Land use pattern and transport in Curitiba

Pergamon PII: S0264-8377(98)00016-7

Land Use Poficy, Vol. 15, No. 3, pp. 233-251, 1998 © 1998 EIscvicr Science Ltd. All rights reserved Printed in Great Britain 0264-8377/98 $ 1%00 + 0.00

Land use pattern and transport in Curitiba

Harry Smith I and Jeremy R a e m a e k e r s 2 Introduction This paper examines the degree of success of the city of CuriUba, Brazil, in controlling the energy expended in transport through integrated land use and transport planning. Three key variableHettlement shape, density and location of activities---are applied to the investigation of this rare built example of a linear city. Conclusions are drawn which enable us to compare this city's experience favourably with Western cities, in terms of fuel burn, whilst also raising doubts about the validity of this experience as a benchmark in the context of developing countries. © 1998 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved

Curitiba is often held up as an example of how a fast growing city in a developing country can integrate land use and transport planning to favour environmental sustainability (Rabinovitch, 1992; Rabinovitch, 1996; Girardet, 1992; Haughton and Hunter, 1994; Newman, 1996). Yet, despite the city's high profile in the English language literature on the subject, there is a scarcity of in-depth studies and hard facts available in English, prompting a closer look. This paper investigates how well the approach taken in Curitiba succeeds in controlling the energy expended in transport, and what trade-offs may have been made in the process. It draws on interviews with key figures in the planning of the city and a search of Portuguese language studies. The study focuses on the role of land use planning in influencing transport energy expenditure, rather than behavioural, fiscal and managerial determinants of it. Curitiba is particularly suitable for studying this because it is one of the rare cases in which a linear city model has been applied with some consistency. One of the goals of the linear model, which dates back a century as a response to the problems of rapid city growth, is transport efficiency (Gold, 1993; Lambie, 1967).

Method

Centre for Environment and Human Settlements, School of Planning and Housing, Edinburgh College of Art/HeriotWatt University, 79 Grassmarket, Edinburgh EH1 2HJ, Scotland Tel.: 0131-221-6288; Fax: 0131-221-6163; E-mail: [email protected] and 2Lecturer in the School of Planning and Housing, Edinburgh College of Art/Heriot-Watt University, 79 Grassmarket, Edinburgh EH1 2HJ, Scotland Tel.: 0131-2216167; Fax: 0131-221-6163; E-mail: [email protected].

The study considers the contribution of land use planning to securing transport energy management. Transport energy management is interpreted as the control of trip number and especially length, and the promotion of a shift to more energy efficient modes of transport. Three aspects of land use pattern are considered: settlement shape, density of development, and location of activities relative to each other. These aspects are first reviewed at a general level with particular reference to the linear city model, then explored in the case of Curitiba, having first summarized the planning of Curitiba as necessary background. Where data exist to conduct the analyses, we classify Curitiba according to the well known study by Newman and Kenworthy (1989) of urban form and transport energy efficiency. During fieldwork in Curitiba in 1995, data were obtained from documentary sources and interviews. The main source of publications, reports and studies was the library at the IPPUC (Institute of Urban Research and Planning of Curitiba). Information was also obtained at

233

Land use pattern and transport in Curitiba: H Smith and J Raemaekers

other libraries and institutions: the Central Library and the Science and Technology Library at the Universidade Federal do Paranfi (UFPR); the CTA (Central Traffic Control); the Secretaria do Meio Ambiente and the Secretaria de Urbanismo of the local authority; and URBS, the institution in charge of mass transit co-ordination and public works implementation. Open-ended interviews were held with some key figures in the urban planning process and in current implementation in Curitiba: Omar Akel and Rafael Dely, both former Directors of the IPPUC; Luiz Filla, Production Manager for Public Transport at URBS; and the current Head of the Secretaria de Urbanismo. Information was also obtained from staff at the Secretaria do Meio Ambiente and at the IPPUC.

Can linearity in principle help to contain travel? In the debate on urban forms which will reduce transport fuel burn and therefore emissions, the three main variables that have been discussed are settlement shape, density and location of activities (e.g. Owens, 1986; Owens, 1992). Settlement shape

Settlement shape has been discussed in the current sustainability debate both at a theoretical level and on the basis of computer models. Three basic shapes have been identified as containing energy-efficient characteristics: (a) the compact city, a centralized high-density city; (b) the 'archipelago' pattern, a cellular-like tissue of nucleated urban subunits, and; (c) the linear-grid structure, based on lines of high density development (Owens, 1986). Of these three, the linear grid structure is seen to be the most apt for public transport provision, and its effectiveness in terms of lowering fuel consumption and emissions is thus seen to reside in its potential for shifting transport mode away from the private car. This settlement pattern is advocated by Hugh Barton et al. in the first manual of practice to appear in the U.K. on sustainable urban design, Sustainable Settlements (Barton et al., 1995). The expected positive impact of linear models on travel patterns has not however been borne out by computer simulations. Rickaby et al. studied five growth options for the archetypal English town, using data from twenty English towns with populations between 50000 and 150000. Two of the options considered concentrating development along radial routes. No significant variations in fuel use and almost no variation in modal split were found in this simulation, leading the authors to conclude that these are very difficult to achieve by means of land use planning alone (Rickaby and Steadman, 1991). These results, however, are to be expected when considering small-sized towns. Another simulation carried out earlier at a city-regional scale, also including two options with narrow high-density linear corridors, revealed no significant variation in modal split although it did in density (Rickaby, 1987) (see below). Density

