provokes paralysis and conflicts, proposed constitutional percent of the national actually occur.
all the more serious as the financial stakes are high. If the law is to be put into practice, it will involve the transfer of 70 budget to the regions but it is impossible to predict what will
422
Intergovernmental
In Italy as elsewhere
relations in Lombardy: provinces,
the reorganization
of public administration
system more in line with the complexity constraints
set by the history of state formation.
levels,
(freedom
This
complexity
in an economic
Such complexity sum games,
arises
is meant to bring this
of modern urban-industrial Complexity
within the overall network of public administration local
regions and cities
from
leading to more freedom of action at
democracy
sense) and fragmentation
societies within the
acts to weaken the linkages
(freedom
(freedom
in politics),
wealth
as to social engagements).
ends in chaos when every unit acts egoistically creating zero or negative-
Further development
TAULE 1. ltakm
Unit
public
administration
Be-1971
Autonomous regions Other regions Provinces Metropolitan cities* Municipalities
Note: * Turin,
only occurs when individual components
Genoa,
structure
1971-90
5 _ 90 -
5 15 92
8035
Mikm,
Bologna,
Post-1990 5 15 103 9* 8100
8100
Venice,
Florence,
Rome.
Naples,
Bari
use their
freedom
to stimulate
Accelerated
agreement
societal
administration.
New institutions
type of complexity
regions,
and how, relations.
accordingly,
Formidable
societal
Rapid
change
urbanization. million workers
and cooperation,
development
in northern (44.6
and 51.3 percent
have been
metropolitan perform
the
Italy during
the last decades
percent
of the total
of those
employed
inhabitants)
positive-sum
traditional
units
games
population); in commerce.
public in what
will operate
of intergovernmental
has resulted
of the national
games. of
is now
areas and municipalities
playing
Italy (39.8 percent
creating
set. The question
Italy
which DATAR describes as ‘European’ agglomerations singled out by the United and Turin (2.5 million
the
in northern
In 1991 northern
inhabitants
will
thereby
challenged
and rules
provinces,
they
change
has
territory)
65 percent Ele\,en
in high
levels
of
had close to 25 of all industrial
of the 22 Italian cities
are northern, as are two of the four urban Nations: Milan (7.9 million inhabitants in 1990)
along with Rome (3.7 million)
and Naples (4.3 million).
Some 42 percent of northern Italy‘s population lives within urban agglomerations (26 percent in central and southern Italy). Milan and more generally Lombardy is the most striking example. According to UN data Milan’s population ranks immediately behind that of London and Paris. In its initial industrial phase Milan was a policentric city and in its present configuration this policentrism has been magnified. The administrative reform
424
Intergovernmental
focusing
on metropolitan
around
areas has created
Milan. This unit dominates
its bifurcation hand
relations in Lombardy: provinces,
and
from Lombardy
from
Bologna
Lombardy
becomes
the
a new urban
a fork-like
through
through linchpin
network
Veneto
Emilia with
administrative
based
towards
towards
‘Terza
regions and cities
Verona
Bologna
Italia’
unit in the plain
on the Turin-Milan and Venice on the other
and
Verona
with
axis and on the one
hand.
Thus
reconstituted
Mitteleuropa. Between has
1951 and 1981, Milan developed
been
thoroughly
electrical
engines
urbanized
in Lombardian
in 1981. This increase capital
goods,
even excluding of telephones
of planes
in Milan airports
7.4 million university
graduates
number
people
rates
motorways
school
of which
graduates
to 3.5 million;
arrivals
and industrialization of the regional
miracle’,
population
50 percent
alone).
by The
and departures to 93 000 (with
flights).
The number were
224 000 and over
of
230 000; the 1 million.
In
Already
in
in 1981 71.
have not only resulted
at the end of the ‘economic
in Milan Province,
respectively was 59 years,
of
increased
(now 600 km in Lombardy
are international
were
of a Lombard
that
of installed
in the production
in 1951 was 62 000, in 1981 there
in Lombardy
just over one-fifth
growth
and so on. The road network
have risen from 7600 (with 92 000 passengers)
life expectancy
Urbanization 1961, almost
power
4.9 million kw; this rose to 14.1 million
from 0.1 million
59 percent
of secondary
1951 average
of a much larger territory
In 1951 the
in similar
in infrastructure
increased
passengers,
equalled
resulted
the national
numbers
into the centre
industrialized.
industry
in power
and consumer
33 percent
and
in concentration.
Milan Municipality
of Lombardy.
merely
represented
Out of a total of 3 million
lived in Milan Municipality
while
another
900000
lived in the 44 provincial towns having at least 10 000 inhabitants (see Table 2). In the rest of Lombardy 52 other towns held one-third of the resident population. At the beginning of the 1990s the population Lombardian Lombards Milan
towns
grew
live in urban is now
metropolitan
of Milan Municipality
areas (see
no longer
system.
In its new
trading
the more
function
metropolitan
administrative contractual
units
TABLE 2.
which
but the number
firms
of
six out of 10
make
in all parts
of
of Italy. The predominant
to learn
up urban
to manage
However,
the various
together
the
life.
