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Land re-organisation in relation to roads in an Indian city
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Land Use Policy 18 (2001) 191}199
Land re-organisation in relation to roads in an Indian city Shahab Fazal Department of Geography, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh, India Received 7 July 1999; received in revised form 21 March 2000; accepted 23 May 2000
Abstract Accessibility plays an important role in land-use change or re-organisation, especially in and around settlements. Indian cities are strongly dependent on roads for transportation. The road network is so important in India that the development and growth of several cities stemmed from their location along major roads. Competition for accessible sites is strong, and the land-use patterns of Indian cities are highly dynamic. This study examines the role of accessibility in the re-organisation of urban land and focuses on Saharanpur, which is a Class I city (population of 100,000 and above) of western Uttar Pradesh (India). It traditionally had an agrarian-dominated population, but lately because of the emergence of several industries, the city has lost its agrarian fabric and more and more of its population are now quitting the agrarian sector and switching to the secondary and tertiary sectors. This development in the secondary and tertiary sectors is attracting migrants not only from the city's hinterland but also from longer distances. The result is a massive expansion of the city as well as re-organisation of land. The study is based on remotely sensed data, processed in a GIS environment using ILWIS software. 2001 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved. Keywords: Urban land use; Accessibility; Roads; Indian cities
Introduction Several studies have highlighted the fact that the character of urban land-use patterns in Indian cities is very di!erent from those in western cities, but have also observed a degree of homogeneity within the Indian cities (e.g. Yadav, 1988). Breese (1969) stated that the characteristic feature of Indian urban land use is its high degree of mixing, often to the extent that it is di$cult to discern any pattern. Even in large (&million') cities, this sort of indiscriminate land use persists. In Kanpur, for example, Chandrasekhar (Misra, 1998) observes that most of the markets have double use (i.e. both residential and commercial), and that density is particularly high in the central part of the city. Similar features have been noticed near the Victoria Terminus Railway Station in the metropolitan city of Bombay (Arunachalam, in Misra, 1998), and in Madras, where the industrial areas are closely inter-mixed with residential developments (Dattatari, in Misra, 1998). In smaller cities and towns, the inter-mixing of land use is even more pronounced (Alam and Pokshishevsky, 1976).
E-mail address: shahabfazal@redi!mail.com (S. Fazal).
While western cities have di!erent land-use zones characterised by dominant uses, Indian cities tend to have di!erent areal blocks with several activities in each (Surekha, 1988). This results in a division of a large city into smaller entities, which are mostly self-contained and loosely co-ordinated with each other. It is the Indian way to compromise with space by saving long distances. This is because of the general tendency of the people to live near their workplace to save on travel. Even wealthier and higher-strata people try to settle in the city centre (Misra, 1998). Thus, land uses of various sorts are so mixed that people "nd everything ordinarily necessary within walking distance. That is why Indian cities are rightly termed pedestrian cities (Surekha, 1988). This characteristic points towards the importance of roads and lanes, which serve as arteries in Indian cities. The zones near these roads and lanes enjoy comparatively high land values. Misra (1998) observed that the spatial expansion of the Indian cities is more pronounced along the transport arteries, and along the roads in particular. These roads change the patterns of the city growth from circular (as observed in western cities) to linear (as observed in Indian cities). With expansion, low-value land use is replaced by high-value land use.
0264-8377/01/$ - see front matter 2001 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved. PII: S 0 2 6 4 - 8 3 7 7 ( 0 1 ) 0 0 0 0 7 - 2
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Accessibility plays an important role in land-use change or re-organisation, especially in and around settlements (Deshpande, 1980). The spatial elasticity of demand and the range of land utilisation is greatly in#uenced by two factors*dynamic requirements and availability of land*both of which are so inter-linked that they together in#uence land use (Borah, 1985). In view of the variability of land availability over space, it is to be expected that di!erent locations would specialise in di!erent land uses. Areal specialisation proceeds with development, but distance emerges as an important determinant of location for many land uses (Verma, 1995). Importantly, comparative advantage in terms of accessibility by itself is not a su$cient condition but di!erences between the land values also play a vital role in in#uencing the use of any land parcel in and around a settlement. Road is the most popular mode of transport in India because of its reliability, e$ciency and above all because it needs less capital than its alternatives. Roads are especially important for transportation over shorter distances. The road network is therefore a signi"cant in#uence on the expansion and reorganisation of land for di!erent uses in and around the cities (Raza and Agarwal, 1996). The re-organisation of land depends mainly on accessibility, land availability and land value. These factors interact with each other and give rise to speci"c land uses in and around the urban centre. This interaction, which accompanies the development process, leads to redistribution of land in space through the complementary tendencies of concentration and dispersion. As a consequence, some locations experience greater demand from speci"c land uses than others, and hence play a crucial role in the subsequent re-organisation of land. Study area Fig. 1.
Saharanpur city's municipal boundary encloses an area of 4030 ha (Fig. 1). Since the built-up area has expanded beyond this boundary, the study area has been extended to encompass 7745 ha. The population of the city is 0.37 million, according to the 1991 census, and the population density is 239 persons per hectare. Projections by the Town and Country Planning Department of Saharanpur have indicated that by the year 2001, the population of the city will have increased to 0.6 million, and the city needs another 64,000 houses in addition to the existing number of 60,575. Data and methodology The present study is based on remotely sensed data (aerial photographs and satellite images). These data, along with extensive "eld checks and surveys, provided accurate and up-to-date information. Remote sensing, using aerial photographs, satellite images or both, can be
a powerful tool in urban studies. Because urbanisation is generally concentrated within small areas, the data need to be of high resolution. But in India, aerial photographs are not economical and sometimes it not possible to get them at the time required, and quick updating and monitoring become di$cult. Satellite imagery, therefore, is the best option. Now IRS-1C data provide a resolution of 5.8 m and have been used for the present study. Some of the main advantages of these data are as follows: E Synoptic overview: These data have large areal coverage, enabling regional as well as local-level surveys of various themes depending upon the scale. E Repetitive coverage: Monitoring of dynamic change is possible. E Base-map preparation: Remote-sensing geo-coded data can provide accurate base maps which can be very true to the ground details.
