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Japanese women and the decline of the birth rate
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Miho Ogino 1.57SHOCK N 10 June 1990, the m o r n i n g editions of all of J a p a n ' s major n e w s p a p e r s r e p o r t e d the same sensational front page story the birth rate for 1989 t u r n e d out to be 1.57, the lowest in J a p a n e s e history! Headlines such as ' W o m e n no l o n g e r w a n t children,' ' F e w e r and f ewer w o m e n choose marriage," and ' N u m b e r of aged will soon o v e r w h e l m children,' w e r e e n o u g h to cause a sense of crisis, or at least uncertainty a m o n g the readers. A n e w phrase was coined to describe the impact of this news '1.57 shock.' One year later, w h e n the Ministry of Health and Welfare a n n o u n c e d that the 1990 birth rate had d r o p p e d again to 1.53, the same reaction followed. A birth rate of 1.48 for 1993 was predicted. Meanwhile Asahi Shinbun, one of J a p a n ' s major newspapers, held a large scale symposium titled "The Shock for 2020: Decreasing Birth Rates and C h a n g e in J a p a n e s e Society.' NHK TV, a half-public, half-private national network, broadcast a p r o g r a m m e entitled "Children Will Disappear." It was an unusual d e p a r t u r e for the normally conservative NHK to air a p r o g r a m m e about w o m e n ' s issues during p r im e time, and also to have Chizuko Ueno, a noted feminist, as the main presenter. Largely as a result of such high-profile attention on the part of the media, 'Japanese w o m e n w h o d o n ' t w a n t to b e a r children' came to the attention of the nation as an important social issue.
O
NOT
A NEW PHENOMENON
However, the decline of the birth rate in J a p a n is by no means a recent p h e n o m e n o n . Rates have been declining steadily t h r o u g h o u t the last half of this century except for the baby b o o m following W o r l d W a r II and a second baby b o o m in the early 1970s w h e n the earlier b o o m e r s came of reproductive age (Figure 1). Declining birth rates are also c o m m o n in all of the so-called "developed countries,' not only in Japan. W h y are they
F i g u r e 1. birth rate -5.0
millions of births 3.0-
2.5-
-4.0
2.0-3.9
1.5-2,0
1.0-1:0
0.50 YEAR 1947
50
55
60
65
70
~75
80
85
89
Changes in the total n u m b e r o f b i r t h s in t h e b i r t h rate (Source: Asahi Shinbun, June 10 1990) making such a fuss n o w ? A n d what do w o m e n think about it? After Jap an broke out of its international isolation and adopted a policy of western-style modernisation in the late nineteenth century, the state actively p r o m o t e d an increase in population. The g en er al population was seen as a valuable r e s o u r c e for p r o d u c i n g soldiers and labourers, and the m o r e the better. After the defeat in W o r l d W ar II and the loss of territories gained during previous colonial expansion in other parts of Asia, however, Japan experienced a crisis of overpopulation due to the return of a large n u m b e r of veterans and expatriates from the f o r m e r colonies. The g o v e r n m e n t quickly r e v e r s e d its policy and b eg an a policy of anti-natal population control.
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The Eugenic Protection Law was passed in 1948 specifically to make it easier for w o m e n to have legal abortions as part of this n e w policy. Although the anti-abortion clauses in the Penal Code enacted in 1880 were never officially repealed, the n e w law permitted abortion for "economic reasons' a n d virtually legalised abortions up to 24 weeks of p r e g n a n c y (the legal time limited was cut d o w n to 22 weeks in 1991). Contraception, which had long b e e n suppressed for moral reasons, was n o w vigorously encouraged u n d e r the n e w n a m e 'family p l a n n i n g . ' Most Japanese couples welcomed this n e w policy, and the birth rate was soon half of what it had been before the war. The favorite method of contraception of Japanese couples has b e e n condoms, often used in combination with rhythm methods, ever since. W o m e n have dealt with contraceptive failure or u n p l a n n e d pregnancies by having abortions, a n d since families have had fewer children to support, parents have invested lavishly in the education of those few children. 1 After the war, the economy was shaped by both h a r d w o r k i n g m e n and women, a n d by gove r n m e n t efforts to reduce population. The typical labour pattern of m o d e r n Japanese w o m e n is to start working directly after graduation from school until marriage or childbirth, quit their jobs, then resume working at part-time, lowerpaying jobs after they have had one or two children. This is k n o w n as the M-curve employment pattern. It is a well-known fact that J a p a n ' s hardworking and passionately devoted 'salaried m e n ' were not the only motivating force behind Japan's dramatic economic development. Their wives were the secret force that enabled them, and the whole system, to function as well. As the shrinking labour pool gradually replaced overpopulation as an issue, g o v e r n m e n t officials b e g a n to show much more anxiety in public about the success of their own population control policy. In 1967, the then Prime Mmister Sato declared that the lack of labour was caused by 'excess abortion." Twice, once in the early 1970s and again in the early 1980s, a right-wing religious organisation, with ties to American 'right-to-life' groups, organised anti-abortion campaigns whose aim was to b a n abortions by eliminating the 'economic reasons' clause from the Eugenic Protection Law. Both attempts were obstructed by various w o m e n ' s groups, as the w o m e n ' s liberation m o v e m e n t was just becoming active in Japan. The slogan "A w o m a n should
decide whether or not to have a b a b y ' became the rallying cry a m o n g women. In the J a p a n of 1948, the legalisation of abortion was decided from above as a matter of national policy, a n d there was no organised w o m e n ' s m o v e m e n t to play any part in it. Ironically, these later attempts to restrict w o m e n ' s right to have an abortion caused m a n y Japanese w o m e n to think seriously about the importance of reproductive rights almost for the first time. The w o m e n a n d health m o v e m e n t also b e g a n in J a p a n at that time. Now in the 1990s, the declining birth rate is once again in the limelight. The latest declines are said to be mainly a result of better education for w o m e n a n d an increase in the n u m b e r of y o u n g w o m e n entering the work force, both of which tend to cause w o m e n to m a r r y later. Some people also criticise the growing t e n d e n c y a m o n g y o u n g people to stay single and the increase in double-income couples who choose a lifestyle without children. They accuse the y o u n g e r generation of b e c o m i n g selfish. 