Notwithstanding the importance of settlement shapes, it is the physical separation of activities which has been identified as the single most important factor in the relationship between urban form and transport energy requirements (Owens, 1986). This separation is determined by density and by the location of different land uses or activities. Theoretical work, much of it conducted after the 1973 oil crisis, shows that as urban density increases, energy use for transport decreases (Owens,

234

Land use pattern and transport in Curitiba: H Srnith and J Raemaekers

1992). Higher densities in theory bring trip ends closer together and thus reduce trip lengths, also reducing the need to travel. In terms of linear cities, the contribution of high densities would lie in the maximization of public transport potential rather than in the reduction of the need to travel. High load factors on public transport increase energy efficiency, and this is in theory encouraged by relative concentrations of homes and facilities along transport routes. The relationship between density and fuel consumption was established in Rickaby's computer simulation of a regional settlement pattern, though no correlation between high density linear transport corridors and an increased use of buses could be established (Rickaby, 1987). The most widely quoted confirmation of a negative correlation between urban density and fuel consumption is Kenworthy and Newman's (1989) international survey of 32 cities in the Western world and Westernized Asian cities. Their survey revealed an exponential pattern relating these two variables, with U.S. cities showing the lowest densities and highest fuel consumption levels, and Asian cities showing the opposite situation. Furthermore, they refined their correlation between urban density and fuel consumption in two ways: first, by adjusting the data for vehicle efficiency, and second, by adjusting all data on fuel price, incomes and vehicle efficiencies to U.S. norms. The same exponential relationship was not only clear but reinforced (Newman and Kenworthy, 1989, pp. 48-49, 127-128). The negative correlation between density and fuel burn is also borne out by U.K. national data, which show that travel demand rises as densities fall below 15 persons per hectare and falls sharply as density increases above 50 persons per hectare (Royal Commission on Environmental Pollution, 1994, p. 149). Kenworthy and Newman's study did not consider settlement shape, but did establish a negative correlation between levels of public transport and energy consumption. Naturally, other economic, social and cultural factors were considered too. The economic ones were the demographic size of a city, vehicle ownership, income, fuel price and vehicle fuel efficiency. Newman and Kenworthy recognized the effect of these factors, but found their impact at an urban level was lower than in terms of national fuel consumption. Nevertheless, the impact of density on travel is disputed. Newman and ~The Royal Commission on Environmental Kenworthy's work (1989), for instance, was heavily criticized by Gordon Pollution (1994) lists authors who argue and Richardson (1989) who disagreed with the validity of the global that density acts as an independent factor comparison of fuel use patterns employed, among other things. Currently and authors who argue to the contrary. it is generally accepted, however, that there is a relationship between Those given as arguing for are: ECOTEC (1993) Reducing Transport Emissions urban density and fuel consumption (Royal Commission on Environmental Through Planning. HMSO, London; Keyes, Pollution, 1994, p. 149). ~ D. L. (1982) Reducing travel and fuel use through urban planning, in Burchell, R. W. and Listoken, D. (eds) (1989) Energy and Land Use. Centre for Urban Policy Research, New Brunswick; and Newman and Kenworthy (1989). Those given as arguing that density does not act as an independent variable are: Gordon, P. and Richardson, H. (1989); Mogridge, M. (1985) Transport, land use and energy interaction. Urban Studies, 22, 481-492; and Rickaby, P. A., Steadman, J. P. and Barrett, M. (1992) Patterns of land use in English towns: implications for energy use and carbon dioxide emissions, in Breheny, M. J. (ed.) Sustainable Development and Urban Form, 182-196. Pion, London.

L o c a t i o n o f activities

In relation to the location of activities, the current debate centres on concentration versus dispersion. The underlying rationale is that close proximity of different uses reduces the need to travel and encourages the use of non-motorized modes: walking and cycling. At the neighbourhood level this assertion appears to be confirmed by empirical surveys (Tarry, 1992; Winter et al., 1995). At the urban and regional scales computer simulation has shown centralization of activities to be more efficient from an emissions perspective than other options (Bozeat et al., 1992; Rickaby and Steadman, 1991). Linear city models offer a wide range of proposals in relation to location of activities. Whilst the models suggested by Le Corbusier and the MARS 235

Land use pattern and transport in Curitiba: H Smith and J Raemaekers

Group are based on single-function lines, thus generating commuting patterns, the proposals of Soria and Miliutin are based on mixed use (Ash, 1966; Collins, 1979; Copenhagen General Planning Department, 1973; Correa, 1989; Doxiadis, 1968; Frampton, 1968; Frampton, 1992; Gold, 1993; Lambie, 1967; Le Corbusier, 1947; Ling, 1967; Merlin, 1971; Miliutin, 1974; Ratcliffe, 1981; Schaffer, 1970). Any given slice of Miliutin's linear city contains industrial, residential, amenity and agricultural uses, thus keeping all functions within walking distance from one another. The success of this arrangement in terms of energy efficient travel depends on people working or going to school within the 'slice' where they live. A built counter-example to this is Bombay, whose structure is linear but whose main employment centre is located at the southern end of the line. Massive flows of people are generated, and those living at the northern end are at a considerable disadvantage (Correa, 1989). In order to satisfy the perceived need for interspersion of land uses, a linear city would probably have to offer some degree of land-use mix along any given cross-section. Factors to be studied in relation to sustainable travel patterns would be the trends in activity location and trip purpose on each of the available transport modes. Framework for analysis"

We now seek to answer with respect to Curitiba a number of questions about the three aspects: (a) Settlement shape: How linear is Curitiba? Specifically, is development concentrating along lines, favouring e.g. mode shift to public transport? (b) Density: How high is overall city density? Is it reflected in lower trip generation, lower trip length and shift to efficient modes of movement? (c) Location o f activities: Do structural lines exhibit interspersion of activities along their length which should reduce trip generation and distance? In order to address these questions, the planning of the city is first summarized in the next section.