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E Area continuous information: Data acquisition over inaccessible areas is also possible. E Quick results: Remote-sensing data, along with computer processing, can make possible rapid and accurate analysis, and application of GIS techniques is very easy. The study covers a time span of 10 y (1988}98). The urban land-use mapping was done with the help of aerial photographs on 1 : 10,000 scale, acquired in 1988, and IRS-1c geo-coded panchromatic satellite analogue imagery on 1 : 12,500 scale, acquired in 1998. The minimum delineation unit for both maps was 0.5 cm;0.5 cm. Any land parcel of 2 m;2 m (aerial photographs) or 2.5 m;2.5 m (satellite imagery) was included in the study. Both maps were "rst visually interpreted with the help of separate keys to identify various land-use classes. Some of the land-use classes could not be distinguished by visual interpretation of satellite imagery. In particular, the di!erentiation between residential and commercial land-use classes was di$cult. These classes were identi"ed during the "eld checks and demarcated afterwards. Subsequently, the details of these two "nal maps were transferred to a base map, bringing both maps to the same scale. Subsequently, these maps were digitised for analysis. Further, the study was done in a GIS environment because the use of GIS techniques, coupled with remote sensing, would be essential elements for the preparation of an integrated development plan. Together they could provide the means for the rapid production of accurate and up-to-date databases for planners at all levels. The inherent #exibility of GIS techniques can make an important contribution towards improving the speed and qualitative performance in urban studies. GIS techniques allow quite complex quantitative and spatial relationships to be established and clearly displayed in graphical form. This technique is a powerful tool, useful not only in monitoring the current growth and development of a region but also as a base for construction and application of models to meet the speci"c objectives for development for particular situation. The present work has been carried out using ILWIS software (The Integrated Land and Water Information System) 2.1 Windows version developed by ITC in Netherlands. ILWIS is a raster-based user-friendly GIS software, which enables us to input, manage, analyse and present geographical data (ILWIS 2.1, 1997).
The setting Traditionally Saharanpur had an agriculturally-based economy. It had a well-developed market for agricultural products, and was a service centre for nearby towns and the hilly region of Uttar Pradesh. In the last 25 years, however, several industries have developed, changing the
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city's economy. There are paper, straw board, tobacco and cigarette industries, and also several medium-level agriculturally-based activities and hosiery manufacture. The city has also excelled in wood sculpture and its products are exported to several countries. With this industrial growth, there have been major changes in the urban fabric. The city is connected to the other parts of the country by six main roads, which converge on Ghanta ghar, almost in the centre of the city. For the study, bu!er zones of 500 m and 500}1000 m (excluding the "rst 500 m) have been de"ned along these roads. Since these roads converge in the central part of the city, the bu!er zones are also extended in the central part. Out of the total study area of 7745 ha, the (500 m zone extends to 3364 ha, and the 500}1000 m zone to 1961 ha. The six main roads along which the bu!er zones were drawn are: (1) Delhi road: This is the national highway and it connects the city from the capital of the country. This road bears heavy tra$c in#ow because most of the commercial transactions are made through this road. This road enters the study area from the south-west direction. (2) Ambala road: This is another important road, which connects the city with the state of Punjab, Haryana and Jammu}Kashmir. Through this road, which enters from the west, the movement of agricultural goods, inputs and implements occurs. (3) Chilkana road: This road connects the city from Chilkana town. This road, entering from the north, brings agricultural commodities from the nearby regions to Saharanpur city. (4) Chakrata road: This road connects the city from Chakrata city, to the north-east. This road also brings agricultural commodities and construction materials from the nearby regions. (5) Dehra Dun road: This is also very important road that connects Saharanpur with the hill districts of northern Uttar Pradesh and commodities and tourists pass along this road to the hill stations of Massourie and Dehra Dun. It enters from the west.
Urban land use of Saharanpur city Saharanpur city was ruled by Mughals, but the development of the city took place under the British, who in 1903 made it the district headquarters. In 1926 when the city received electricity its economic development was boosted and development accelerated. After independence, many refugees settled in it. The present city is divided into two parts by the railway line; the northern part is the older part while the southern part is newer, with most of the institutional and industrial development.
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Table 1 and Fig. 2 show that the land use of Saharanpur is not very well planned. Through time, the older part of the city has become more and more congested, and the city has expanded outward in a haphazard manner and has swallowed the agricultural land in the fringe area. Residential uses, occupying 23 per cent of the study area and 42 per cent of the municipal area, dominate the urban land use. Most of this residential area is unplanned: only 2.2 per cent of the area is planned, with open
Table 1 Saharanpur city: land use 1988 and 1998 Land use
1988 ha
Residential Commercial Institutional Industrial Agricultural land Plantation Vacant land Restricted area Others
1176 66 61 137 4903 391 380 402 229
Total
7745
1998 %
ha
15.2 1787 0.8 125 0.8 63 1.8 216 63.3 3495 5.0 459 4.9 948 5.2 402 3.0 250 100
7745
Percentage change % 23.1 51.9 1.6 89.4 0.8 3.2 2.8 57.6 45.2 !29.8 5.9 17.4 12.2 149.4 5.2 0 3.2 9.1 100
Based on IRS 1C geo-coded panchromatic imagery (1998) and aerial photographs (1988) of Saharanpur city and environs.
Fig. 2.