Lombardy: number of cities with 10 000 inhabitants
Province
1901
1961
1971
Varese Corn0 Milan0 Bergamo Brescia Others Lombardy Lombardy’s population “/oof pop. in cities
3 3 8 2 2 11 29 4.3
10 5 45 9 13
15
97 7.4
28.2
54.7
(millions)
a part of a
for a network
throughout the PO basin to ‘Terza Italia’. being the service market for (and having
located
still have
but rather
junction’
the city an icon of competitiveness.
in Lombardy
arrangements
again
and to date,
area,
role Milan acts as a ‘service
competitive
of Milan makes
alone)
Table 2).
a self-contained
cities, businesses and organizations that spreads Milan is pivot and mirror of the Italian economy, as market)
diminished
to 155 (78 in Milan Province
15
6 64 10 14 15
124 8.5 59.9
as a minimum 1981
1991
15 8 74 11 20 16 144 8.8 60.0
16 9 78 13 21 17 154 8.9 59.0
myriad
Political
and fiscal crisis
As distinct
from a Fordist
a city which become
type of industrialization,
is functionally
socially
isolated
much
owing
()f a local-regional-national interdependent of transport ‘structurally
open’.
acquaintance
economic
Relations
agents,
have become
but more
generally
government
of course
by the region). be allowed
If they are not represented
to increase
advocate
the
adoption
of restrictive
or the
renewed
by the success crisis.
isolation
The regional
reform
may
of Milan
by contracts
responsibility
instead
institutions. residents
and others
and
has been
be ignored.
other
support
aggravated
who
who lose
(for example
This congestion those
northern
and ongoing
of
between
and, last but not
towards
businessmen
system
Milan has become
not only to relations
further
The resulting
of the Lega Nord
increasingly
by the existing
by other levels of government
electorate
regulations.
has become
in the West,
or they can simply
it may
Milan is the core
and organizations
are commuters,
they can form lobbies
of living).
regulated
people
gives rise to
though
institutions and among government are also regulatory devices. has primary
have a right to vote, but also relevant the city‘s services.
cities
increasingly
among
(even
adequately
rules. This applies
least, between citizens and government In addition to contracts, electoral votes The Milanese
served
Like other
and informal
of services
in the past
(see Figure 21, which
and is no longer
and telecommunication.
by personal
than
to the costs of a high standard
urban system
economically
the expansion
less isolated
cities
by means
political
can
politicians
who of the
crisis exemplified
by the accompanying
financial
of the 1970s was in fact partly a result of the crisis of public finance.
Regionalization
of the
as the challenge and to transfer
to control the deficit at state level induces efforts to spread the burden the fiscal crisis on to the shoulders of lower tiers of government. This
reasoning
still applies
is a form of decentralization
SkW
to the further
Since the 1970s a chaotic, headed
by
Particularly interest.
party
Public
has
conflicts
became
monetary
wealth
brought
the 1980s the debt
authorities ever
more
to certain
frequent.
families
according
GNP). In fact an oligarchy
owns
amounts
in the north Italian Inarked financial interested
82 percent where
public
two-thirds
in the
precisely general
provision
time
government
bonds.
public
clebt
billion
the interest of families
The fintincial
of public
These
11.5 percent wealth
of
on I987 of these
live mainly
in 1987.
paid on public services
transferred
families
out of control
(mainly
of
lira in interest
of the total based
debt was located
debt.
and intergovernmental
the
lira (1987 figures). spun
public
by the accumulation
23.4 thousand (20 percent
bureaucracy
of the
a figure that at the time cqualled
has increasingly stratum
increase
ungovernable
same
of families
of the public while
of a social
practically
of 50 million
administration
by conflict power
of family-held
to a minimum
of the 1980s.
irrcssponsible
was exacerbated
At the
to 1987 statistics,
financially
a sharp
(approximately
Lombardy’s families
about problem
then became
per annum, figures)
reorganization
and to a large extent
leaders
during
administrative
that may result from a fiscal crisis
and
debt
northerners) but rather
has become
was increasing who
in ‘quality’
were
the less
services
catering to their specific needs. The Lega Nord crystallized around this issue of quality services and reinforced the demand for greater financial and political autonomy, both at a regional and macro-regional level-the latter referring to the area called ‘Padania’. The Lega Nord, intimately connected calls for a federal governmental three macro-regions called Mezzogiorno (i.e. southern
with the new, emerging actorx of the local economy. system. Recently the Lega Nord proposed to federate
Padania (i.e. northern Italy), Etruria Italy). That proposal was put fomard
(i.e. central Italy) and in order to define the
Intergovernmental
426
Lega’s programme
relations in Lombardy: provinces,
for the next parliamentary
regions and cities
election but the main point of the Lega’s
success continues to be fiscal pressure reduction and regional autonomy, both politically and financially.
Conclusions
and remedies
Intergovernmental relations, as they currently stand, do not create the conditions necessary for cooperation in northern Italy. Above all it is increasingly difficult to form stable governments problems
at any level owing to the fragmentation
of political stability and cooperation
posed by political corruption
by the ‘moral question’
which has hit Milan and Lombardy particularly hard. In
addition, 20 years of financial dependence the regions, provinces
of the party system. The
are aggravated
and municipalities
strength. Finally, the technicalities
on central government
seems to have robbed
of both their ability to plan and their political
and rules of governing
currently in force are on the
whole out of date and inefficient. The crisis of intergovernmental relations is at the same time political, institutional and cultural, Even if the political crisis were solved in the neilr future (which is unlikely), the institutional and cultural crisis would still require some time to be overcome. regions, provinces
and municipalities
structure of production, to better control production
(especially
the hierarchical maintainance
to be guided by the Fordist model in order
it. In other words, the success
of the Fordist model of
in the large industrial cities of Turin, Milan and Genoa) reinforced
structure
of the Italian public
of the bureaucratic
major enterprises. bureaucratic
allowing themselves
and manage
In effect the
(as indeed the state) have adapted to the Fordist
administration
control of social movements
and thus enabled
the
and the state financing of
The Italian public administration became more and more complex and
instead of allowing
an increasing
degree
of autonomy
to municipalities,
provinces and finally to regions in the 1970s. It is the very disappearance of the Fordist structure of production which has thrown into confusion the effectiveness and the technical
culture of the regions,
provinces
north. A few case studies have focused and harmonization
and municipalities,
on the conditions
for inter-institutional
cooperation
in Milan in the 1980s. The following points seem to be important:
l
the existence
l
politico-representative
l
the availability of adequate
technical resources;
l
the availability of adequate
financial resources.