The 1965 plan for Curitiba Curitiba is the capital of the State of Paranfi, in Southern Brazil. It is roughly 35 km long from north to south and 20 km across from east to west. It is one of the fastest growing cities in Brazil. At the time the crucial 1965 development plan was begun, population was in the region of 500000 and population growth was 5%. By 1990 population stood at 1600000 and growth was 2.3% (IPPUC, 1995a; Junior and Monteiro, 1995). The 1965 Preliminary Plan proposed the creation of the Instituto de Pesquisa e Planejamento Urbano de Curitiba, IPPUC (Institute for Urban Research and Planning of Curitiba), which developed what would be known as the Piano Diretor, approved in 1966 (Funda~ao Cultural de Curitiba, 1992). The key planning principles, planning objectives, land use legislation and plan implementation are concisely explained in Jonas Rabinovitch's paper in the January 1996 issue of this journal (Rabinovitch, 1996). For our purposes it is important to recall that the growth of Curitiba was planned along five high-density arterial corridors--structural lines--that fanned out from the central area. These structural lines were the end result of the approach already adopted in the 1965 plan, which 236

Land use pattern and transport in Curitiha: H Smith attd J Raemaekers

proposed to 'strive for a finear expansion along certain dominant, spontaneous and strongly marked lines' (Sociedade Serete de Estudos e Projetos Ltda., 1965, p. 145). This initial approach identified a single southeasterly direction for linear development, but it was superseded by the 1966 Plano Diretor's call for 'a linear occupation along pre-defined axes, by means of integrated land use, road network and public transport' (Buleze et al., 1985, p. 12). The concept put forth by the planners was that of a 'linear centre [our italics[, [which] made possible the progressive extension towards the outer neighbourhoods along the road, in the most natural way possible, of activities heretofore restricted to the central core' (IPPUC, 1995b, p. 8). Although these structural lines were therefore meant to become the city's new centre, providing services and access to the rest of the city via public transport--and are regarded as such by planners in Curitiba and by much of the literature (Oliveira, 1995; Rabinovitch, 1996)--for the sake of clarity they shall be referred to here as 'corridors'. The form these corridors took was that of the eixo trinario (trinary axis), in which the structural line was split into three roughly parallel roads, with high-density development in between these. The central road was designed to hold two exclusive bus lanes in the centre, one in each direction, and on either side a parking strip, a lane for slow traffic and a pavement. One block away on either side of the central road a fast traffic road was located, one leading into town and the other out of town. Each of these fast roads was to be three to four lanes wide and with no parking. The three roads forming this trinary axis were to be laid out as parallel as possible, their exact configuration depending on land contours and existing buildings and properties. 2 Land-use was integrated with this road and public transport network by adopting a zoning system which is also explained by Rabinovitch (1996). The resulting layout of the trinary axis bears a striking resemblance to Arturo Soria's Ciudad Lineal, with three parallel streets, the central one of which is used by public transport. The most significant differences are the high density planned in the case of Curitiba, and the fact that the trinary axis is not a strip of isolated development in the middle of the countryside but a concentration of services, employment and residences within a wider low-density collection of grids. Indeed, according to Rafael Dely, the creator of the trinary axis concept, the city in itself is not linear, only the employment function is. 3

Assessment of the transport energy efficiency of Curitiba Settlement shape and the public transport network

2Interview with Rafael Dely, Special Secretary for Housing Policy (COHAPAR), 31 August 1995. 31bid.

The shape of Curitiba conforms to that described by Kevin Lynch as 'the urban star' (Lynch, 1974). It is a five-spoke irregular star (Figure l). The North and South lines form the longest spokes in terms of development, corresponding to the first two structural axes to be implemented. The West and East lines are shorter in terms of planned high-density development, though not in terms of busway provision; also, the West line shows one of the highest levels of densification. A fifth spoke, protruding from the old city core in a south easterly direction, was not planned as a structural line. This spoke, the Boqueirfio line, evolved as an express bus route in response to the demand resulting from high immigration to this area. In relation to land use, in 1985 Buleze et al. saw the implementation of the structural axes as a success in terms of consolidation of the envisaged 237

Land use pattern and tran,sport in Curitiba: H Smith and J Raemaekers

Figure 1. Map of Curitiba showing medium and high-density zones and express busways. Sources: Adapted by the Authors from IPPUC, 1991a, n.p. and IPPUC, 1991b, p. 61.

4Structural Sector population increase was 60% in the period 1970-1974, and 42% in 1974-1978. By contrast, overall population increase in Curitiba was 22% and 31% respectively.