2 The ominous effects of an ageing society as well as the labour shortage are emphasised repeatedly in the current discourse on the birth rate. The average life span of the Japanese is n o w the longest in the world, a n d if the birth rate continues to decline, 25 per cent of the population will be over 65 by the t u r n of the century, perhaps the highest percentage in the-world. This means that the financial b u r d e n of providing pensions and medical and social services for the elderly will increase dramatically. In order to maintain an expanding economy while providing care for an ageing population, political and economic leaders assert that J a p a n must somehow increase its birth rate now, so that the proportion of young people in the population will rise. Some people even w a r n of the i m p e n d i n g decline and fall of Japanese civilisation along the same lines as the ancient Roman Empire, that fell into ruin following a serious decrease in population. 3 Thus, the declining n u m b e r of children is seen as the single greatest threat to the future prosperity of Japan, the economic giant. C H A N G E OF POLICY ,After the so-called '1.57" shock," the then Prime Minister Toshiki Kaifu declared: 'We should b r i n g the decline in our birth rate to a stop if we really care about our future." Committees whose brief was to establish the m e a n s of increasing the
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birth rate were convened one after another by the ruling Liberal Democratic Party as well as the Ministry of Health and Welfare and related ministries. Two major policy changes were made in 1991 to encourage and help couples to have and raise more children. First, the 1991 budget included an increase in the child allowance and provided financial support for night nurseries. Second, a bill was passed in May 1991, which came into effect in April 1992, that allowed for one year's parental leave for either the mother or father of a new-born baby. There is some doubt, however, about how much can be expected from these measures. The previous child allowance had paid families 2,500 yen (about US$20) per month for having a second child, and 5,000 yen for every child after the second. The new allowance has been raised per month to 5,000 yen each for the first two children, and 10,000 yen per child from the third on. But this will not go very far towards covering the huge expenses involved in giving birth to, raising, and educating a child in contemporary Japan. For example, the fee just for giving birth in a hospital is on average 360,000 yen (about US$2,880)4, a sum far greater than the monthly income of an ordinary young couple. Moreover, the t e r m of the allowance was reduced to only t h r ee years, while the previous allowance was paid until the child entered school at age six. Accordingly, although the total amount a couple with children can receive has increased, m a n y people feel that 'it just d o e s n ' t help.' The parental leave law, which gives both m e n and w o m e n w o r k i n g for private enterprises the right to take a year's parental leave from their jobs, is r a t h e r an amazing provision, because in Japan the sexual division of labour is still very strong. However, there is no provision for pay during this leave (the Ministry of Labour committee that drafted this law clung to the principle of no-work, no-pay}, so a couple must take a sharp cut in income if either of t h e m takes parental leave. An d since a w o m a n usually earns less than a man, even if she works in the same type of job, in most cases it is the w o m a n w h o takes leave, if at all. Moreover, t h e r e are no penalties for companies which violate this law. Eiji Suzuki, president of the J a p a n Economic Association, is asking J a p a n e s e companies to r e c o n s i d e r their ideas about the importance of family life for their salaried employees, but he has not p r o p o s e d any
effective m e a n s of relieving the infamous J a p a n e s e o v e r - w o r k i n g of those employees. 5 In short, although the J a p a n e s e g o v e r n m e n t and financial leaders are eagerly trying to create a national sense of crisis, they appear to be reluctant to pay the actual costs associated with raising the birth rate. Meanwhile, the Ministry of Health and Welfare, w h o used to insist that p r e g n a n c y was high risk for w o m e n o v e r thirty, has c h a n g e d its attitude and is n o w emphasising h o w safe it is. Local g o v e r n m e n t authorities are also p r o m o t i n g births, with such r e w a r d s as cash payments to celebrate births, or free n u r ser y services for third babies. In one prefecture, the local authorities b r o ad cast local television spots e n c o u r a g i n g people to have m o r e babies, and have p r o d u c e d postcards with slogans such as "I cannot play alone!' and 'Let's have an o t h er child for the one w e already h a v e ' printed on them. 6
WOMEN'S REACTION Thus, J a p a n e s e w o m e n have been s u r r o u n d e d by both o p e n and hidden calls to have m o r e children. H o w are w o m e n reacting to this situation? They w e r e quite unruffled, and neither surprised n o r shocked, as m a n y m e n were, to h e a r that the birth rate was dropping. This is because w o m e n already know that p r e s e n t J a p a n e s e society does not provide t h e m with a suitable e n v i r o n m e n t in which to bear and raise m a n y children. Many w o m e n r e s p o n d e d by saying, 'The birth rate is d r o p p i n g ? W h a t ' s all the fuss about?' W o m e n r eco g n i se the real reasons for the declining birth rate, but m a n y m e n do not, just as m e n refuse to see that there are all sorts of other problems, like sexual harassment. This is yet another indication of the g ap in p er cep t i o n s that exists b e t w e e n the sexes. F r o m w o m e n ' s letters, interviews in the newspapers, symposiums on the declining birth rate, and b r o c h u r e s and newsletters published by w o m e n ' s groups after the '1.57 shock," it is clear that w o m e n ' s interpretations of the issues are considerably different from those of g o v er n ment officials, financial leaders and the mass media. 4 The following are some of the c o m m o n factors which discourage J a p a n e s e w o m e n from having children. The first is the economic factor. Jap an is n o w considered an e c o n o m i c giant, and we certainly are rich in c o n s u m e r goods, to the extent that there is an over-supply. However, the skyrocketing price of land and the g o v e r n m e n t ' s unwill-