space and better basic infrastructure facilities. The second largest class is vacant land (12.2 per cent). This extent of vacant land is the outcome of the rapid transformation of the occupational structure and the emergence of secondary and tertiary activities. The main reason for the increase of vacant land in the city was that initially when industrialisation took place, there was a shortage of open land for construction. This demand led to an increase in land value, and more and more people started to o!er their land for construction. This resulted in a phenomenal transformation of land from agricultural uses to vacant land. Later this demand was saturated and subsided, resulting in increase of vacant land which is neither used for urban development nor it is useful for the agricultural sector. Similarly, the area under plantations or tree crops has expanded, and spreads over 6 per cent of the study area. This again is mainly due to two reasons. First, rich people protect their lands (in the city area) from encroachment by planting trees while they wait for an increase in land value. Second, tree crops have an assured market in the city, and are quite pro"table. Tree crops are also favoured over other crops in and around the city because they need less care and protection. The city has 216 ha of land under industry, which is quite high by traditional Indian standard. The commercial area occupies 125 ha of land. These areas are mainly in the central part of the city and along the major roads. Interestingly, the area under recreation, utilities and other
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services covers an almost negligible part of the study area, indicating that little attention is paid to these facilities despite the signi"cant increase in population. The lack of public space such as parks and play grounds and public utilities and services indicates a lack of planning and co-ordination among the various government authorities responsible for developing these facilities, which are under severe stress from rapidly increasing population The city also has a substantial share of land (5.2 per cent) under restriction (i.e. used for defence purposes). As indicated in the introduction, the land-use pattern of Saharanpur city is di!erent from the general land-use pattern of western countries. The existence of a monoeconomic system and an advanced transportation technology in western cities had led to specialisation of land use, which has most frequently taken the form of concentric circles of relatively homogeneous economic usage. In Fig. 2, no clear zonation characterises the land-use pattern of Saharanpur. It is hard to generalise about the patterns of residential land use. The rapid growth of population associated with the socio-economic changes, which are creating an emergent middle class, have caused a proliferation of squatter settlements in the interstices and fringes of the city. At present Saharanpur shows little conformity with the western cities where a direct relationship is observed between social class and distance from the centre of the city, with the working class living closest to the city core and the upper class in the city fringe. The pattern of residential land use in Saharanpur includes a mixture of poor and rich elements of the city, in both the core and outer areas. It represents a transitional phase, which is developing between the patterns of pre- and post-industrialism. There is only one distinct commercial zone in Saharanpur city. This zone has a peculiar radial pattern along the main roads from the Ghanta ghar. It is the central economic zone, which consists of shops and showrooms of reputable products ranging from machinery to consumer goods. Other commercial areas are scattered but are mainly located along the roads, and their concentration declines with distance. These commercial areas are crowded and congested, and to the western observer, are places of noise and colour. The industrial land use of the city resembles the western pattern in some ways. The larger industrial units are located in the fringe area but the main di!erence from western cities is that they are not con"ned to specialised estates but are scattered. The other land-use classes like vacant land and plantation (tree crops) are governed by local factors, and the same pattern is not necessarily found in other cities of India. The overall spatial organisation in Saharanpur represents indigenous characteristics which stem from indigenous living conditions and the indigenous ways of adaptation with them. This pattern con"rms the view of Indian urbanisation as &subsistence urbanisation' (Breese, 1969).
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Land reorganisation in 500 m bu4er zone Table 2 and Fig. 3 show that in the (500 m bu!er zone along the major roads, residential land use occupied the largest area in 1998, followed by agricultural land, vacant land, tree crops, institutional, commercial, industrial and others. The agricultural land is wholly beyond the municipal boundary. Accessibility appears to have played a signi"cant role in relation to land-use change and re-organisation in the (500 m bu!er zone. An increase of 114.2 per cent was recorded in commercial land, re#ecting its demand for accessible sites on or very close to the main roads. This increase was largely con"ned to the central part of the city, which also had the highest land values. Other land-use classes which have also recorded increases were vacant land (98.2 per cent), residential (33.1 per cent), institutional (9.7 per cent) and tree crops (5.6 per cent). These increases were basically at the expense of agricultural land, which declined by 43.7 per cent (more than 600 ha). The complicated interchange of land among various land-use classes was examined using GIS techniques. Table 3 shows that in the (500 m bu!er zone, 66.8 per cent of the area remained unchanged. In this zone, the largest transfer was from agricultural to vacant land (411 ha), tree crops (163 ha), and residential area (37 ha). Other transfers were from tree crops to residential (114 ha) and vacant land (40 ha), while some land went from &vacant' to residential class (225 ha). More importantly in this zone, residential loses prime land in the heart of the city, which also enjoys maximum land value to commercial (60 ha). Industrial land has also undergone transfer to residential class (40 ha). Overall, high-value land uses have captured land from low-value land uses.
Land reorganisation in the 500}1000 m bu4er zone The 500}1000 m zone does not have good accessibility. From Table 2 and Fig. 4, it is evident that agricultural land covered the largest area in this zone in 1998, followed by vacant land, residential, tree crops, industrial and others. The areas of commercial (5 ha) and institutional (11 ha) land in this less accessible zone are almost negligible. All the agricultural land lies beyond the municipal boundary. The increase of 222 per cent in this zone re#ects a shift of place of residence from the expensive land of the inner zone to the cheaper land in the less accessible outer zone. Vacant land has also shown a major increase (of 381 per cent), in anticipation of future residential development. The industrial area has also shown a large increase (142 per cent) during the study period. Again most of these increases were on agricultural land, which declined by 600 ha (44.3 per cent).
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Table 2 Saharanpur city, land-use change along the major roads (1988}1998) Land-use class
Residential Commercial Institutional Industrial Agricultural land Plantation Vacant land Restricted area Others Total
(500 m zone
500}1000 m zone
1988
1998
Percentage change
1988
1998
Percentage change
1033 (30.72) 56 (1.66) 144 (4.28) 112 (3.33) 1400 (41.62) 159 (4.72) 221 (6.57) 127 (3.77) 112 (3.33)
1375 (40.88) 120 (3.57) 158 (4.69) 68 (2.02) 789 (23.45) 168 (4.99) 438 (13.03) 127 (3.77) 121 (3.59)
33.1
117 (5.96) 1 (0.03) 9 (0.46) 21 (1.07) 1447 (73.79) 131 (6.68) 79 (4.03) 149 (7.63) 7 (0.35)
377 (19.22) 5 (0.25) 11 (0.56) 51 (2.60) 821 (41.86) 136 (6.93) 380 (19.38) 149 (7.60) 31 (1.60)
222.2
3364 (100)
3364 (100)
1961 (100)
1961 (100)
114.2 9.7 !39.3 !43.7 5.6 98.2 0 8
500 22.2 142.8 !44.3 3.8 381 0 342.8
Figures in brackets are percentages. Based on IRS 1C geo-coded panchromatic imagery (1998) and aerial photographs (1988) of Saharanpur city and environs.
Fig. 3.
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Fig. 4.