238

city structure. They gave figures for structural sector population increase in relation to city population increase which appeared to confirm this. 4 However, data from the IPPUC's survey and projections for Curitiba between 1970 and 2020, Curitiba: TendOncias de Crescimento (IPPUC, 1991a), give a different picture. Whilst in 1970 the structural lines held 35% of homes in Curitiba, by 1990 this figure was down to 29%, and it is projected that by 2020 the proportion will be 27%. The relative fall and stabilization of the share of structural line homes within the city as a whole does not mean, however, that densification along these corridors is not continuing. In 1990 Angela Dias Bertolini studied projections for densification of the structural lines and envisaged the problem of express bus lines reaching their capacity limit in the near future. Bertolini took the maximum housing density (500homes/ha) allowed by the current planning regulations on the South Structural Sector and estimated a final population once this density has been reached. Assuming that bus ridership will increase proportionately with population increase, a maximum passenger flow of 37800 passengers/hour/direction is reached for peak flow times (Bertolini, 1990). The IPPUC's projections show that housing density along the South Structural Zone will be only

Land use pattern and transport in Curitiba: H Smith and J Raemaekers

between 50 and 70 homes/ha by the year 2020 and that, in the long term, housing density will stabilize at between 300 and 400 homes/ha (IPPUC, 1991a). This indicates that the difficult situation predicted by Bertolini may never be reached. It has to be acknowledged, however, that the densities set by the planning regulations are too high from the point of view of the operation of the express busways. This is likely to mean that, eventually, either the excess demand will be met by cars using the fast roads of the trinary axes, or the express busways will have to be upgraded to a higher capacity and much more expensive transit mode. Thus, although densification along the structural lines is occurring, the share of the 'linear part' of Curitiba in relation to the city as a whole is gradually dropping, though not markedly. This trend is the opposite of that observed in passenger ridership, which is becoming increasingly concentrated on the structural axes' busways as opposed to the rest of the network. In the study of modal split, settlement shape is often equated with the shape of the public transport network. In Curitiba, the integration of landuse and transport planning means that this holds true: the urban star is the shape of both the settlement and the network of express busways. The pattern has two further elements: (a) the concentric inter-district lines, and (b) the short feeder lines connecting mainly with the express and interdistrict lines at interchange stations (Table 1). These three types of bus line--plus the recently introduced direct and bi-articulated lines--form the Integrated Transport Network (RIT) which has been gradually developed in conjunction with land use planning. Figure 2 shows how the successive openings of new express lines along busways during the 1970s and early 1980s, with their corresponding feeder lines, brought about a rapid shift from the conventional bus network to the express lines running along the structural axes. Between 1982 and 1989 the public transport network was largely unaltered, and from 1982 to 1993 the share of passenger trips on the express lines remained at a constant average of 29%. The introduction of the bi-articulated bus line along the Boqueirfio busway in 1993 raised the combined passenger flow share along Curitiba's high-density structural axes to 35%. Overall the new integrated transport network's share of ridership has risen from below 10% of the total in 1974 to over 70% in 1994. Figure 2 therefore suggests that the linear model as implemented in Curitiba has been successful in concentrating passenger flow along the new busway network, integrated with land

Table 1. Public transport network: types of bus line Express Feeder Inter-district Direct

Bi-articulated

Conventional

Red buses; standard or articulated. These travel along the busways in the Structural Sectors. Orange buses; standard. These link residential areas with the interchange terminals, where passengers can transfer to express or inter-district buses. Green buses; standard. Inter-district buses provide a link between the city districts without crossing the centre, following circular routes. Silver buses; specially designed to be boarded only from tubular stations that reduce boarding times. These provide a fast service with few stops, and direct buses usually run along the fast outer roads of the trinary system. Red buses; specially designed long buses which can carry up to 270 passengers. Also designed to be boarded from tubular stations and from special platforms at the interchange terminals. These have replaced the express buses on the Boqueirao and the N-S lines, in an attempt to increase the capacity of these lines. Yellow buses; standard. These still provide direct links between outer districts and the city centre. They do not form part of the RIT but are gradually being replaced by this.

Source: Adapted from URBS, 1992.

239

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O% 74 75 76 77 78

I0%

~0%

I0%

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'0%

|0%

i0%

79

80

82

83

84 85

86 87

Year ( 1 9 7 4 - 1 9 9 4 )

81

88 89

90 91

92 93

-igure 2. Share of total daily passenger trips according to bus type, 1974-94. Sources: IPPUC, 1991b; IPPUC, 1995d.

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3 Conventional I Bi-articulated II Direct I Inter-district I Feeder I Express

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Land use pattern and transport in Curitiba." H Smith and J Raemaekers

SData in Figure 2 must be treated with caution. It should be noted that the data shown in Figure 2 are the averaged total number of passengers going through the turnstiles installed on board all buses and at interchange stations along the express lines. These totals do not include passengers transferring from feeder and inter-district buses onto express buses at interchange stations. A survey carried out in 1982 by the IPPUC showed that 43% of passengers using an express bus also travelled on a feeder bus on the same trip (Buleze et al., 1985). The percentage for inter-district buses was 4%. This suggests that about half of the passengers on express buses are non-Structural Sector residents and that the concentration of trips along the express busways in relation to total trips is higher than that directly shown in Figure 2. 6Modal shift is referred to more readily in Curitiba, especially when new bus lines are put into operation. For example, when the bi-articulated bus was first introduced in 1993, on the Boqueir˜ao line, the number of passengers on that line initially increased by 28%, stabilizing later at a final increase of 7%. However, figures quoted are extrapolations from other data and it is difficult to establish what proportion of that growth is due to 'natural' growth in passenger demand as opposed to people shifting away from car-use (Filla, 1995). It therefore does not appear to be possible to establish a relationship between land use and modal shift with the available data. Transfers from private transport to public transport appear to be more related to the supply of public transport. 7This is to be expected in a user-based survey. This survey shows the means used by shoppers, workers, etc. to reach the facilities provided in each area of Curitiba. The low proportion of walking trips recorded is possibly due to a high distance threshold for walking trips to be considered. This threshold is unfortunately not made explicit in the document where the survey results were presented (IPPUC, 1988).