These conditions
particularly those in the
of a negotiating
table (and arbitration);
legitimation
during intervention;
have not been stated in random order. The existence
of a negotiating
table, when a common problem arises, enables legitimation and helps to gain the acceptance of a distribution of resources. If instead the resources were the point of departure, conflicts would arise in the attempts to control them even before negotiations on the problem itself had started. The optimal scenario for the near future is unclear and uncertain but it should in any case aim at the reconstruction of a culture of government which takes account of the high levels of complexity and freedom which are now part of urban-industrial societies. A recent contribution by Mazza particularly referring to northern Italy opens new perspectives. The core idea is to impose legally the duty to provide a systematic description of the territory. This should be made on a continual basis by a regional agency and/or a network of the region, the provinces and the main municipalities of Lombardy.
f’rojects
such as the modernization
high degree planning
of detail.
have
competent management minority
neglected
to check
Every policy it, togethet-
the
different and in part distinct and its technical description. development
‘Weltanschauung’,
The legal requirement
in the
Italian
technical
description
who
are
consequences without
situation
consequences
Moreover project
of the
the
them
quality
made
l
:I non-deterministic
l
an opportunity
every vehicle
people’s
for modifying
period
elements
This should all the
involved
is
force
foreseeable
in a project. of the
even
eventual
analytical
the political
interventions
to reinstate
depend
on the
differ
among
of
themselves).
of reality;
of traditional
planning
the hierarchical
hierarchy
today
expressions
while
a rational
often
was
attempting
means
logic is a fact of life, as
logic of the Fordist
part
and
parcel
Toddy a relational
but in any udse certainly
Planning
not merely
but rather on the plurality
instruments.
and the technicalities
independent.
by the
interpretation.
reality;
the aims of a project.
more correct
does
(who
IX conditioned
of the scientific
centre
understanding
of history
dynamics of their interrelations. communication targeted towards urgent
three
will be:
the abandonment
its representations reality,
to execute
and the
Therefore
conscious
will then
of reality
of organizations project
to verify and refine
is not necessarily Reality,
account
more
and planning
political
the way to achieve
reciprocally
representation
the three
is organized. into
and the rationality
controlling
for a better
In that
expressed
made
management
the plan was an act of duty when
dominant.
be
that the modification
by a variety
With the ?dll of Fordism indeed
to take
will
representation
this reasoning
. a chance
1990s.
among
out. In this way all persons
of territorial
of political it is accepted
Following
that we make of this
should help achieve. As the political all projects should be conditioned by ;I
the territory
projects
commitment,
or on one particular
contributions
for discussion
of their roles.
Ultimately responsibility
by a
description
representations
in the
of the interaction
of the way in which
in charge legal
disputed
elements come into play: reality, its political representation Each of these elements necessarily has some degree of
but an analysis
of carrying
formal
to be of the
accessible
of these
a
at urban
vision
only
to express
both descriptions
essential. This is what a territorial description representation of reality is shaped by projects, those
more
available
require
claiming
of a territory
but also the representations
instruments
available
while
the mainstream
of reality became
includes
would
up till now efforts
of interventions
197Os, a real
experts.
technical
instruments
autonomous
effects
since
of life. This was
puts at stake not only reality,
Mazzd‘s proposal
technical
the
that the perception
with
concretely.
in the
and regional
would help ensure and debate.
innovation
in all spheres
of territory
of urban
of the Milan Trade Fair, for example,
This is an important
and effective
42 7
GAKKJ
GIII’;FPPE
and
logic dominates
that
less delerministic.
of control
ha\ e at least partly become
developing
a dialogue
of reality and the awareness to develop
age was
of analysis
;I
systems
theory
between
of technical concerning
the ways the
Without such dialogue. which may be defined as cooperation, no project will see the light of day. It is
link between
these
three
perspectives.
The demands for growth with transformation impose this first and foremost on the regions. provinces and municipalities. The regional and local communities are, in fact, those most exposed to the risk that the dynamics of mutual interaction will come to a standstill leading to decline. In northern Italy, this means that hoth the regions and the major provinces and municipalities must become financially :iutonomous in order to
428
Intergovernmental
relations in Lombardy: provinces, regions and cities
allow them to play any role at all. Moreover, role specialization
should involve: a strategy-
making role for the regions, a managing role for the municipalities and a coordinating for the provinces. a descriptive
Such a system should lead to a positive agenda, to be checked
guideline
and encompassing
role
against
both strategic and flexible actions. It should
thus enable us to face the risks and make the most of the opportunities
which no amount
of planning can forecast adequately.