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ingness to do a n y t h i n g about it have b r o u g h t us serious h o u s i n g problems. Ordinary people find it difficult to b u y houses which are large e n o u g h for their families to live comfortably in, however hard they may work all their lives. A n d if they take out m a m m o t h loans to b u y their o w n houses, they have to work much longer hours to repay these. It is quite ironic that m e n often have little time to s p e n d in their o w n homes, and cannot enjoy living together with their families in the homes they work so hard for, because they have to spend so much time commuting, working overtime, or even living apart from their families because of work. Many w o m e n are virtually abandoned, living like single mothers. The high price of land also deprives children of parks and space to play in the big cities. The expense of raising a child, especially the high cost of education, is another i m p o r t a n t economic factor. Because of J a p a n ' s high economic growth, which b e g a n in the 1960s, the n u m b e r of children who go to secondary school has reached 94 per cent. Moreover, more than 35 per cent of both y o u n g m e n and w o m e n go to universities and j u n i o r colleges. Most children expect their parents to pay their tuition, living expenses, and even the rent of their apartments so they can live away from home. For this reason, according to one survey, it costs parents at least 24 million yen (about US$192,000) to raise one child from birth until university graduation if the child goes to state schools, and 61 million yen (US$488,000) if the child goes to private schools a n d a private medical college. Thus, each child costs the equivalent of buying a small or medium-sized apartmerit. 7 Housing loans and educational expenses are a heavy b u r d e n on the finances of Japanese salaried workers. Results of a survey by the Ministry of Labour show that the n u m b e r of w o m e n who work parttime increased by 1.2 million between 1988 a n d 1990, and that one out of three of these w o m e n works to pay for their children's educational expenses. 8 In a nationwide opinion poll, conducted in F e b r u a r y 1991, 57.7 per cent of female respondents cited the high cost of raising children, especially educational expenses, as the most important factor in the declining birth rate. a Children are n o w a great m o n e y drain and have become a luxury, Only the well-off can afford to have more than one. The next important factor is that childrearing is too big a b u r d e n for women. In Japan, most
people still think that childrearing is exclusively the responsibility of women. It is a c o m m o n belief that w o m e n should stay at home a n d raise the children, especially until they reach the age of three. In fact, about 36 per cent of w o m e n with children u n d e r the age of six work outside the home 1°, a n d there is a serious shortage of nurseries and other facilities to help them. W o m e n who w a n t to continue w o r k i n g after having a child, and w o m e n who m u s t continue working for financial reasons, are forced to live their lives like acrobats, without m e n ' s help, with limited time and u n d e r extreme stress, both mental a n d physical. It is only natural that a lot of w o m e n do not wish to repeat such an u n r e w a r d i n g experience, or think it impossible to take on such a difficult role in the first place. Furthermore, w o m e n are expected not just to raise children, but to raise ' g o o d quality" children, as m e a s u r e d by the standards of today's very competitive society. As one feminist obstetrician/gynaecologist has remarked, mothers are expected to take absolute responsibility for every step their children take, a n d to push them without mercy to perform well in school. If the children cannot keep up, the mothers are blamed and made to feel that there is no hope for the future. It has reached a point where w o m e n are even expected to get t r a i n i n g for motherhood, including for daily household tasks and hobbies. They are constantly on edge, lest they be called bad mothers. With these pressures, the feeling of not w a n t i n g more children is aggravated. 11 In this way, raising children is not just tiring, but also work which does not allow for "failure'. According to a Ministry of Health and Welfare survey, w o m e n who felt that childrearing was worthwhile included 75 per cent of w o m e n surveyed in France, 71 per cent in the UK, 49 per cent in the USA, but only 21 per cent in Japan. 12 These figures reveal the severity of the situation in Japan. There are, of course, other reasons why w o m e n do not want to have children - some do not like children to begin with, some hold no hope for the future of the global e n v i r o n m e n t with its advancing destruction, and there are various other reasons, d e p e n d i n g on the individaal. But on the whole, m a n y w o m e n seem to agree that the decline in the Japanese birth rate has emerged as a form of retaliation a n d the price to be paid for a post-World W a r II society which has consistently placed its priorities on
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economic development and worked on the principle of koritsu-shijo-shugi (absolute efficiency). The d e c l i n i n g b i r t h r a t e is a f o r m of "birth strike' by w o m e n a g a i n s t a m a l e - d o m i n a t e d society w h i c h f o r s a k e s t h e weak. 13 W h i l e m e n in b u s i n e s s a n d t h e m a s s m e d i a a r e concerned about the declining birth rate because it c o n t r i b u t e s to a d e c r e a s e in p o p u l a t i o n , t h e a g e i n g of society, a n d t h e l a b o u r s h o r t a g e in J a p a n , m a n y w o m e n d i s a g r e e a n d p r o p o s e to see t h e issue f r o m a different angle. F o r example, they point out that the population problem s h o u l d b e c o n s i d e r e d o n a global scale, a n d n o t on a n a t i o n a l scale. C o u n t r i e s like J a p a n , w h i c h c o n s u m e excessive a m o u n t s of t h e e a r t h ' s resources, w o u l d do b e t t e r to take p r e c a u t i o n s a g a i n s t p o p u l a t i o n i n c r e a s e s instead, so t h a t t h e y p o s e n o f u r t h e r t h r e a t to p e o p l e in t h e S o u t h e r n H e m i s p h e r e . ~4 As for t h e a g e i n g society a n d t h e l a b o u r s h o r t age, o n e feminist h a s p r o p o s e d c h a n g i n g t h e c o n c e p t of l a b o u r itself in o r d e r to solve t h e s e p r o b l e m s : "The policies a n d m e a s u r e s w h i c h a r e essential to a n a g e i n g society include t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t of a w o r k i n g e n v i r o n m e n t in w h i c h p e o p l e o v e r 65 y e a r s of a g e can h e l p s u p p o r t society a l o n g w i t h y o u n g e r people, o r at least b e s e l f - s u p p o r t i n g , to t h e b e s t of t h e i r ability; w h e r e e a c h individual c a n m a k e t h e m o s t of t h e i r s t r e n g t h s a n d desires, e v e n if t h e y h a v e slight physical disabilities. "15 A n o t h e r a s s e r t s t h a t J a p a n s h o u l d o p e n its d o o r s to f o r e i g n labour. 16 Thus, m a n y J a p a n e s e w o m e n o b v i o u s l y h a v e different views f r o m o u r male l e a d e r s a b o u t t h e p r o b l e m of t h e d e c l i n i n g b i r t h rate, a n d t h e y do n o t h e s i t a t e to voice t h e i r a n g e r at t h e selfishness a n d n a r r o w - m i n d e d n e s s of t h o s e m e n w h o b e s e e c h w o m e n to ' b e fruitful a n d multiply.'