use planning, with all the benefits and costs this transport system entails in terms of energy efficiency.5 Having established the important role of the express busways in the overall public transport network, we can now look at what effect this might have on modal split and on trip generation. Data on modal split in Curitiba are scarce. 6 A survey carried out in March 1979, five years after express buses were first introduced, showed that 79% of the population usually travelled by bus in Curitiba (Table 2). This survey also showed that the number of non-motorized trips was very low. A more recent survey was carried out by the IPPUC in 1987 (Table 3). This user-based survey shows great differences between areas. The centre shows by far the highest usage of the bus and the lowest of walking. 7 If one considers the great degree of centralization in Curitiba (see Location of activities below), it is logical that walking should represent a small percentage of total trips because the vast majority of city centre users are coming from outside the centre. Likewise, convergence of the five express busways on the centre is likely to be a major factor behind the high proportion of bus users. The proportion of bus users in the outer neighbourhoods shows a clear link with coverage by the RIT (Integrated Transport Network). The area of Santa Felicidade shows a bus user rate well below that of the rest of peripheral neighbourhoods (Bacacheri, Hauer, Portfio and Pinheirinho), and this is precisely the only area not served by any express busway or other type of RIT line at the time. A comparison of overall modal split with that of the 32 cities selected by Newman and Kenworthy for their study (Newman and Kenworthy, 1989) shows a great similarity between the 1987 figures for Curitiba (Table 6)

Table 2. Travel mode survey, 1979

Bus Own or family car Someone else's car Taxi Motorcycle Bicycle Other Only walking

79% 36% 4% 3% 1% 1% 1% 1%

TOTAL*

126%

*The survey recorded answers to the question: 'What transport mode do you usually use?' More than one answer could be given. Source: Instituto Gallup de Opini&o Pt]blica, 1979.

Table 3. Travel mode survey, 1987 Travel modes employed by users of services in the sub-centres of Curitlba (Percentages)

Outer ring

Outer ring average Inner ring

Sub-centres

Bus

Car

Walking

Others

Bacacheri Hauer Port&o Pinheirinho Sta. Felicidade

Centro(city centre)

22.68 38.22 34.35 36.21 13.24 28.94 19.42 32.71 10.71 13.79 19.16 53.96

51.62 24.40 38.12 23.85 50.17 37.63 54.13 50.75 37.76 56.32 49.74 41.56

22.68 35.06 24.00 36.21 31.71 29.93 23.14 14.29 47.45 29.89 28.69 1.76

3.02 2.32 3.53 3.73 4.88 3.50 3.31 2.25 4.08 -2.41 2.72

TOTAL

41.46

39.60

16.03

2.91

Centro Oeste Centro Sudeste Centro Leste Centro Nordeste

Inner ring average

Source: IPPUC, 1988, Table 2.

241

Land use pattern and transport in Curitiba: H Smith and J Raemaekers

and the 1980 figures for several European citiesS: Hamburg, London, Munich, Paris (|le de France), Stockholm and Vienna. Only Asian cities (Hong Kong, Singapore and Tokyo) and the centre of two of the largest Western metropolises (Viile de Paris and New York) show significantly higher shares of public transport users. The majority of the European cities with modal split characteristics similar to those of Curitiba belong to the group labelled by Newman and Kenworthy as 'substantially oriented to non-auto modes' and with a low level of fuel use per capita (Newman and Kenworthy, 1989, p. 59). Turning to trip generation, the implementation of the structural axes does not appear to have generated an increased demand for public transport. Daily bus trips per person rose from 0.305 to 0.674 between 1960 and 1970, i.e. there was a 120% increase in trips per capita in the decade b e f o r e the structural axes were implemented. Between 1970 and 1994, during the progressive densification of the structural axes, construction of the busway network and opening of new bus lines, the number of trips per capita increased by only 2%. This however, does not take account of the increase in private car trips per capita. Figures for number and length of private car trips are not available. Density

8The survey carried out in Curitiba in 1987 was user-based and showed the means of transport used to get to the various sub-centres, for all purposes. Modal split given in Newman and Kenworthy (1989), however, is only for trips to work.

242

So far we have considered density in localized parts of the city, but what about overall density? Newman and Kenworthy established a negative exponential relationship between urban density and fuel consumption (Newman and Kenworthy, 1989). These authors explicitly excluded Third World cities from their studies 'because their poverty and vastly different transport patterns based primarily around walking and other unconventional motorised and non-motorised modes...put them into a very distinct class of their own' (Newman and Kenworthy, 1989, p. 10). The similarity between Curitiba and some European cities in terms of modal split suggests otherwise in this case. Thus, the calculation of urban density and other parameters following the method set out by Newman and Kenworthy opens up the possibility of making some interesting comparisons. In the first place, urban density in Curitiba in 1980, calculated in this case by excluding those administrative units with a density of under 5 people/ha, was 30.5 people/ha--Rabinovitch quotes a current overall density of 49 people/ha (Rabinovitch, 1996). This is just above the density of 30 people/ha pointed out by Newman and Kenworthy as a minimum in order to achieve more energy-efficient cities (Newman and Kenworthy, 1989). Transport fuel consumption per capita in Curitiba in 1980 was 0.29 m3/person, which is equivalent to 10060 MJ/capita if we apply the conversion factor used by Newman and Kenworthy. Plotting these data on the graph obtained by Newman and Kenworthy for fuel use per capita versus urban density shows, again, that Curitiba belongs to the cluster of European cities with medium to high densities and low fuel consumption per capita. Data for Curitiba almost coincide with those for Copenhagen. The 'westernization' of Curitiba suggested by these figures appears to be confirmed by comparison with fuel consumption in other similarly sized Brazilian cities (Table 4). Although fuel consumption per vehicle is lower in Curitiba than in any other of the Brazilian cities shown, its level of fuel consumption per capita is surpassed only by that of Brasilia, a city designed for the private motor car. This is due to the high amount of vehicles per capita in Curitiba. Newman and Kenworthy's analysis goes further than a mere comparison of overall urban density with fuel consumption per capita. Their analysis