Bibliography ALLEVA,G. AND CELANX; A. (n.d.) Struttura Funzionale
della refe Urbana. Ancona Sotto progetto 4 de1 Progetto Finalizzato CNR ‘Economia Italiana’. BANCAU’ITAIJA(1990) Le attivitLi finanziarie dellefamiglie italrane, di L. Cannari, G. D’Alessio, G. Raimondi, A.I. Rinaldi, Temi di discussione de1 Sevizio Studi, No. 136. Rome. Bdnca d’lralia. C~r.~se,M. (1987) L’istituziondlizzazione de1 governo. Kivista Italiana di Scienzu Politica 2, 209-231. DIKEZIONT Snvx ECONOMKIA CURAIX BKE Darn (1990) Le regioni europee in prospettiva. Quudemi di Formazione Pirelli No.71, September, Milan. DEMAIXIS,G. (1991) II sistema urbane. In Orientamentiper la politica del ten-itorio (G.FuB la cura dill. Bologna il Mulino. GCIAKNIEHI, C. (1988) Burocrdzie pubhliche e consolidamento democratico: il c‘ds0 italiano. Rivista Italiana di Scienzu Politica 1, 73-103. LA~OIIWP,S. (1989) L’occidentalisation du monde. Paris: La Dkouverte. MARTIN(~-n,G. (1990) La nuova struttura sociale delle aree merropolitdne. Paper presented at symposium ‘L’ared metropolitana lombarda nell’Europa degli anni’90’, organizzato dal CESEC, Milan, 9 April. MALLA,L. f 1992) An exercise in re-constructing a planning tooi. I’dper presented at international symposium ‘Planning technologies and planning institutions‘, Palermo, H-l 1 September. MAZZA,L. (1993) Descrizione eprevisione. In Lombardo SE., Preto G. (A cum dil Innovazione e trasformazione de/b cittd, Milan. F. Angeli. PASVIIINO,G (1987) Rappresentanza degli intrressi, attivitl di lobby e process decisionali: il case italiano di istituzwni permeabili. Stat0 e Mercato 21, 403-429. PASTORI,G., Dean:, B. ANUBAI.HONI,E. (1987) II govemo della metropoli milanese: strutture e processi. IReR Progretto Milano, II governo della citti. Quarta conferenza internaziondle, F Angeli, Milan. R~IONII;RI, E. (1976) La storiapolitica e sociale in Storia d’ltalia, Dall’lfnitti a oggi, 4, Turin: G. Einaudi. RIVA,A (1992) La dinamicu delle eqwwrtazwzi e delle importazionz in prot’inciu di Milano 1985-1990. Ossewdtorio Economico Territoriale dell’Area Mdtropolitana Milanese. Milan: IReR. R~FFILLI,R. (1971) La yueststioize regiowaie daail’ un$cazione alla dittatura (Zb’62-1942). Milan: Giuffre. SAKO, P.L. (1990) Versa un’ economia della complessiti: razionaliti progettuale e persistenza delle teorie. Note Economiche 3, 64-80. WARGI.I~ M. (1987) L’architettura relazionale delle organizzazioni: autonomia dell’attore, ambiguiti e creazione di complessitl. Studi Organizzativi 1, 45-67. UN (1989) Prospect of World Urbanization I98#, Department of International Economic and Social Affairs, Population Studies No. 112, New York: UN. ZANI,M. (1987) I1 reticolo urbzano dell’Italid settentriondle: mutamenti nel ventennio post-unitario. Storia Urbana 39, 77-114.
1995 Elsevier
Science
Ltd
Britain.All rights reserved 0962-629X/95 $10.00+ 0.00
Intergovernmental relations in Lombardy: provinces, regions and cities
IReR, Istituto Regionale di Ricerca della Lombardia, AIWRN:T. Intergovernmenral
relations
recurrent
introduction
the need
tc) adapt some formative
Such efforts
particularly
has transformed local
some
features
have so far not succeeded.
crisis. This applies and
in Italy
society
governments
suggestions
have
of new institutions since the
deeply.
complicated
been
On the contrary, where
the Italian
the postwar
reflect
economic
has to be set on a radically of planning
times.
state
is in boom
the state, and intermediate
The basis on which
as to the practice
hy the
1’970s.These changes
of the Italian state to modern
to Lombardy
operate,
.Wlan, Ita@
in those
new
new
footing
and
frameworks
are
put forward.
Introduction Intergovernmental and societal relations
relations
structure
in northern
and political
have
been
changes
-4dministrative
in modes
reform
problems
encompassing proposed.
Italy since
the background the evolution
the early
at the lower to overcome
of production
has not been
1970s. Efforts
the
apparent
has resulted.
of many
measures,
politicians
changes
are expressions
in voting
of that same
also in the field of politico-administrative
of the
have occurred.
of social
change,
patterns crisis.
and a and the
New,
structures,
more
have been
as we shall see.
The paper first summarizes the politico-administrative tradition then details reforms of the early 1970s and of 1990. The explanation of their
new
Italy in particular.
structures
with the pace
The recent
to institute
obsolescence
In northern
and metropolitan
able to cope
of state-formation
of intergovernmental
tiers of the politico-administrative
in the light of social developments.
crisis of government
judicial
in order
against
I analyse
arrangements
made
arrangements
spectacular severe
In this paper
in that context
administrative traditional
have to be studied
development.
failure
northern
to rectify
Italy’s
administrative incongruent
urban
practice changes
the situation milieux.
of the unified
related
persistence
fiscal and political system,
transformation
of tradition
account
crises
of the system
of politics
and public
of Italian public
state in 1861. This system
resulting
for the current
from state of
possible
administration
administration
was modelled
of
in politico-
conclusions from the evidence presented, some fields of politics and planning are suggested.