Table 3 Saharanpur city, main land re-organisation classes in bu!er zones along major roads. (1988}1998) Land re-organisation
(500 m zone
500}1000 m zone
Residential to commercial Residential to institutional Industrial to residential Residential to industrial Industrial to commercial Agricultural to residential Agricultural to plantation Agricultural to vacant Plantation to residential Plantation to vacant Vacant to residential Vacant to other No change
60 14 40 * 4 37 163 411 114 40 225 9 2247
4 2 * 10 * 52 51 495 22 24 214 10 1077
Areas in hectares. Based on IRS 1C geo-coded panchromatic imagery (1998) and aerial photographs (1988) of Saharanpur city and environs.
The interchange of land among various land-use classes was also investigated in this zone. Table 3 shows that of the total area of 1961 ha, 54.9 per cent remained unchanged. The largest transfer was from agricultural land to vacant land (495 ha), to residential area (52 ha),
and to tree crops (51 ha). Some 214 ha of vacant land was transferred to residential, while 22 ha of tree crops went to residential and 24 ha to vacant land. This zone is now being used mostly for residential purposes, and future residential development will also take place on the available vacant land in this zone. Land reorganisation in these two bu!er zones is caused by the combination of two forces: economic and social. Both these forces work in opposite directions. Economic forces (present and future land value of the land parcel, demand, location, etc) are the positive forces for land reorganisation. They instigate the owner of the land for maximising his returns from the land. While social forces (social and religious values, self-prestige, etc) operate in the opposite direction and put resistance in land reorganisation. The intensity of the social force varies from individual to individual. The degree of land reorganisation depends on the magnitude of the resultant social-economic force. The rapid increase in population and changes in economic structure of Saharapur city resulted in increased demand for land for various land-use classes. This resulted in a substantial increase in land values. The pull factor by economic forces supercedes the social forces and a lot of land reorganisation was recorded in Saharanpur city especially along the main roads.
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Conclusions Remotely sensed data products such as aerial photographs and IRS-1C/1D panchromatic imagery (as used for present study) are very useful for urban studies. Some of the main "ndings from this study which is based on them are as follows: E Ribbon-like urban development along main roads is noticeable in Saharanpur. Urban expansion is taking place in a peculiar way. In the "rst phase, agricultural land is replaced by tree crops or converted to vacant land along the main roads. In the second phase, this land is used for constructing buildings. During the third phase, the intervening land between the roads is used for urban development. This process of urban development can be termed frontal expansion, which is characterised by piecemeal accretion of the built-up areas. E Commercial areas have increased in the central part of the city, and in the (500 m zone along the main roads. These areas have very high land values, having easy accessibility. Commercial areas have pushed residential uses away either to the outer part of the city or to the 500}1000 m zone. E Industrial establishments, especially wood carving and other small scale house-hold industries, were pushed away from the (500 m zone to the outer part of the city, mainly because of high land value and pollution problems. E Accessibility has been a major factor in changes in land re-organisation in Saharanpur. This was evident very clearly in the (500 m zone along major roads, where almost all the commercial establishments were attracted, and also in the central part of the city, while industrial establishments were pushed to the outer part of the city. Similarly, the areas under tree crops and vacant land were converted mainly for residential development in this inner zone. On the other hand, along the roads in the outer part of the city, signi"cant areas of agricultural land were converted to tree crops and vacant land in anticipation for future development. E The 500}1000 m zone because of its location (away from the main roads) has mostly low-value land-use classes. This zone is now being used mostly for residential purposes and future residential development will also take place on the available vacant land. Lastly, we can say that urbanisation pattern of Saharanpur is characterised by poverty, and an acute shortage of housing and civic amenities, dismal "lth and a diversi"ed occupation of space, which resembles a large village. Herein lies the major contrast between the urban patterns of Indian cities and western cities.
Urban planning in India is still at a primitive stage. Especially in smaller towns, violation of basic civic rules and faulty planning are common features. This has encouraged unplanned, haphazard and unnecessary expansion of urban areas. The smaller towns are now passing through a phase of changes in economic activities, which has led to large-scale land reorganisation. The implications of this land reorganisation have now started to create problems in the urban environment. These issues need to be dealt with properly to ensure sustainable urban development. The "rst problem is that of radial urban expansion along the roads. This expansion is swallowing the fertile agricultural land, causing serious damage to the natural ecosystem, and may lead to a shortage of food products. This expansion is mainly because of agricultural land transformation to vacant land, which are basically speculative land holdings used neither for urban development nor for agricultural purposes. Urban development authorities and urban planners have to restrict this expansion, otherwise, it may have serious implications at both local and regional levels. This unwarranted expansion can be checked by implementing stricter land conversion laws and promoting multi-storied residential complexes. Another feature of the study area is that there was a substantial increase in population, resulting in largescale land reorganisation, especially along the main roads. These areas have high density mixed land-use patterns exerting extra load on the roads, while the carrying capacity of these roads has remained the same. The outcome of it is the adoption of low cost strategy in Indian cities. It is characterised by public transport trips, shorter trip lengths and fewer motorised trips, consuming less transport energy. But in these rapidly growing smaller towns, the heterogeneous tra$c pattern has led to severe congestion on the roads. The congestion is increasing at an alarming rate making movement at peak business hours at almost a snail's pace. The remedy again lies in proper planning and management keeping in view the future growth. Zoning of various land-use classes and equal distribution of infrastructural facilities to every part of the city would certainly ease the pressure on roads.
References Alam, M., Pokshishevsky, V.V., 1976. Urbanisation in Developing Countries. Asia, Hyderabad. Borah, J., 1985. Spatial Structure of Urban In#uence in the Neighbouring Areas of Gauhati City. Concept, New Delhi. Breese, G., 1969. Urbanisation in Newly Developing Countries. Prentice-Hall, New Delhi. Deshpande, C.D. et al., 1980. Impact of a Metropolitan City on the Surrounding Region. Concept Publishing House, New Delhi.
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ILWIS 2.1, 1997. Applications Guide. Enschede, ILWIS Department, International Institute For Aerospace Survey & Earth Sciences. Misra, R.P., 1998. Million Cities of India. Vikas, New Delhi. Raza, M., Agarwal, Y., 1996. Transport Geography of India. Concept, New Delhi.