Land use pattern and transport in Curitiba." H Smith and J Raemaekers

consists of several steps: collection of standard data 9 relating to land use and transportation for 1960, 1970 and 1980; correlation analysis; a simplified version of 'factor analysis' by means of ranking and scoring cities for each variable and grouping the cities into five or six categories for each of Table 4. Vehicles and fuel consumption In Brazilian cities 1980 City

Pop. (lO00s)

Vehicles (lO00s)

Vehicles/ person

Fuel/ year

Fuel/veh. (m3/veh.)

Fuel/per. (m3/p)

Curitiba Belem Fortaleza Recife Salvador B. Horizonte Porto Alegre Brasilia

1034 934 1039 1205 1506 1782 1126 1177

206.7 54.5 70.8 133.9 111.3 224.7 173.6 171.7

0,1999 0.0584 0.0054 0.1111 0.0739 0.1261 0.1572 0.1459

304262 97 235 201 495 243 698 336 097 432547 293176 468 569

1,472 1.784 2.846 1.820 3.020 1.925 1.688 2.729

0,29 0.10 0.19 0.20 0.22 0.24 0.26 0.40

AVERAGE

0.1139

2.072

Source: Buleze et al., 1985.

Table 5. Application of Newman and Kenworthy study to CuriUba (1980 Standardized data) POPULATION PARAMETERS Urban density (persons/ha) Inner area density (persons/ha) Outer area density (persons/ha) CBS density (persons/ha) Proportion of population in CBD (%) Proportion of population in inner area (%)

30.5 61.1 26.1 131.9 4.2 25.1

EMPLOYMENT PARAMETERS Employment density (jobs/ha) Inner area employment density (job/ha) Outer area employment density (jobs/ha) CBD employment density (jobs/ha) Proportion of jobs in CBD (%) Proportion of jobs in inner area (%)

11.7 51.7 5.9 312.6 26.2 55.3

ACTIVITY INTENSITY PARAMETERS (population and jobs/ha) CBD activity intensity Inner area activity intensity Outer area activity intensity City-wide activity intensity

444.5 112.8 32.0 42.2

VEHICLE OWNERSHIP PARAMETERS Total vehicles/1000 people Passenger cars/1000 people

221.1 ?

PRIVATE MOBILITY PARAMETERS Total per capita vehicle km Per capita car km Total per capita occupant km Per capita occupant km Total vehicle km per vehicle Car km per car TRAFFIC RESTRAINT PARAMETERS Parking spaces/1000 CBD workers Length of road per person (m) Total vehicles per km of road Total vehicle km per km of road Car km per km of road

9This is not standardized data in a statistical sense, but data collected on the basis of pre-established definitions of geographical areas, concepts and periods which would allow for meaningful comparison between the 32 cities.

TRANSPORT ENERGY PARAMETERS Motor spirit use/person (MJ) Total private energy use/person (MJ) Public transport energy use/person (MJ) Total energy use/person (MJ)

? ? ? 10060

PUBLIC TRANSPORT PARAMETERS (buses) Vehicle km per person Passenger trips per person Passenger trips per vehicle km Passenger km per person Average speed of public transport Vehicular energy efficiency Modal energy efficiency

79.9 305.5 3.8 ? 14.8 ? ?

Sources: Buleze et al., 1985; IPPUC, 1988; IPPUC, 1991 b.

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Land use pattern and tran.spon in Curitiha: H Smith and J Raemaekers

the five factors studied~°; and a kind of 'cluster analysis', which attempts 'to bring together the various factors and give an overall impression of which cities show a multifactor dependence on the automobile and which have a more balanced transport system' (Newman andKenworthy, 1989, p. 63). Land use and transportation data for Curitiba from 1980 were added to the Newman and Kenworthy data and part of the process described above, i.e. simple factor and cluster analyses, was conducted. The standardized data, in the same format given by Newman and Kenworthy, are shown in Table 5. Data for the sections on private mobility, traffic restraint and transport energy could not be obtained. This makes a full analysis impossible. Newman and Kenworthy's simplified factor analysis for three of the factors, however, could be carried out. These factors are: land use intensity index, degree of centralization, and public transport performance index. For each of these factors respectively Curitiba came under the following categories as defined by Newman and Kenworthy: medium density, strongly centralized, and with some excellent public transport features and good overall public transport. Data are not available allowing a rating for Curitiba according to the two remaining factors: orientation to non-automobilc index and level of traffic restraint index. The rating of Curitiba for the known factors is average, so the result of the simplified cluster analysis based on the known factors only is that Curitiba belongs to the middle group of cities studied by Newman and Kenworthy (Toronto, New York, Copenhagen, Hamburg, Ziirich and Brussels), termed as Class II1 cities and considered to have 'significant energy conserving characteristics' (Newman and Kenworthy, 1989 p. 65). Location of" activities and trip generation

~°The method used by Newman and Kenworthy, referred to as 'simple factor analysis' by the authors, is based on the pre-definition of five factors with between three and six contributing variables each, followed by ranking and scoring the 32 cities on each variable, obtaining a composite factor score for each city and, finally, ranking once again on each factor and dividing the range into five or six groups. The informal cluster analysis undertaken followed similar principles. 11See Note 2.