W o m e n k n o w t h a t t h e r e is a serious p r o b l e m w i t h t h e p r e s e n t social system, w h i c h h a s b e e n built w i t h h e a l t h y m e n in t h e p r i m e of life as its only s t a n d a r d , a n d t h a t t h e r e is n o h o p e for an i n c r e a s e in t h e b i r t h r a t e w i t h o u t serious efforts to r e f o r m ~his social system, far b e y o n d t h e n e w p a r e n t a l leave a n d t h e i n c r e a s e d c h i t d c a r e allowance. They also a s s e r t that, e v e n if s u c h r e f o r m s w e r e c a r r i e d out, t h e decision w h e t h e r or n o t to h a v e children, or h o w m a n y c h i l d r e n to have, r e s t s ultimately w i t h w o m e n themselves. M e n w h o s u p p o r t similar views o n t h e s e issues a r e s t a r t i n g to m a k e public s t a t e m e n t s as well. Toshio Kuroda, f o r m e r h e a d of t h e Institute of P o p u l a t i o n P r o b l e m s , M i n i s t r y of H e a l t h a n d Welfare, h a s criticised g o v e r n m e n t m o v e s to p r o m o t e m o r e b i r t h s as a v e r y d a n g e r o u s idea. He h a s also s u p p o r t e d t h e view t h a t t h e r i g h t to decide h o w m a n y c h i l d r e n to h a v e s h o u l d always b e l o n g to t h e individual couple. 17 A n o t h e r , a p o p ular columnist, h a s a n a l y s e d t h e decline in t h e b i r t h r a t e as ' t h e g r e a t w a r ' w a g e d a g a i n s t m e n , by w o m e n w h o h a v e s e e n t h r o u g h t h e social cons t r u c t i o n s t h a t a r e f a v o u r a b l e to m e n alone. N o t h i n g will c h a n g e for t h e better, he claims, until J a p a n e s e m e n s t a r t to c h a n g e t h e m s e l v e s . 18 For about a century now, Japanese w o m e n h a v e r a t h e r o b e d i e n t l y followed g o v e r n m e n t o r d e r s to i n c r e a s e t h e p o p u l a t i o n by h a v i n g m o r e babies, or to r e d u c e t h e p o p u l a t i o n by h a v ing f e w e r babies. H o w e v e r , w i t h t h e c u r r e n t cont r o v e r s y o v e r t h e d e c l i n i n g b i r t h rate, a c h a n g e in w o m e n ' s c o n s c i o u s n e s s s e e m s to h a v e b e g u n to develop. The idea t h a t r e p r o d u c t i v e r i g h t s are f u n d a m e n t a l h u m a n r i g h t s for w o m e n is n o t yet widely a c c e p t e d in J a p a n . Nevertheless, t h e p r o b l e m of t h e d e c l i n i n g b i r t h r a t e m a y b e a g o o d place to s t a r t m a k i n g it so.
References 1. For details of the pattern of contraceptive use and abortion in Japan, see Miho Ogino, Abortion and women's reproductive rights: the state of Japanese women 1945-1991, Women of Japan and Korea. Joyce Gelb and Marian Leif Palley (eds), Temple University Press, USA (forthcoming). 2. For example, see "Kohoku Shunju' in Kohoku Shinbun,
13 June 1990, and letter from a 77-year-old man in Asahi Shinbun 20 June 1990. 3. Korekara-no katei-to kosodate-ni kansuru kondan kai (Meeting on the future of th.e family and childrearing), Kosodate (Childrearing), Gyosei, 1990, p 210. 4. Yomiuri-Shinbun, 2 July 1991. 5. Record of the symposium, The Shock for 2020, in Asahi Shinbun,
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5 November 1990. 6. See the articles in the evening editions of Asahi Shinbun, 16 February 1991, and Yomiuri Shinbun, 28 February 1992. 7. Asahi Shinbun, 8 April 1991. 8. "Kyoiku binbo" (Poverty because of education), Asahi Shinbun, 2 September 1991. 9. The evening edition of Yomiuri Shinbun, 12 March 1991 10. Yomiuri Shinbun, 12 May 1991.
11. Yuriko Marumoto, Keiko Higuchi, Akiko Domoto and Yumiko Yanson, Onna-wa naze k o d o m o - o umanainoka (Why won't women have children?), Tokyo, Rodojunpo-sha, 1991, p.10. 12. Editorial, Yomiuri Shinbun, 14 June 1990. 13. Interview with Yuriko Marumoto in Asahi Shinbun, 3 July 1990. 14. Keiko Higuchi's report in Onnawa naze, op cit, pp. 21-4. 15. [bid, p25. 16. Chizuko Ueno, 1.57 shokku: shusshoritu, ldnishiteirunowa dare? (1.57 shock: who is anxious about the birth rate?), Kyoto, Shokado, 1991, pp 42-49 & 66-7. 17. Toshio Kuroda, in Mairdchi Shinbun 14 July 1990. 18. Yukichi Amano in the evening edition of Tokyo Shinbun, 14 June 1990.