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Surekha, P., 1988. Urbanisation the Indian way. In: Yadav, C.S. (Ed.), Perspectives in Urban Geography, Vol. 3. Concept, New Delhi. Verma, S.S., 1995. Urbanisation and Regional Development in India, Chugh, Allahabad. Yadav, C.S., 1988. Comparative Urbanisation: City Growth and Change. Concept, New Delhi.
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Land Use Policy 18 (2001) 191}199
Land re-organisation in relation to roads in an Indian city Shahab Fazal Department of Geography, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh, India Received 7 July 1999; received in revised form 21 March 2000; accepted 23 May 2000
Abstract Accessibility plays an important role in land-use change or re-organisation, especially in and around settlements. Indian cities are strongly dependent on roads for transportation. The road network is so important in India that the development and growth of several cities stemmed from their location along major roads. Competition for accessible sites is strong, and the land-use patterns of Indian cities are highly dynamic. This study examines the role of accessibility in the re-organisation of urban land and focuses on Saharanpur, which is a Class I city (population of 100,000 and above) of western Uttar Pradesh (India). It traditionally had an agrarian-dominated population, but lately because of the emergence of several industries, the city has lost its agrarian fabric and more and more of its population are now quitting the agrarian sector and switching to the secondary and tertiary sectors. This development in the secondary and tertiary sectors is attracting migrants not only from the city's hinterland but also from longer distances. The result is a massive expansion of the city as well as re-organisation of land. The study is based on remotely sensed data, processed in a GIS environment using ILWIS software. 2001 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved. Keywords: Urban land use; Accessibility; Roads; Indian cities
Introduction Several studies have highlighted the fact that the character of urban land-use patterns in Indian cities is very di!erent from those in western cities, but have also observed a degree of homogeneity within the Indian cities (e.g. Yadav, 1988). Breese (1969) stated that the characteristic feature of Indian urban land use is its high degree of mixing, often to the extent that it is di$cult to discern any pattern. Even in large (&million') cities, this sort of indiscriminate land use persists. In Kanpur, for example, Chandrasekhar (Misra, 1998) observes that most of the markets have double use (i.e. both residential and commercial), and that density is particularly high in the central part of the city. Similar features have been noticed near the Victoria Terminus Railway Station in the metropolitan city of Bombay (Arunachalam, in Misra, 1998), and in Madras, where the industrial areas are closely inter-mixed with residential developments (Dattatari, in Misra, 1998). In smaller cities and towns, the inter-mixing of land use is even more pronounced (Alam and Pokshishevsky, 1976).
E-mail address: shahabfazal@redi!mail.com (S. Fazal).
While western cities have di!erent land-use zones characterised by dominant uses, Indian cities tend to have di!erent areal blocks with several activities in each (Surekha, 1988). This results in a division of a large city into smaller entities, which are mostly self-contained and loosely co-ordinated with each other. It is the Indian way to compromise with space by saving long distances. This is because of the general tendency of the people to live near their workplace to save on travel. Even wealthier and higher-strata people try to settle in the city centre (Misra, 1998). Thus, land uses of various sorts are so mixed that people "nd everything ordinarily necessary within walking distance. That is why Indian cities are rightly termed pedestrian cities (Surekha, 1988). This characteristic points towards the importance of roads and lanes, which serve as arteries in Indian cities. The zones near these roads and lanes enjoy comparatively high land values. Misra (1998) observed that the spatial expansion of the Indian cities is more pronounced along the transport arteries, and along the roads in particular. These roads change the patterns of the city growth from circular (as observed in western cities) to linear (as observed in Indian cities). With expansion, low-value land use is replaced by high-value land use.
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Accessibility plays an important role in land-use change or re-organisation, especially in and around settlements (Deshpande, 1980). The spatial elasticity of demand and the range of land utilisation is greatly in#uenced by two factors*dynamic requirements and availability of land*both of which are so inter-linked that they together in#uence land use (Borah, 1985). In view of the variability of land availability over space, it is to be expected that di!erent locations would specialise in di!erent land uses. Areal specialisation proceeds with development, but distance emerges as an important determinant of location for many land uses (Verma, 1995). Importantly, comparative advantage in terms of accessibility by itself is not a su$cient condition but di!erences between the land values also play a vital role in in#uencing the use of any land parcel in and around a settlement. Road is the most popular mode of transport in India because of its reliability, e$ciency and above all because it needs less capital than its alternatives. Roads are especially important for transportation over shorter distances. The road network is therefore a signi"cant in#uence on the expansion and reorganisation of land for di!erent uses in and around the cities (Raza and Agarwal, 1996). The re-organisation of land depends mainly on accessibility, land availability and land value. These factors interact with each other and give rise to speci"c land uses in and around the urban centre. This interaction, which accompanies the development process, leads to redistribution of land in space through the complementary tendencies of concentration and dispersion. As a consequence, some locations experience greater demand from speci"c land uses than others, and hence play a crucial role in the subsequent re-organisation of land. Study area Fig. 1.
Saharanpur city's municipal boundary encloses an area of 4030 ha (Fig. 1). Since the built-up area has expanded beyond this boundary, the study area has been extended to encompass 7745 ha. The population of the city is 0.37 million, according to the 1991 census, and the population density is 239 persons per hectare. Projections by the Town and Country Planning Department of Saharanpur have indicated that by the year 2001, the population of the city will have increased to 0.6 million, and the city needs another 64,000 houses in addition to the existing number of 60,575. Data and methodology The present study is based on remotely sensed data (aerial photographs and satellite images). These data, along with extensive "eld checks and surveys, provided accurate and up-to-date information. Remote sensing, using aerial photographs, satellite images or both, can be
a powerful tool in urban studies. Because urbanisation is generally concentrated within small areas, the data need to be of high resolution. But in India, aerial photographs are not economical and sometimes it not possible to get them at the time required, and quick updating and monitoring become di$cult. Satellite imagery, therefore, is the best option. Now IRS-1C data provide a resolution of 5.8 m and have been used for the present study. Some of the main advantages of these data are as follows: E Synoptic overview: These data have large areal coverage, enabling regional as well as local-level surveys of various themes depending upon the scale. E Repetitive coverage: Monitoring of dynamic change is possible. E Base-map preparation: Remote-sensing geo-coded data can provide accurate base maps which can be very true to the ground details.