in the Italian system
The basic features
the
in the politico-administrative
exasperation. After drawing remedies in the overlapping
Continuities
is first of all due to the rapid
In addition,
and the mutually
in the Italian State. It of these changes and
according
date from the formation to the practice
in the
420
Intergovwnmental
relations in LombardJj: provinces,
regions and cities
kingdom of Savoy as set out by Rattazzi in 1859. The aim was to achieve political unity while respecting
the existing balance
granting some competences mutually autonomous
of power among the state’s constituent
to those parts. State and local finances
to a considerable
parts and
continued
to be
degree, but the new Italian state inherited the
large public deficits and the financial and fiscal disorder of the previous political system. In this way a sufficiently strong link was established new Italian public administration. The new state established interests (including instituted,
it was overseen
managerial
itself throughout
responsibilities.
official and governmental country’s
of notables
was
who took hold of the major
bureaucratic
obedience
and political loyalty, mixed variably
The Prefect was instituted in 1861 as the main public
representative
unification
in each province.
process,
especially
This office was designed
in southern
Italy,
where
to the
had a weak influence on social stability. In 1865, the mayors of municipalities
also became
government
officials, while the administrative
was limited. The public sector bureaucracy regime changes experienced the
a uniform system of
Although a centrally regulated bureaucracy
At all levels and in all fields the main criteria of hiring and
but always strongly interconnected.
bourgeoisie
the land, minimizing friction with vested
by local boards
managing were competence,
the
core and periphery of the
those at the local level) instead of imposing
centrally regulated public administration.
foster
between
It lasted until the historical crisis of the 1980s.
establishment
maintained
autonomy
of the provinces
a continuity that made the three
by the Italian state (the creation of unity, the rise of Fascism,
of republican
democracy)
less
traumatic.
Since
unification
the
apparatus of public administration
has grown in proportion to the increased responsibili-
ties of the state in both economy
and society.
The expansion
of the Italian public administration
based on the hierarchical
structure of its organization
foremost the efficiency and effectiveness for the system as a whole. Therefore,
has had two main consequences, and its decision making. First and
of the administrative process can only be judged
it is difficult to analyse which different parts contribute
in what way to the functioning of the system. Furthermore the growing system of public administration has become more fragmented over time, but at no intermediate level could management
executed
by an autonomous
political power ever be instituted.
The system of public administration grew as a state-wide hierarchy, at the top of which stood
a powerful
central
management.
Nevertheless
the
role
of the
professional
managers’ class was always secondary compared with the leadership of Italy’s politicians, who created both the economy’s
important productive public sector and the welfare state.
The Italian public administration increased in size, number and complexity and finally became ungovernable because of the public debt, the political crisis and the so-called ‘questione
morale’ (government
administration
parties’ robberies).
In its current shape the Italian public
can be likened to a nebular formation with its centre everywhere
and its
circumference nowhere. This metaphor used by Latouche to describe the situation in the West generally is particularly apt in the Italian case. Perhaps Italian public authority is the most western of all.
Reforms of public administration
since 1970
The activities of local government have always been under the bureaucratic control of central government, although they were financed by local income taxes and by local sales levies. In fact local financial autonomy has always been merely formal. Even the formal reciprocal financial autonomy of central and local governments ended with the tax reform of 1971. The reform took the most precious instruments of power (the power to tax and
iL1
GI~ISEPPF GAKIO
levy) away from the local level and thus undercut local notables level
the
were
parties
intertwined
at that juncture already
replaced
controlled
all public
with the state bureaucracies.
administration,
both top down
centralist and bureaucratic of self-governing bodies, regions.
consequently
The
regions
bureaucratized.
Relations
between
administration.
region,
proposal
states
that
therefore
limited,
Three
features
public were
the
obliged
personnel).
Commission
competences the regions
the law establishes
hierarchical
linkages.
of land-use
patterns.
The Florence,
nine
Rome, Naples,
statutes
it assigns
policies.
the lower
state
and
Affairs supplied be enumerated.
to the regions
areas).
effort to reform received
the organization by regional
agreement’ way
areas:
the system
of
the right and of government
authorities
as a planning vohmtary
Turin,
based
on
and coordinating
agreements
Genoa,
regions
This aspect
the power
and
within the terms set out in the law. Authorities enlarged municipalit), or reformed province.
In that
metropolitan
the
competence.
provinces
(including
by law no.
tiers of public
law (May 1991). This
shall
general
this spectacular
Bari (the self-governing
select their own metropolitan reasons: ~ L l
central
and
administration.
crucial to the failure
for Constitutional
areas, to be designated
the ‘programme and
public
a new constitutional
of the
one
leaders
will
LJnder such rules it is even more vital to share a correct
law institutes
the
became
by party
again reformed
among
will be assigned
up their own
for projects
became of public
emphasized
Lombardy
pro\,ed
were
relations
by approving
metropolitan
instrument
arrangement
system
and municipality
territory and functions, were to be created had to choose between two alternatives: Third,
thus
the system
dominated
financial
First of all, municipalities
to draw Second,
The
At the national
parties
aim was to decentralize
of law no. 142 exemplify
administration.
The
was established.
became
to regulate
the Senate reform
while
quickly
province
aimed
In addition, regional
the region,
also
of a centralized
1990) which
basis for further
leaders.
they operated
up. The resulting
The region’s
but the continuing presence of the regional reform. 142 (8 June
resources.
In parallel
and bottom
of the local notables.
party
character of the spate instead of transforming the state into a set be they localities or regions (see F@LW 1 and Tuhk 7).