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Miho Ogino 1.57SHOCK N 10 June 1990, the m o r n i n g editions of all of J a p a n ' s major n e w s p a p e r s r e p o r t e d the same sensational front page story the birth rate for 1989 t u r n e d out to be 1.57, the lowest in J a p a n e s e history! Headlines such as ' W o m e n no l o n g e r w a n t children,' ' F e w e r and f ewer w o m e n choose marriage," and ' N u m b e r of aged will soon o v e r w h e l m children,' w e r e e n o u g h to cause a sense of crisis, or at least uncertainty a m o n g the readers. A n e w phrase was coined to describe the impact of this news '1.57 shock.' One year later, w h e n the Ministry of Health and Welfare a n n o u n c e d that the 1990 birth rate had d r o p p e d again to 1.53, the same reaction followed. A birth rate of 1.48 for 1993 was predicted. Meanwhile Asahi Shinbun, one of J a p a n ' s major newspapers, held a large scale symposium titled "The Shock for 2020: Decreasing Birth Rates and C h a n g e in J a p a n e s e Society.' NHK TV, a half-public, half-private national network, broadcast a p r o g r a m m e entitled "Children Will Disappear." It was an unusual d e p a r t u r e for the normally conservative NHK to air a p r o g r a m m e about w o m e n ' s issues during p r im e time, and also to have Chizuko Ueno, a noted feminist, as the main presenter. Largely as a result of such high-profile attention on the part of the media, 'Japanese w o m e n w h o d o n ' t w a n t to b e a r children' came to the attention of the nation as an important social issue.
O
NOT
A NEW PHENOMENON
However, the decline of the birth rate in J a p a n is by no means a recent p h e n o m e n o n . Rates have been declining steadily t h r o u g h o u t the last half of this century except for the baby b o o m following W o r l d W a r II and a second baby b o o m in the early 1970s w h e n the earlier b o o m e r s came of reproductive age (Figure 1). Declining birth rates are also c o m m o n in all of the so-called "developed countries,' not only in Japan. W h y are they
F i g u r e 1. birth rate -5.0
millions of births 3.0-
2.5-
-4.0
2.0-3.9
1.5-2,0
1.0-1:0
0.50 YEAR 1947
50
55
60
65
70
~75
80
85
89
Changes in the total n u m b e r o f b i r t h s in t h e b i r t h rate (Source: Asahi Shinbun, June 10 1990) making such a fuss n o w ? A n d what do w o m e n think about it? After Jap an broke out of its international isolation and adopted a policy of western-style modernisation in the late nineteenth century, the state actively p r o m o t e d an increase in population. The g en er al population was seen as a valuable r e s o u r c e for p r o d u c i n g soldiers and labourers, and the m o r e the better. After the defeat in W o r l d W ar II and the loss of territories gained during previous colonial expansion in other parts of Asia, however, Japan experienced a crisis of overpopulation due to the return of a large n u m b e r of veterans and expatriates from the f o r m e r colonies. The g o v e r n m e n t quickly r e v e r s e d its policy and b eg an a policy of anti-natal population control.
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The Eugenic Protection Law was passed in 1948 specifically to make it easier for w o m e n to have legal abortions as part of this n e w policy. Although the anti-abortion clauses in the Penal Code enacted in 1880 were never officially repealed, the n e w law permitted abortion for "economic reasons' a n d virtually legalised abortions up to 24 weeks of p r e g n a n c y (the legal time limited was cut d o w n to 22 weeks in 1991). Contraception, which had long b e e n suppressed for moral reasons, was n o w vigorously encouraged u n d e r the n e w n a m e 'family p l a n n i n g . ' Most Japanese couples welcomed this n e w policy, and the birth rate was soon half of what it had been before the war. The favorite method of contraception of Japanese couples has b e e n condoms, often used in combination with rhythm methods, ever since. W o m e n have dealt with contraceptive failure or u n p l a n n e d pregnancies by having abortions, a n d since families have had fewer children to support, parents have invested lavishly in the education of those few children. 1 After the war, the economy was shaped by both h a r d w o r k i n g m e n and women, a n d by gove r n m e n t efforts to reduce population. The typical labour pattern of m o d e r n Japanese w o m e n is to start working directly after graduation from school until marriage or childbirth, quit their jobs, then resume working at part-time, lowerpaying jobs after they have had one or two children. This is k n o w n as the M-curve employment pattern. It is a well-known fact that J a p a n ' s hardworking and passionately devoted 'salaried m e n ' were not the only motivating force behind Japan's dramatic economic development. Their wives were the secret force that enabled them, and the whole system, to function as well. As the shrinking labour pool gradually replaced overpopulation as an issue, g o v e r n m e n t officials b e g a n to show much more anxiety in public about the success of their own population control policy. In 1967, the then Prime Mmister Sato declared that the lack of labour was caused by 'excess abortion." Twice, once in the early 1970s and again in the early 1980s, a right-wing religious organisation, with ties to American 'right-to-life' groups, organised anti-abortion campaigns whose aim was to b a n abortions by eliminating the 'economic reasons' clause from the Eugenic Protection Law. Both attempts were obstructed by various w o m e n ' s groups, as the w o m e n ' s liberation m o v e m e n t was just becoming active in Japan. The slogan "A w o m a n should
decide whether or not to have a b a b y ' became the rallying cry a m o n g women. In the J a p a n of 1948, the legalisation of abortion was decided from above as a matter of national policy, a n d there was no organised w o m e n ' s m o v e m e n t to play any part in it. Ironically, these later attempts to restrict w o m e n ' s right to have an abortion caused m a n y Japanese w o m e n to think seriously about the importance of reproductive rights almost for the first time. The w o m e n a n d health m o v e m e n t also b e g a n in J a p a n at that time. Now in the 1990s, the declining birth rate is once again in the limelight. The latest declines are said to be mainly a result of better education for w o m e n a n d an increase in the n u m b e r of y o u n g w o m e n entering the work force, both of which tend to cause w o m e n to m a r r y later. Some people also criticise the growing t e n d e n c y a m o n g y o u n g people to stay single and the increase in double-income couples who choose a lifestyle without children. They accuse the y o u n g e r generation of b e c o m i n g selfish. 