244

The corridors planned in Curitiba were to be lines of high density commercial and service use mixed with residential, i.e. lines of employment-generating use. 1~ The characteristic interspersion of activities of traditional city centres was to be maintained in the expansion of the city core, avoiding the strict zoning of the Charter of Athens. This, however, is the only exception, as all other activities are carefully segregated through land-use zoning. The main activities thus regulated are industry and services, the former being concentrated in a specially zoned area 10 km from the old city centre, and the latter (metropolitan-scale retail and services) being provided along or close to some of the main trunk roads serving Curitiba. Though the plan envisaged a high degree of residential and employment mix along the medium and high density corridors this did not appear to show signs of being achieved by 1985. Thus, Buleze et al. quote 24% of jobs held by Curitiba residents as being located in the city centre (1979 data) (Buleze et al., 1985). Buleze et al.'s data were used to calculate the parameters for the inclusion of Curitiba in Newman and Kenworthy's proposed city classification. Following Newman and Kenworthy's criteria, in 1980 the proportion of jobs in the CBD was 26.2%, and the proportion of jobs in the inner area was 55.3%, making Curitiba a 'strongly centralized' city in their terms. This vicw was upheld in the survey carried out in 1987 by the IPPUC in order to review the Plano Diretor. In its analysis of commercial activity location it identified a traditional centre and three categories of sub-centres. These did not follow the pattern set out in the Piano Diretor and showed: the persistent concentration of employment and economic

Land use pattern and transport in Curitiba: H Smith and J Raemaekers

activity in the traditional centre (Table 6); clusters of high densities along the Structural Sectors with the rest of the land along these corridors being underdeveloped; and the location of large facilities (public bodies, large retail centres, service centres and company headquarters) outwith the Structural Sectors (IPPUC, 1985). After a period during which policies were put in place in order to encourage the polycentric development of Curitiba, with the change of local government in 1989 linear city policies were reinstated. This time, however, it was acknowledged that planning regulations were not succeeding in attracting employment-generating activities to the linear Structural Sectors, and that residential densities reached in some areas were too high. The plot ratio was lowered from 6 to 4 and incentives for the construction of commercial buildings were introduced. For instance, in exclusively commercial buildings located on the central avenue of the Structural Sector, a bonus of 1.5 times the plot area was added on to the allowed built floor area (IPPUC, 1995c: Decreto No. 579/90). A new survey to monitor the implementation of the Piano Diretor was initiated in 1995, and this showed that the rate of construction of new commercial/service premises on the Structural Sectors was increasing. High increases after 1990 in most of the Structural Sectors appear to suggest that the new legislation introduced is having the expected impact, i2 The importance of the location of these activities from the point of view of trip generation is highlighted by the results of a survey carried out in 1991 among express bus users (Table 7). This showed that the journey to work by far accounts for the highest proportion of trips. This, together with the figures in Table 6, once more appears to confirm the centralizaTable 6. Area of residence of sub-centre users in Curitiba, 1987 (Percentages) Sub-centres providing services Home sub-centre Outerring

Outer ring average tnnerring

Bacacheri Hauer Port&o Pinheirinho Santa Felicidade Centro Centro Centro Centro

Oeste Sudeste Leste Nordeste

Inner ring average Centro (city centre)

Same as home

City centre

Other

Total

31.9 54.6 40.5 39.5 40.9 41.5 24.6 23.0 21.7 31.4 25.2 70.0

60.9 35.4 42.8 30.3 50.8 44.0 56.2 62.3 65.7 57.0 60.3 70.0

07.2 10.0 16.7 30.2 08.3 14.5 19.2 14.7 12.6 11.6 14.5 30.0

100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100

Source: iPPUC, 1987 in IPPUC (1988), Table 1.

Table 7. Public transport trip purpose (Survey of passenger trips on express buses along the five busways, March 1991)

12The first results of this survey were s h o w n to o n e of the authors during the visit to the IPPUC in A u g u s t / S e p t e m b e r 1995.

Trip purpose

Percentage

Work Study Leisure Others TOTAL

78.5 8.0 3.0 10.5 100.0

Type of work

Percentage

Commercial industrial Services Others TOTAL

26.9 14.2 55.2 3.7 100.0

Source: IPPUC, 1991c.

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Land use pattern and transport in Curitiba: H Smith and J Raemaekers

tion of Curitiba that emerged in the application of Newman and Kenworthy's analysis to the city. This centralization of activity appears to be linked to the distribution of travel modes. The areas belonging to the inner ring, as established for the studies carried out between 1985 and 1988 by the IPPUC, show a high level of travel to the city centre (for use of services), of 60% on average (Table 6), high car dependence (average of 50%), and low public transport usage (average of 19%) (Table 3). The areas belonging to the outer ring, on the other hand, show a slightly lower but still high dependence on the city centre (average of 44%), lower car dependence (38% average) and higher public transport usage (29% average). What these figures do not show is the metropolitan dimension of the problems generated by centralization. Concentration of activities in the centre with high-density housing along the busways was not the objective of the Plano Diretor. Furthermore, this high-density housing is not affordable for low-income households, whose options have been to settle in undervalued, distant and undeveloped areas such as Boqueir~o--the fifth spoke---or outwith the city boundaries. Given the centralization of the city in terms of employment, this increases trip length and social polarization. The regulation of land use and the provision of efficient transport corridors thus appear to have solved some problems linked to fast growth in Curitiba, whilst creating new ones in surrounding municipalities. S u m m a r y o f results