In 1972 a new tier of government, of those
the power
by political
Milan,
Bologna,
of Sicily and Sardinia
of the law is important
to plan institutions
within
replace
description Venice, are free to
for the following
the limits of their own
territory; l
it recognizes
the
specificity
of each
of the
most
important
urban
areas
in the
country; l
it outlines Europe
However, metropolitan
an urban
hierarchy,
which
is relevant
not only
to Italy but to southern
as a whole. the reform areas
fails to make nor
does
any mention
it clarify
the
of electoral financial
systems
autonomy
with respect of
the
municipalities and the regions, thus indirectly confirming the continuity centralism, The reform thus on the one hand imposed conditions for regulated
to the
provinces, of state relations
between regions, provinces, metropolitan areas and municipalities. On the other hand, it did not reduce financial subordination to central government. Such a situation provokes paralysis and conflicts, proposed constitutional percent of the national actually occur.
all the more serious as the financial stakes are high. If the law is to be put into practice, it will involve the transfer of 70 budget to the regions but it is impossible to predict what will
422
Intergovernmental
In Italy as elsewhere
relations in Lombardy: provinces,
the reorganization
of public administration
system more in line with the complexity constraints
set by the history of state formation.
levels,
(freedom
This
complexity
in an economic
Such complexity sum games,
arises
is meant to bring this
of modern urban-industrial Complexity
within the overall network of public administration local
regions and cities
from
leading to more freedom of action at
democracy
sense) and fragmentation
societies within the
acts to weaken the linkages
(freedom
(freedom
in politics),
wealth
as to social engagements).
ends in chaos when every unit acts egoistically creating zero or negative-
Further development
TAULE 1. ltakm
Unit
public
administration
Be-1971
Autonomous regions Other regions Provinces Metropolitan cities* Municipalities
Note: * Turin,
only occurs when individual components
Genoa,
structure
1971-90
5 _ 90 -
5 15 92
8035
Mikm,
Bologna,
Post-1990 5 15 103 9* 8100
8100
Venice,
Florence,
Rome.
Naples,
Bari
use their
freedom
to stimulate
Accelerated
agreement
societal
administration.
New institutions
type of complexity
regions,
and how, relations.
accordingly,
Formidable
societal
Rapid
change
urbanization. million workers
and cooperation,
development
in northern (44.6
and 51.3 percent
have been
metropolitan perform
the
Italy during
the last decades
percent
of the total
of those
employed
inhabitants)
positive-sum
traditional
units
games
population); in commerce.
public in what
will operate
of intergovernmental
has resulted
of the national
games. of
is now
areas and municipalities
playing
Italy (39.8 percent
creating
set. The question
Italy
which DATAR describes as ‘European’ agglomerations singled out by the United and Turin (2.5 million
the
in northern
In 1991 northern
inhabitants
will
thereby
challenged
and rules
provinces,
they
change
has
territory)
65 percent Ele\,en
in high
levels
of
had close to 25 of all industrial
of the 22 Italian cities
are northern, as are two of the four urban Nations: Milan (7.9 million inhabitants in 1990)
along with Rome (3.7 million)
and Naples (4.3 million).
Some 42 percent of northern Italy‘s population lives within urban agglomerations (26 percent in central and southern Italy). Milan and more generally Lombardy is the most striking example. According to UN data Milan’s population ranks immediately behind that of London and Paris. In its initial industrial phase Milan was a policentric city and in its present configuration this policentrism has been magnified. The administrative reform
424
Intergovernmental
focusing
on metropolitan
around
areas has created
Milan. This unit dominates
its bifurcation hand
relations in Lombardy: provinces,
and
from Lombardy
from
Bologna
Lombardy
becomes
the
a new urban
a fork-like
through
through linchpin
network
Veneto
Emilia with
administrative
based
towards
towards
‘Terza
regions and cities
Verona
Bologna
Italia’
unit in the plain
on the Turin-Milan and Venice on the other
and
Verona
with
axis and on the one
hand.
Thus
reconstituted
Mitteleuropa. Between has
1951 and 1981, Milan developed
been
thoroughly
electrical
engines
urbanized
in Lombardian
in 1981. This increase capital
goods,
even excluding of telephones
of planes
in Milan airports
7.4 million university
graduates
number
people
rates
motorways
school
of which
graduates
to 3.5 million;
arrivals
and industrialization of the regional
miracle’,
population
50 percent
alone).
by The
and departures to 93 000 (with
flights).
The number were
224 000 and over
of
230 000; the 1 million.
In
Already
in
in 1981 71.
have not only resulted
at the end of the ‘economic
in Milan Province,
respectively was 59 years,
of
increased
(now 600 km in Lombardy
are international
were
of a Lombard
that
of installed
in the production
in 1951 was 62 000, in 1981 there
in Lombardy
just over one-fifth
growth
and so on. The road network
have risen from 7600 (with 92 000 passengers)
life expectancy
Urbanization 1961, almost
power
4.9 million kw; this rose to 14.1 million
from 0.1 million
59 percent
of secondary
1951 average
of a much larger territory
In 1951 the
in similar
in infrastructure
increased
passengers,
equalled
resulted
the national
numbers
into the centre
industrialized.
industry
in power
and consumer
33 percent
and
in concentration.
Milan Municipality
of Lombardy.
merely
represented
Out of a total of 3 million
lived in Milan Municipality
while
another
900000
lived in the 44 provincial towns having at least 10 000 inhabitants (see Table 2). In the rest of Lombardy 52 other towns held one-third of the resident population. At the beginning of the 1990s the population Lombardian Lombards Milan
towns
grew
live in urban is now
metropolitan
of Milan Municipality
areas (see
no longer
system.
In its new
trading
the more
function
metropolitan
administrative contractual
units
TABLE 2.
which
but the number
firms
of
six out of 10
make
in all parts
of
of Italy. The predominant
to learn
up urban
to manage
However,
the various
together
the
life.