2 The ominous effects of an ageing society as well as the labour shortage are emphasised repeatedly in the current discourse on the birth rate. The average life span of the Japanese is n o w the longest in the world, a n d if the birth rate continues to decline, 25 per cent of the population will be over 65 by the t u r n of the century, perhaps the highest percentage in the-world. This means that the financial b u r d e n of providing pensions and medical and social services for the elderly will increase dramatically. In order to maintain an expanding economy while providing care for an ageing population, political and economic leaders assert that J a p a n must somehow increase its birth rate now, so that the proportion of young people in the population will rise. Some people even w a r n of the i m p e n d i n g decline and fall of Japanese civilisation along the same lines as the ancient Roman Empire, that fell into ruin following a serious decrease in population. 3 Thus, the declining n u m b e r of children is seen as the single greatest threat to the future prosperity of Japan, the economic giant. C H A N G E OF POLICY ,After the so-called '1.57" shock," the then Prime Minister Toshiki Kaifu declared: 'We should b r i n g the decline in our birth rate to a stop if we really care about our future." Committees whose brief was to establish the m e a n s of increasing the
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birth rate were convened one after another by the ruling Liberal Democratic Party as well as the Ministry of Health and Welfare and related ministries. Two major policy changes were made in 1991 to encourage and help couples to have and raise more children. First, the 1991 budget included an increase in the child allowance and provided financial support for night nurseries. Second, a bill was passed in May 1991, which came into effect in April 1992, that allowed for one year's parental leave for either the mother or father of a new-born baby. There is some doubt, however, about how much can be expected from these measures. The previous child allowance had paid families 2,500 yen (about US$20) per month for having a second child, and 5,000 yen for every child after the second. The new allowance has been raised per month to 5,000 yen each for the first two children, and 10,000 yen per child from the third on. But this will not go very far towards covering the huge expenses involved in giving birth to, raising, and educating a child in contemporary Japan. For example, the fee just for giving birth in a hospital is on average 360,000 yen (about US$2,880)4, a sum far greater than the monthly income of an ordinary young couple. Moreover, the t e r m of the allowance was reduced to only t h r ee years, while the previous allowance was paid until the child entered school at age six. Accordingly, although the total amount a couple with children can receive has increased, m a n y people feel that 'it just d o e s n ' t help.' The parental leave law, which gives both m e n and w o m e n w o r k i n g for private enterprises the right to take a year's parental leave from their jobs, is r a t h e r an amazing provision, because in Japan the sexual division of labour is still very strong. However, there is no provision for pay during this leave (the Ministry of Labour committee that drafted this law clung to the principle of no-work, no-pay}, so a couple must take a sharp cut in income if either of t h e m takes parental leave. An d since a w o m a n usually earns less than a man, even if she works in the same type of job, in most cases it is the w o m a n w h o takes leave, if at all. Moreover, t h e r e are no penalties for companies which violate this law. Eiji Suzuki, president of the J a p a n Economic Association, is asking J a p a n e s e companies to r e c o n s i d e r their ideas about the importance of family life for their salaried employees, but he has not p r o p o s e d any
effective m e a n s of relieving the infamous J a p a n e s e o v e r - w o r k i n g of those employees. 5 In short, although the J a p a n e s e g o v e r n m e n t and financial leaders are eagerly trying to create a national sense of crisis, they appear to be reluctant to pay the actual costs associated with raising the birth rate. Meanwhile, the Ministry of Health and Welfare, w h o used to insist that p r e g n a n c y was high risk for w o m e n o v e r thirty, has c h a n g e d its attitude and is n o w emphasising h o w safe it is. Local g o v e r n m e n t authorities are also p r o m o t i n g births, with such r e w a r d s as cash payments to celebrate births, or free n u r ser y services for third babies. In one prefecture, the local authorities b r o ad cast local television spots e n c o u r a g i n g people to have m o r e babies, and have p r o d u c e d postcards with slogans such as "I cannot play alone!' and 'Let's have an o t h er child for the one w e already h a v e ' printed on them. 6
WOMEN'S REACTION Thus, J a p a n e s e w o m e n have been s u r r o u n d e d by both o p e n and hidden calls to have m o r e children. H o w are w o m e n reacting to this situation? They w e r e quite unruffled, and neither surprised n o r shocked, as m a n y m e n were, to h e a r that the birth rate was dropping. This is because w o m e n already know that p r e s e n t J a p a n e s e society does not provide t h e m with a suitable e n v i r o n m e n t in which to bear and raise m a n y children. Many w o m e n r e s p o n d e d by saying, 'The birth rate is d r o p p i n g ? W h a t ' s all the fuss about?' W o m e n r eco g n i se the real reasons for the declining birth rate, but m a n y m e n do not, just as m e n refuse to see that there are all sorts of other problems, like sexual harassment. This is yet another indication of the g ap in p er cep t i o n s that exists b e t w e e n the sexes. F r o m w o m e n ' s letters, interviews in the newspapers, symposiums on the declining birth rate, and b r o c h u r e s and newsletters published by w o m e n ' s groups after the '1.57 shock," it is clear that w o m e n ' s interpretations of the issues are considerably different from those of g o v er n ment officials, financial leaders and the mass media. 4 The following are some of the c o m m o n factors which discourage J a p a n e s e w o m e n from having children. The first is the economic factor. Jap an is n o w considered an e c o n o m i c giant, and we certainly are rich in c o n s u m e r goods, to the extent that there is an over-supply. However, the skyrocketing price of land and the g o v e r n m e n t ' s unwill-