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E Area continuous information: Data acquisition over inaccessible areas is also possible. E Quick results: Remote-sensing data, along with computer processing, can make possible rapid and accurate analysis, and application of GIS techniques is very easy. The study covers a time span of 10 y (1988}98). The urban land-use mapping was done with the help of aerial photographs on 1 : 10,000 scale, acquired in 1988, and IRS-1c geo-coded panchromatic satellite analogue imagery on 1 : 12,500 scale, acquired in 1998. The minimum delineation unit for both maps was 0.5 cm;0.5 cm. Any land parcel of 2 m;2 m (aerial photographs) or 2.5 m;2.5 m (satellite imagery) was included in the study. Both maps were "rst visually interpreted with the help of separate keys to identify various land-use classes. Some of the land-use classes could not be distinguished by visual interpretation of satellite imagery. In particular, the di!erentiation between residential and commercial land-use classes was di$cult. These classes were identi"ed during the "eld checks and demarcated afterwards. Subsequently, the details of these two "nal maps were transferred to a base map, bringing both maps to the same scale. Subsequently, these maps were digitised for analysis. Further, the study was done in a GIS environment because the use of GIS techniques, coupled with remote sensing, would be essential elements for the preparation of an integrated development plan. Together they could provide the means for the rapid production of accurate and up-to-date databases for planners at all levels. The inherent #exibility of GIS techniques can make an important contribution towards improving the speed and qualitative performance in urban studies. GIS techniques allow quite complex quantitative and spatial relationships to be established and clearly displayed in graphical form. This technique is a powerful tool, useful not only in monitoring the current growth and development of a region but also as a base for construction and application of models to meet the speci"c objectives for development for particular situation. The present work has been carried out using ILWIS software (The Integrated Land and Water Information System) 2.1 Windows version developed by ITC in Netherlands. ILWIS is a raster-based user-friendly GIS software, which enables us to input, manage, analyse and present geographical data (ILWIS 2.1, 1997).
The setting Traditionally Saharanpur had an agriculturally-based economy. It had a well-developed market for agricultural products, and was a service centre for nearby towns and the hilly region of Uttar Pradesh. In the last 25 years, however, several industries have developed, changing the
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city's economy. There are paper, straw board, tobacco and cigarette industries, and also several medium-level agriculturally-based activities and hosiery manufacture. The city has also excelled in wood sculpture and its products are exported to several countries. With this industrial growth, there have been major changes in the urban fabric. The city is connected to the other parts of the country by six main roads, which converge on Ghanta ghar, almost in the centre of the city. For the study, bu!er zones of 500 m and 500}1000 m (excluding the "rst 500 m) have been de"ned along these roads. Since these roads converge in the central part of the city, the bu!er zones are also extended in the central part. Out of the total study area of 7745 ha, the (500 m zone extends to 3364 ha, and the 500}1000 m zone to 1961 ha. The six main roads along which the bu!er zones were drawn are: (1) Delhi road: This is the national highway and it connects the city from the capital of the country. This road bears heavy tra$c in#ow because most of the commercial transactions are made through this road. This road enters the study area from the south-west direction. (2) Ambala road: This is another important road, which connects the city with the state of Punjab, Haryana and Jammu}Kashmir. Through this road, which enters from the west, the movement of agricultural goods, inputs and implements occurs. (3) Chilkana road: This road connects the city from Chilkana town. This road, entering from the north, brings agricultural commodities from the nearby regions to Saharanpur city. (4) Chakrata road: This road connects the city from Chakrata city, to the north-east. This road also brings agricultural commodities and construction materials from the nearby regions. (5) Dehra Dun road: This is also very important road that connects Saharanpur with the hill districts of northern Uttar Pradesh and commodities and tourists pass along this road to the hill stations of Massourie and Dehra Dun. It enters from the west.
Urban land use of Saharanpur city Saharanpur city was ruled by Mughals, but the development of the city took place under the British, who in 1903 made it the district headquarters. In 1926 when the city received electricity its economic development was boosted and development accelerated. After independence, many refugees settled in it. The present city is divided into two parts by the railway line; the northern part is the older part while the southern part is newer, with most of the institutional and industrial development.
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Table 1 and Fig. 2 show that the land use of Saharanpur is not very well planned. Through time, the older part of the city has become more and more congested, and the city has expanded outward in a haphazard manner and has swallowed the agricultural land in the fringe area. Residential uses, occupying 23 per cent of the study area and 42 per cent of the municipal area, dominate the urban land use. Most of this residential area is unplanned: only 2.2 per cent of the area is planned, with open
Table 1 Saharanpur city: land use 1988 and 1998 Land use
1988 ha
Residential Commercial Institutional Industrial Agricultural land Plantation Vacant land Restricted area Others
1176 66 61 137 4903 391 380 402 229
Total
7745
1998 %
ha
15.2 1787 0.8 125 0.8 63 1.8 216 63.3 3495 5.0 459 4.9 948 5.2 402 3.0 250 100
7745
Percentage change % 23.1 51.9 1.6 89.4 0.8 3.2 2.8 57.6 45.2 !29.8 5.9 17.4 12.2 149.4 5.2 0 3.2 9.1 100
Based on IRS 1C geo-coded panchromatic imagery (1998) and aerial photographs (1988) of Saharanpur city and environs.