Lombardy: number of cities with 10 000 inhabitants
Province
1901
1961
1971
Varese Corn0 Milan0 Bergamo Brescia Others Lombardy Lombardy’s population “/oof pop. in cities
3 3 8 2 2 11 29 4.3
10 5 45 9 13
15
97 7.4
28.2
54.7
(millions)
a part of a
for a network
throughout the PO basin to ‘Terza Italia’. being the service market for (and having
located
still have
but rather
junction’
the city an icon of competitiveness.
in Lombardy
arrangements
again
and to date,
area,
role Milan acts as a ‘service
competitive
of Milan makes
alone)
Table 2).
a self-contained
cities, businesses and organizations that spreads Milan is pivot and mirror of the Italian economy, as market)
diminished
to 155 (78 in Milan Province
15
6 64 10 14 15
124 8.5 59.9
as a minimum 1981
1991
15 8 74 11 20 16 144 8.8 60.0
16 9 78 13 21 17 154 8.9 59.0
myriad
Political
and fiscal crisis
As distinct
from a Fordist
a city which become
type of industrialization,
is functionally
socially
isolated
much
owing
()f a local-regional-national interdependent of transport ‘structurally
open’.
acquaintance
economic
Relations
agents,
have become
but more
generally
government
of course
by the region). be allowed
If they are not represented
to increase
advocate
the
adoption
of restrictive
or the
renewed
by the success crisis.
isolation
The regional
reform
may
of Milan
by contracts
responsibility
instead
institutions. residents
and others
and
has been
be ignored.
other
support
aggravated
who
who lose
(for example
This congestion those
northern
and ongoing
of
between
and, last but not
towards
businessmen
system
Milan has become
not only to relations
further
The resulting
of the Lega Nord
increasingly
by the existing
by other levels of government
electorate
regulations.
has become
in the West,
or they can simply
it may
Milan is the core
and organizations
are commuters,
they can form lobbies
of living).
regulated
people
gives rise to
though
institutions and among government are also regulatory devices. has primary
have a right to vote, but also relevant the city‘s services.
cities
increasingly
among
(even
adequately
rules. This applies
least, between citizens and government In addition to contracts, electoral votes The Milanese
served
Like other
and informal
of services
in the past
(see Figure 21, which
and is no longer
and telecommunication.
by personal
than
to the costs of a high standard
urban system
economically
the expansion
less isolated
cities
by means
political
can
politicians
who of the
crisis exemplified
by the accompanying
financial
of the 1970s was in fact partly a result of the crisis of public finance.
Regionalization
of the
as the challenge and to transfer
to control the deficit at state level induces efforts to spread the burden the fiscal crisis on to the shoulders of lower tiers of government. This
reasoning
still applies
is a form of decentralization
SkW
to the further
Since the 1970s a chaotic, headed
by
Particularly interest.
party
Public
has
conflicts
became
monetary
wealth
brought
the 1980s the debt
authorities ever
more
to certain
frequent.
families
according
GNP). In fact an oligarchy
owns
amounts
in the north Italian Inarked financial interested
82 percent where
public
two-thirds
in the
precisely general
provision
time
government
bonds.
public
clebt
billion
the interest of families
The fintincial
of public
These
11.5 percent wealth
of
on I987 of these
live mainly
in 1987.
paid on public services
transferred
families
out of control
(mainly
of
lira in interest
of the total based
debt was located
debt.
and intergovernmental
the
lira (1987 figures). spun
public
by the accumulation
23.4 thousand (20 percent
bureaucracy
of the
a figure that at the time cqualled
has increasingly stratum
increase
ungovernable
same
of families
of the public while
of a social
practically
of 50 million
administration
by conflict power
of family-held
to a minimum
of the 1980s.
irrcssponsible
was exacerbated
At the
to 1987 statistics,
financially
a sharp
(approximately
Lombardy’s families
about problem
then became
per annum, figures)
reorganization
and to a large extent
leaders
during
administrative
that may result from a fiscal crisis
and
debt
northerners) but rather
has become
was increasing who
in ‘quality’
were
the less
services
catering to their specific needs. The Lega Nord crystallized around this issue of quality services and reinforced the demand for greater financial and political autonomy, both at a regional and macro-regional level-the latter referring to the area called ‘Padania’. The Lega Nord, intimately connected calls for a federal governmental three macro-regions called Mezzogiorno (i.e. southern
with the new, emerging actorx of the local economy. system. Recently the Lega Nord proposed to federate
Padania (i.e. northern Italy), Etruria Italy). That proposal was put fomard
(i.e. central Italy) and in order to define the
Intergovernmental
426
Lega’s programme
relations in Lombardy: provinces,
for the next parliamentary
regions and cities
election but the main point of the Lega’s
success continues to be fiscal pressure reduction and regional autonomy, both politically and financially.