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ingness to do a n y t h i n g about it have b r o u g h t us serious h o u s i n g problems. Ordinary people find it difficult to b u y houses which are large e n o u g h for their families to live comfortably in, however hard they may work all their lives. A n d if they take out m a m m o t h loans to b u y their o w n houses, they have to work much longer hours to repay these. It is quite ironic that m e n often have little time to s p e n d in their o w n homes, and cannot enjoy living together with their families in the homes they work so hard for, because they have to spend so much time commuting, working overtime, or even living apart from their families because of work. Many w o m e n are virtually abandoned, living like single mothers. The high price of land also deprives children of parks and space to play in the big cities. The expense of raising a child, especially the high cost of education, is another i m p o r t a n t economic factor. Because of J a p a n ' s high economic growth, which b e g a n in the 1960s, the n u m b e r of children who go to secondary school has reached 94 per cent. Moreover, more than 35 per cent of both y o u n g m e n and w o m e n go to universities and j u n i o r colleges. Most children expect their parents to pay their tuition, living expenses, and even the rent of their apartments so they can live away from home. For this reason, according to one survey, it costs parents at least 24 million yen (about US$192,000) to raise one child from birth until university graduation if the child goes to state schools, and 61 million yen (US$488,000) if the child goes to private schools a n d a private medical college. Thus, each child costs the equivalent of buying a small or medium-sized apartmerit. 7 Housing loans and educational expenses are a heavy b u r d e n on the finances of Japanese salaried workers. Results of a survey by the Ministry of Labour show that the n u m b e r of w o m e n who work parttime increased by 1.2 million between 1988 a n d 1990, and that one out of three of these w o m e n works to pay for their children's educational expenses. 8 In a nationwide opinion poll, conducted in F e b r u a r y 1991, 57.7 per cent of female respondents cited the high cost of raising children, especially educational expenses, as the most important factor in the declining birth rate. a Children are n o w a great m o n e y drain and have become a luxury, Only the well-off can afford to have more than one. The next important factor is that childrearing is too big a b u r d e n for women. In Japan, most
people still think that childrearing is exclusively the responsibility of women. It is a c o m m o n belief that w o m e n should stay at home a n d raise the children, especially until they reach the age of three. In fact, about 36 per cent of w o m e n with children u n d e r the age of six work outside the home 1°, a n d there is a serious shortage of nurseries and other facilities to help them. W o m e n who w a n t to continue w o r k i n g after having a child, and w o m e n who m u s t continue working for financial reasons, are forced to live their lives like acrobats, without m e n ' s help, with limited time and u n d e r extreme stress, both mental a n d physical. It is only natural that a lot of w o m e n do not wish to repeat such an u n r e w a r d i n g experience, or think it impossible to take on such a difficult role in the first place. Furthermore, w o m e n are expected not just to raise children, but to raise ' g o o d quality" children, as m e a s u r e d by the standards of today's very competitive society. As one feminist obstetrician/gynaecologist has remarked, mothers are expected to take absolute responsibility for every step their children take, a n d to push them without mercy to perform well in school. If the children cannot keep up, the mothers are blamed and made to feel that there is no hope for the future. It has reached a point where w o m e n are even expected to get t r a i n i n g for motherhood, including for daily household tasks and hobbies. They are constantly on edge, lest they be called bad mothers. With these pressures, the feeling of not w a n t i n g more children is aggravated. 11 In this way, raising children is not just tiring, but also work which does not allow for "failure'. According to a Ministry of Health and Welfare survey, w o m e n who felt that childrearing was worthwhile included 75 per cent of w o m e n surveyed in France, 71 per cent in the UK, 49 per cent in the USA, but only 21 per cent in Japan. 12 These figures reveal the severity of the situation in Japan. There are, of course, other reasons why w o m e n do not want to have children - some do not like children to begin with, some hold no hope for the future of the global e n v i r o n m e n t with its advancing destruction, and there are various other reasons, d e p e n d i n g on the individaal. But on the whole, m a n y w o m e n seem to agree that the decline in the Japanese birth rate has emerged as a form of retaliation a n d the price to be paid for a post-World W a r II society which has consistently placed its priorities on
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economic development and worked on the principle of koritsu-shijo-shugi (absolute efficiency). The d e c l i n i n g b i r t h r a t e is a f o r m of "birth strike' by w o m e n a g a i n s t a m a l e - d o m i n a t e d society w h i c h f o r s a k e s t h e weak. 13 W h i l e m e n in b u s i n e s s a n d t h e m a s s m e d i a a r e concerned about the declining birth rate because it c o n t r i b u t e s to a d e c r e a s e in p o p u l a t i o n , t h e a g e i n g of society, a n d t h e l a b o u r s h o r t a g e in J a p a n , m a n y w o m e n d i s a g r e e a n d p r o p o s e to see t h e issue f r o m a different angle. F o r example, they point out that the population problem s h o u l d b e c o n s i d e r e d o n a global scale, a n d n o t on a n a t i o n a l scale. C o u n t r i e s like J a p a n , w h i c h c o n s u m e excessive a m o u n t s of t h e e a r t h ' s resources, w o u l d do b e t t e r to take p r e c a u t i o n s a g a i n s t p o p u l a t i o n i n c r e a s e s instead, so t h a t t h e y p o s e n o f u r t h e r t h r e a t to p e o p l e in t h e S o u t h e r n H e m i s p h e r e . ~4 As for t h e a g e i n g society a n d t h e l a b o u r s h o r t age, o n e feminist h a s p r o p o s e d c h a n g i n g t h e c o n c e p t of l a b o u r itself in o r d e r to solve t h e s e p r o b l e m s : "The policies a n d m e a s u r e s w h i c h a r e essential to a n a g e i n g society include t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t of a w o r k i n g e n v i r o n m e n t in w h i c h p e o p l e o v e r 65 y e a r s of a g e can h e l p s u p p o r t society a l o n g w i t h y o u n g e r people, o r at least b e s e l f - s u p p o r t i n g , to t h e b e s t of t h e i r ability; w h e r e e a c h individual c a n m a k e t h e m o s t of t h e i r s t r e n g t h s a n d desires, e v e n if t h e y h a v e slight physical disabilities. "15 A n o t h e r a s s e r t s t h a t J a p a n s h o u l d o p e n its d o o r s to f o r e i g n labour. 16 Thus, m a n y J a p a n e s e w o m e n o b v i o u s l y h a v e different views f r o m o u r male l e a d e r s a b o u t t h e p r o b l e m of t h e d e c l i n i n g b i r t h rate, a n d t h e y do n o t h e s i t a t e to voice t h e i r a n g e r at t h e selfishness a n d n a r r o w - m i n d e d n e s s of t h o s e m e n w h o b e s e e c h w o m e n to ' b e fruitful a n d multiply.'