Fig. 2.
space and better basic infrastructure facilities. The second largest class is vacant land (12.2 per cent). This extent of vacant land is the outcome of the rapid transformation of the occupational structure and the emergence of secondary and tertiary activities. The main reason for the increase of vacant land in the city was that initially when industrialisation took place, there was a shortage of open land for construction. This demand led to an increase in land value, and more and more people started to o!er their land for construction. This resulted in a phenomenal transformation of land from agricultural uses to vacant land. Later this demand was saturated and subsided, resulting in increase of vacant land which is neither used for urban development nor it is useful for the agricultural sector. Similarly, the area under plantations or tree crops has expanded, and spreads over 6 per cent of the study area. This again is mainly due to two reasons. First, rich people protect their lands (in the city area) from encroachment by planting trees while they wait for an increase in land value. Second, tree crops have an assured market in the city, and are quite pro"table. Tree crops are also favoured over other crops in and around the city because they need less care and protection. The city has 216 ha of land under industry, which is quite high by traditional Indian standard. The commercial area occupies 125 ha of land. These areas are mainly in the central part of the city and along the major roads. Interestingly, the area under recreation, utilities and other
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services covers an almost negligible part of the study area, indicating that little attention is paid to these facilities despite the signi"cant increase in population. The lack of public space such as parks and play grounds and public utilities and services indicates a lack of planning and co-ordination among the various government authorities responsible for developing these facilities, which are under severe stress from rapidly increasing population The city also has a substantial share of land (5.2 per cent) under restriction (i.e. used for defence purposes). As indicated in the introduction, the land-use pattern of Saharanpur city is di!erent from the general land-use pattern of western countries. The existence of a monoeconomic system and an advanced transportation technology in western cities had led to specialisation of land use, which has most frequently taken the form of concentric circles of relatively homogeneous economic usage. In Fig. 2, no clear zonation characterises the land-use pattern of Saharanpur. It is hard to generalise about the patterns of residential land use. The rapid growth of population associated with the socio-economic changes, which are creating an emergent middle class, have caused a proliferation of squatter settlements in the interstices and fringes of the city. At present Saharanpur shows little conformity with the western cities where a direct relationship is observed between social class and distance from the centre of the city, with the working class living closest to the city core and the upper class in the city fringe. The pattern of residential land use in Saharanpur includes a mixture of poor and rich elements of the city, in both the core and outer areas. It represents a transitional phase, which is developing between the patterns of pre- and post-industrialism. There is only one distinct commercial zone in Saharanpur city. This zone has a peculiar radial pattern along the main roads from the Ghanta ghar. It is the central economic zone, which consists of shops and showrooms of reputable products ranging from machinery to consumer goods. Other commercial areas are scattered but are mainly located along the roads, and their concentration declines with distance. These commercial areas are crowded and congested, and to the western observer, are places of noise and colour. The industrial land use of the city resembles the western pattern in some ways. The larger industrial units are located in the fringe area but the main di!erence from western cities is that they are not con"ned to specialised estates but are scattered. The other land-use classes like vacant land and plantation (tree crops) are governed by local factors, and the same pattern is not necessarily found in other cities of India. The overall spatial organisation in Saharanpur represents indigenous characteristics which stem from indigenous living conditions and the indigenous ways of adaptation with them. This pattern con"rms the view of Indian urbanisation as &subsistence urbanisation' (Breese, 1969).
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Land reorganisation in 500 m bu4er zone Table 2 and Fig. 3 show that in the (500 m bu!er zone along the major roads, residential land use occupied the largest area in 1998, followed by agricultural land, vacant land, tree crops, institutional, commercial, industrial and others. The agricultural land is wholly beyond the municipal boundary. Accessibility appears to have played a signi"cant role in relation to land-use change and re-organisation in the (500 m bu!er zone. An increase of 114.2 per cent was recorded in commercial land, re#ecting its demand for accessible sites on or very close to the main roads. This increase was largely con"ned to the central part of the city, which also had the highest land values. Other land-use classes which have also recorded increases were vacant land (98.2 per cent), residential (33.1 per cent), institutional (9.7 per cent) and tree crops (5.6 per cent). These increases were basically at the expense of agricultural land, which declined by 43.7 per cent (more than 600 ha). The complicated interchange of land among various land-use classes was examined using GIS techniques. Table 3 shows that in the (500 m bu!er zone, 66.8 per cent of the area remained unchanged. In this zone, the largest transfer was from agricultural to vacant land (411 ha), tree crops (163 ha), and residential area (37 ha). Other transfers were from tree crops to residential (114 ha) and vacant land (40 ha), while some land went from &vacant' to residential class (225 ha). More importantly in this zone, residential loses prime land in the heart of the city, which also enjoys maximum land value to commercial (60 ha). Industrial land has also undergone transfer to residential class (40 ha). Overall, high-value land uses have captured land from low-value land uses.
Land reorganisation in the 500}1000 m bu4er zone The 500}1000 m zone does not have good accessibility. From Table 2 and Fig. 4, it is evident that agricultural land covered the largest area in this zone in 1998, followed by vacant land, residential, tree crops, industrial and others. The areas of commercial (5 ha) and institutional (11 ha) land in this less accessible zone are almost negligible. All the agricultural land lies beyond the municipal boundary. The increase of 222 per cent in this zone re#ects a shift of place of residence from the expensive land of the inner zone to the cheaper land in the less accessible outer zone. Vacant land has also shown a major increase (of 381 per cent), in anticipation of future residential development. The industrial area has also shown a large increase (142 per cent) during the study period. Again most of these increases were on agricultural land, which declined by 600 ha (44.3 per cent).
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Table 2 Saharanpur city, land-use change along the major roads (1988}1998) Land-use class
Residential Commercial Institutional Industrial Agricultural land Plantation Vacant land Restricted area Others Total
(500 m zone
500}1000 m zone
1988
1998
Percentage change
1988
1998
Percentage change
1033 (30.72) 56 (1.66) 144 (4.28) 112 (3.33) 1400 (41.62) 159 (4.72) 221 (6.57) 127 (3.77) 112 (3.33)
1375 (40.88) 120 (3.57) 158 (4.69) 68 (2.02) 789 (23.45) 168 (4.99) 438 (13.03) 127 (3.77) 121 (3.59)
33.1
117 (5.96) 1 (0.03) 9 (0.46) 21 (1.07) 1447 (73.79) 131 (6.68) 79 (4.03) 149 (7.63) 7 (0.35)
377 (19.22) 5 (0.25) 11 (0.56) 51 (2.60) 821 (41.86) 136 (6.93) 380 (19.38) 149 (7.60) 31 (1.60)
222.2
3364 (100)
3364 (100)
1961 (100)
1961 (100)
114.2 9.7 !39.3 !43.7 5.6 98.2 0 8
500 22.2 142.8 !44.3 3.8 381 0 342.8
Figures in brackets are percentages. Based on IRS 1C geo-coded panchromatic imagery (1998) and aerial photographs (1988) of Saharanpur city and environs.