Conclusions
and remedies
Intergovernmental relations, as they currently stand, do not create the conditions necessary for cooperation in northern Italy. Above all it is increasingly difficult to form stable governments problems
at any level owing to the fragmentation
of political stability and cooperation
posed by political corruption
by the ‘moral question’
which has hit Milan and Lombardy particularly hard. In
addition, 20 years of financial dependence the regions, provinces
of the party system. The
are aggravated
and municipalities
strength. Finally, the technicalities
on central government
seems to have robbed
of both their ability to plan and their political
and rules of governing
currently in force are on the
whole out of date and inefficient. The crisis of intergovernmental relations is at the same time political, institutional and cultural, Even if the political crisis were solved in the neilr future (which is unlikely), the institutional and cultural crisis would still require some time to be overcome. regions, provinces
and municipalities
structure of production, to better control production
(especially
the hierarchical maintainance
to be guided by the Fordist model in order
it. In other words, the success
of the Fordist model of
in the large industrial cities of Turin, Milan and Genoa) reinforced
structure
of the Italian public
of the bureaucratic
major enterprises. bureaucratic
allowing themselves
and manage
In effect the
(as indeed the state) have adapted to the Fordist
administration
control of social movements
and thus enabled
the
and the state financing of
The Italian public administration became more and more complex and
instead of allowing
an increasing
degree
of autonomy
to municipalities,
provinces and finally to regions in the 1970s. It is the very disappearance of the Fordist structure of production which has thrown into confusion the effectiveness and the technical
culture of the regions,
provinces
north. A few case studies have focused and harmonization
and municipalities,
on the conditions
for inter-institutional
cooperation
in Milan in the 1980s. The following points seem to be important:
l
the existence
l
politico-representative
l
the availability of adequate
technical resources;
l
the availability of adequate
financial resources.
These conditions
particularly those in the
of a negotiating
table (and arbitration);
legitimation
during intervention;
have not been stated in random order. The existence
of a negotiating
table, when a common problem arises, enables legitimation and helps to gain the acceptance of a distribution of resources. If instead the resources were the point of departure, conflicts would arise in the attempts to control them even before negotiations on the problem itself had started. The optimal scenario for the near future is unclear and uncertain but it should in any case aim at the reconstruction of a culture of government which takes account of the high levels of complexity and freedom which are now part of urban-industrial societies. A recent contribution by Mazza particularly referring to northern Italy opens new perspectives. The core idea is to impose legally the duty to provide a systematic description of the territory. This should be made on a continual basis by a regional agency and/or a network of the region, the provinces and the main municipalities of Lombardy.
f’rojects
such as the modernization
high degree planning
of detail.
have
competent management minority
neglected
to check
Every policy it, togethet-
the
different and in part distinct and its technical description. development
‘Weltanschauung’,
The legal requirement
in the
Italian
technical
description
who
are
consequences without
situation
consequences
Moreover project
of the
the
them
quality
made
l
:I non-deterministic
l
an opportunity
every vehicle
people’s
for modifying
period
elements
This should all the
involved
is
force
foreseeable
in a project. of the
even
eventual
analytical
the political
interventions
to reinstate
depend
on the
differ
among
of
themselves).
of reality;
of traditional
planning
the hierarchical
hierarchy
today
expressions
while
a rational
often
was
attempting
means
logic is a fact of life, as
logic of the Fordist
part
and
parcel
Toddy a relational
but in any udse certainly
Planning
not merely
but rather on the plurality
instruments.
and the technicalities
independent.
by the
interpretation.
reality;
the aims of a project.
more correct
does
(who
IX conditioned
of the scientific
centre
understanding
of history
dynamics of their interrelations. communication targeted towards urgent
three
will be:
the abandonment
its representations reality,
to execute
and the
Therefore
conscious
will then
of reality
of organizations project
to verify and refine
is not necessarily Reality,
account
more
and planning
political
the way to achieve
reciprocally
representation
the three
is organized. into
and the rationality
controlling
for a better
In that
expressed
made
management
the plan was an act of duty when
dominant.
be
that the modification
by a variety
With the ?dll of Fordism indeed
to take
will
representation
this reasoning
. a chance
1990s.
among
out. In this way all persons
of territorial
of political it is accepted
Following
that we make of this
should help achieve. As the political all projects should be conditioned by ;I
the territory
projects
commitment,
or on one particular
contributions
for discussion
of their roles.
Ultimately responsibility
by a
description
representations
in the
of the interaction
of the way in which
in charge legal
disputed
elements come into play: reality, its political representation Each of these elements necessarily has some degree of
but an analysis
of carrying
formal
to be of the
accessible
of these
a
at urban
vision
only
to express
both descriptions
essential. This is what a territorial description representation of reality is shaped by projects, those
more
available
require
claiming
of a territory
but also the representations
instruments
available
while
the mainstream
of reality became
includes
would
up till now efforts
of interventions
197Os, a real
experts.
technical
instruments
autonomous
effects
since
of life. This was
puts at stake not only reality,
Mazzd‘s proposal
technical
the
that the perception
with
concretely.
in the
and regional
would help ensure and debate.
innovation
in all spheres
of territory
of urban
of the Milan Trade Fair, for example,
This is an important
and effective
42 7
GAKKJ
GIII’;FPPE
and
logic dominates
that
less delerministic.
of control
ha\ e at least partly become
developing
a dialogue
of reality and the awareness to develop
age was
of analysis
;I
systems
theory
between
of technical concerning
the ways the
Without such dialogue. which may be defined as cooperation, no project will see the light of day. It is
link between
these
three
perspectives.
The demands for growth with transformation impose this first and foremost on the regions. provinces and municipalities. The regional and local communities are, in fact, those most exposed to the risk that the dynamics of mutual interaction will come to a standstill leading to decline. In northern Italy, this means that hoth the regions and the major provinces and municipalities must become financially :iutonomous in order to
428
Intergovernmental
relations in Lombardy: provinces, regions and cities
allow them to play any role at all. Moreover, role specialization
should involve: a strategy-
making role for the regions, a managing role for the municipalities and a coordinating for the provinces. a descriptive
Such a system should lead to a positive agenda, to be checked
guideline
and encompassing
role
against
both strategic and flexible actions. It should
thus enable us to face the risks and make the most of the opportunities
which no amount
of planning can forecast adequately.
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