W o m e n k n o w t h a t t h e r e is a serious p r o b l e m w i t h t h e p r e s e n t social system, w h i c h h a s b e e n built w i t h h e a l t h y m e n in t h e p r i m e of life as its only s t a n d a r d , a n d t h a t t h e r e is n o h o p e for an i n c r e a s e in t h e b i r t h r a t e w i t h o u t serious efforts to r e f o r m ~his social system, far b e y o n d t h e n e w p a r e n t a l leave a n d t h e i n c r e a s e d c h i t d c a r e allowance. They also a s s e r t that, e v e n if s u c h r e f o r m s w e r e c a r r i e d out, t h e decision w h e t h e r or n o t to h a v e children, or h o w m a n y c h i l d r e n to have, r e s t s ultimately w i t h w o m e n themselves. M e n w h o s u p p o r t similar views o n t h e s e issues a r e s t a r t i n g to m a k e public s t a t e m e n t s as well. Toshio Kuroda, f o r m e r h e a d of t h e Institute of P o p u l a t i o n P r o b l e m s , M i n i s t r y of H e a l t h a n d Welfare, h a s criticised g o v e r n m e n t m o v e s to p r o m o t e m o r e b i r t h s as a v e r y d a n g e r o u s idea. He h a s also s u p p o r t e d t h e view t h a t t h e r i g h t to decide h o w m a n y c h i l d r e n to h a v e s h o u l d always b e l o n g to t h e individual couple. 17 A n o t h e r , a p o p ular columnist, h a s a n a l y s e d t h e decline in t h e b i r t h r a t e as ' t h e g r e a t w a r ' w a g e d a g a i n s t m e n , by w o m e n w h o h a v e s e e n t h r o u g h t h e social cons t r u c t i o n s t h a t a r e f a v o u r a b l e to m e n alone. N o t h i n g will c h a n g e for t h e better, he claims, until J a p a n e s e m e n s t a r t to c h a n g e t h e m s e l v e s . 18 For about a century now, Japanese w o m e n h a v e r a t h e r o b e d i e n t l y followed g o v e r n m e n t o r d e r s to i n c r e a s e t h e p o p u l a t i o n by h a v i n g m o r e babies, or to r e d u c e t h e p o p u l a t i o n by h a v ing f e w e r babies. H o w e v e r , w i t h t h e c u r r e n t cont r o v e r s y o v e r t h e d e c l i n i n g b i r t h rate, a c h a n g e in w o m e n ' s c o n s c i o u s n e s s s e e m s to h a v e b e g u n to develop. The idea t h a t r e p r o d u c t i v e r i g h t s are f u n d a m e n t a l h u m a n r i g h t s for w o m e n is n o t yet widely a c c e p t e d in J a p a n . Nevertheless, t h e p r o b l e m of t h e d e c l i n i n g b i r t h r a t e m a y b e a g o o d place to s t a r t m a k i n g it so.
References 1. For details of the pattern of contraceptive use and abortion in Japan, see Miho Ogino, Abortion and women's reproductive rights: the state of Japanese women 1945-1991, Women of Japan and Korea. Joyce Gelb and Marian Leif Palley (eds), Temple University Press, USA (forthcoming). 2. For example, see "Kohoku Shunju' in Kohoku Shinbun,
13 June 1990, and letter from a 77-year-old man in Asahi Shinbun 20 June 1990. 3. Korekara-no katei-to kosodate-ni kansuru kondan kai (Meeting on the future of th.e family and childrearing), Kosodate (Childrearing), Gyosei, 1990, p 210. 4. Yomiuri-Shinbun, 2 July 1991. 5. Record of the symposium, The Shock for 2020, in Asahi Shinbun,
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5 November 1990. 6. See the articles in the evening editions of Asahi Shinbun, 16 February 1991, and Yomiuri Shinbun, 28 February 1992. 7. Asahi Shinbun, 8 April 1991. 8. "Kyoiku binbo" (Poverty because of education), Asahi Shinbun, 2 September 1991. 9. The evening edition of Yomiuri Shinbun, 12 March 1991 10. Yomiuri Shinbun, 12 May 1991.
11. Yuriko Marumoto, Keiko Higuchi, Akiko Domoto and Yumiko Yanson, Onna-wa naze k o d o m o - o umanainoka (Why won't women have children?), Tokyo, Rodojunpo-sha, 1991, p.10. 12. Editorial, Yomiuri Shinbun, 14 June 1990. 13. Interview with Yuriko Marumoto in Asahi Shinbun, 3 July 1990. 14. Keiko Higuchi's report in Onnawa naze, op cit, pp. 21-4. 15. [bid, p25. 16. Chizuko Ueno, 1.57 shokku: shusshoritu, ldnishiteirunowa dare? (1.57 shock: who is anxious about the birth rate?), Kyoto, Shokado, 1991, pp 42-49 & 66-7. 17. Toshio Kuroda, in Mairdchi Shinbun 14 July 1990. 18. Yukichi Amano in the evening edition of Tokyo Shinbun, 14 June 1990.
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