Fig. 3.
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Fig. 4.
Table 3 Saharanpur city, main land re-organisation classes in bu!er zones along major roads. (1988}1998) Land re-organisation
(500 m zone
500}1000 m zone
Residential to commercial Residential to institutional Industrial to residential Residential to industrial Industrial to commercial Agricultural to residential Agricultural to plantation Agricultural to vacant Plantation to residential Plantation to vacant Vacant to residential Vacant to other No change
60 14 40 * 4 37 163 411 114 40 225 9 2247
4 2 * 10 * 52 51 495 22 24 214 10 1077
Areas in hectares. Based on IRS 1C geo-coded panchromatic imagery (1998) and aerial photographs (1988) of Saharanpur city and environs.
The interchange of land among various land-use classes was also investigated in this zone. Table 3 shows that of the total area of 1961 ha, 54.9 per cent remained unchanged. The largest transfer was from agricultural land to vacant land (495 ha), to residential area (52 ha),
and to tree crops (51 ha). Some 214 ha of vacant land was transferred to residential, while 22 ha of tree crops went to residential and 24 ha to vacant land. This zone is now being used mostly for residential purposes, and future residential development will also take place on the available vacant land in this zone. Land reorganisation in these two bu!er zones is caused by the combination of two forces: economic and social. Both these forces work in opposite directions. Economic forces (present and future land value of the land parcel, demand, location, etc) are the positive forces for land reorganisation. They instigate the owner of the land for maximising his returns from the land. While social forces (social and religious values, self-prestige, etc) operate in the opposite direction and put resistance in land reorganisation. The intensity of the social force varies from individual to individual. The degree of land reorganisation depends on the magnitude of the resultant social-economic force. The rapid increase in population and changes in economic structure of Saharapur city resulted in increased demand for land for various land-use classes. This resulted in a substantial increase in land values. The pull factor by economic forces supercedes the social forces and a lot of land reorganisation was recorded in Saharanpur city especially along the main roads.
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Conclusions Remotely sensed data products such as aerial photographs and IRS-1C/1D panchromatic imagery (as used for present study) are very useful for urban studies. Some of the main "ndings from this study which is based on them are as follows: E Ribbon-like urban development along main roads is noticeable in Saharanpur. Urban expansion is taking place in a peculiar way. In the "rst phase, agricultural land is replaced by tree crops or converted to vacant land along the main roads. In the second phase, this land is used for constructing buildings. During the third phase, the intervening land between the roads is used for urban development. This process of urban development can be termed frontal expansion, which is characterised by piecemeal accretion of the built-up areas. E Commercial areas have increased in the central part of the city, and in the (500 m zone along the main roads. These areas have very high land values, having easy accessibility. Commercial areas have pushed residential uses away either to the outer part of the city or to the 500}1000 m zone. E Industrial establishments, especially wood carving and other small scale house-hold industries, were pushed away from the (500 m zone to the outer part of the city, mainly because of high land value and pollution problems. E Accessibility has been a major factor in changes in land re-organisation in Saharanpur. This was evident very clearly in the (500 m zone along major roads, where almost all the commercial establishments were attracted, and also in the central part of the city, while industrial establishments were pushed to the outer part of the city. Similarly, the areas under tree crops and vacant land were converted mainly for residential development in this inner zone. On the other hand, along the roads in the outer part of the city, signi"cant areas of agricultural land were converted to tree crops and vacant land in anticipation for future development. E The 500}1000 m zone because of its location (away from the main roads) has mostly low-value land-use classes. This zone is now being used mostly for residential purposes and future residential development will also take place on the available vacant land. Lastly, we can say that urbanisation pattern of Saharanpur is characterised by poverty, and an acute shortage of housing and civic amenities, dismal "lth and a diversi"ed occupation of space, which resembles a large village. Herein lies the major contrast between the urban patterns of Indian cities and western cities.
Urban planning in India is still at a primitive stage. Especially in smaller towns, violation of basic civic rules and faulty planning are common features. This has encouraged unplanned, haphazard and unnecessary expansion of urban areas. The smaller towns are now passing through a phase of changes in economic activities, which has led to large-scale land reorganisation. The implications of this land reorganisation have now started to create problems in the urban environment. These issues need to be dealt with properly to ensure sustainable urban development. The "rst problem is that of radial urban expansion along the roads. This expansion is swallowing the fertile agricultural land, causing serious damage to the natural ecosystem, and may lead to a shortage of food products. This expansion is mainly because of agricultural land transformation to vacant land, which are basically speculative land holdings used neither for urban development nor for agricultural purposes. Urban development authorities and urban planners have to restrict this expansion, otherwise, it may have serious implications at both local and regional levels. This unwarranted expansion can be checked by implementing stricter land conversion laws and promoting multi-storied residential complexes. Another feature of the study area is that there was a substantial increase in population, resulting in largescale land reorganisation, especially along the main roads. These areas have high density mixed land-use patterns exerting extra load on the roads, while the carrying capacity of these roads has remained the same. The outcome of it is the adoption of low cost strategy in Indian cities. It is characterised by public transport trips, shorter trip lengths and fewer motorised trips, consuming less transport energy. But in these rapidly growing smaller towns, the heterogeneous tra$c pattern has led to severe congestion on the roads. The congestion is increasing at an alarming rate making movement at peak business hours at almost a snail's pace. The remedy again lies in proper planning and management keeping in view the future growth. Zoning of various land-use classes and equal distribution of infrastructural facilities to every part of the city would certainly ease the pressure on roads.
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ILWIS 2.1, 1997. Applications Guide. Enschede, ILWIS Department, International Institute For Aerospace Survey & Earth Sciences. Misra, R.P., 1998. Million Cities of India. Vikas, New Delhi. Raza, M., Agarwal, Y., 1996. Transport Geography of India. Concept, New Delhi.
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Surekha, P., 1988. Urbanisation the Indian way. In: Yadav, C.S. (Ed.), Perspectives in Urban Geography, Vol. 3. Concept, New Delhi. Verma, S.S., 1995. Urbanisation and Regional Development in India, Chugh, Allahabad. Yadav, C.S., 1988. Comparative Urbanisation: City Growth and Change. Concept, New Delhi.
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