Our main findings are: • The high-density corridors have become consolidated with just under a third of all homes in Curitiba, but it is in terms of concentration of mass transit that these corridors are still gaining significance within the city structure. • Densification along the structural lines is still taking place and reaching the legal density ceiling would probably cause problems for the management of the mass transport system, but it seems likely that such high densities will not be reached in the foreseeable future. • Modal split is favourable to public transport, though it varies within the city. • The increase in bus trips per capita has practically ceased since implementation of the integrated land use and public transport plan began. • Overall density in Curitiba is sufficient to achieve an acceptable level of energy-efficiency according to Newman and Kenworthy's classification. • In 1980, eight years after plan implementation was initiated, Curitiba was still a highly centralized town. • Adjustments to land use legislation in the 1990s are already having a favourable impact on the decentralization of economic activity. • The further one lives from the city centre, the less likely one is to use city centre services, but the more likely one is to use the bus. • A problem of social polarization on a metropolitan scale--i.e, affecting surrounding municipalities--has arisen.

Discussion The 'urban star'

The particular model of linear development adopted in Curitiba is that of the 'urban star', which in this case is not laid out against the open countryside but over a pattern of low density residential development grids. Not

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Land use pattern and transport in Curitiba: H Smith and J Raemaekers

being well-served by public transport, these extensive low-density areas can become car-trip generators as well as alternative routes for private motor cars in the hypothetical case of the structural lines becoming congested. Another factor that might favour the private motor car in the long run would be the bus lines reaching peak capacity--and there is a limit to the passenger carrying capacity of bus lines along these public transport corridors which is below the potential trip generation that would result from the final densities set in the plan being achieved (Bertolini, 1990). However, alternatives are possible. A study carried out in 1980 foresaw impending saturation of the bus lines and identified the construction of tram lines along the corridors as a solution (Dunin, 1980). A detailed study of this possibility was undertaken in 1992 for the North-South corridor, but was not implemented because of its high cost in comparison with the development of the bi-articulated bus line, which is now in operation (IPPUC/Cons6rcio Engerima, 1992). Another implication of this model of linear development is that the open space network is not the negative image of the urban star. Open space is provided in these inter-spoke areas, but as islands or wedges within the low density development areas. The intimate contact between townscape and landscape advocated by Arturo Soria, Miliutin and even Le Corbusier is hence diminished in this model.

The implications of high densities The high densities allowed along the structural lines have been identified as being liable to put excessive pressure on public transport. Also, they have generated areas where built density is seen as excessive and leading to changes in microclimate, an increase in air and noise pollution and intense vehicular traffic (IPPUC/Cons6rcio Engerima, 1992, p. 38). Indeed, permitted maximum density along the structural sectors was lowered in 1990 because it gave rise to 'an excessively high occupation density, generating a deterioration of urban environmental quality in that sector, especially in relation to the ventilation and exposure to the sun of buildings' (IPPUC, 1995c: Decreto No. 579/90, p. 135). Furthermore, it implies a building option--high-rise--that relies on advanced construction technology. Not only does this rule out the possibility of using low-cost and less energy-consuming materials and techniques but also, in a developing country like Brazil, it has social implications. High-rise is not only expensive but also related to 'progress', and will attract middle and high-income buyers. High densities also increase land price. This effect was already noted in Curitiba's structural sectors in 1980, and led to the proposal to acquire land through compulsory purchase along one of the lines of development connecting the South structural sector with the industrial city, in order to provide low-income housing (Dunin, 1980). The impact of services and high densities on land prices was again commented on in the 1985 review of Curitiba's development plan, which pointed out that the bulk of low-income households was being driven out by high prices to places such as the distant, unserviced and uncontrolled area of Boqueir~o, in the south-east, following a process it called 'peripheralization' (IPPUC, 1985, p. 87). Indeed, eventually the local authority had to acknowledge the development of this area in the south-east and included a fifth spoke in its development plan, linking Boqueir~o with the traditional city core. 'Peripheralization' had an impact beyond the municipal boundaries, generating a conurbation with areas in the North and East of the city,

247

Land use pattern and transport in Curitiba: H Smith and J Raemaekers

formed mainly by low-income settlements (IPPUC, 1985, pp. 97 and 106). This process distorted development in neighbouring municipalities, some of which have ended up with the vast majority of their population living on the boundary with Curitiba rather than in their own traditional city cores (Moura, 1991). More recently, polarization on a smaller scale has also been noted between the high-rise structural sectors and the lower density residential areas parallel to these, where prices are lower and accessible to lowerincome households (IPPUC/Cons6rcio Engerima, 1992, p. 38). Thus we see that local studies have argued that the high densities imposed along the Structural Sectors have tended to push low-income people to settle in outlying neighbourhoods and neighbouring municipalities. Not only has social polarization been caused but metropolitan commuting has been generated, with a possible impact on energy efficiency. On the other hand, the importance of good management can be seen in the fact that bus fares in Curitiba were among the lowest in Brazil thus facilitating access to the city centre.

Replicability Implementation of planning in Curitiba has been both proactive and interactive: proactive because a clearly defined model was chosen to guide city growth and transport infrastructure was built to induce development; interactive because there was a continuous process of feedback between implementation and planning. These two characteristics have been supported by a unique institutional organization: the IPPUC, a central planning institute separate from the local authority but directly accountable to the Mayor, and with a very wide but clearly defined remit. In the last instance it is, however, political continuity and political support for the IPPUC that have allowed implementation to take place. Doubts are thus often cast on the replicability of an experience which, 'being due to a unique combination of historical, geographical and socio-political factors, cannot be easily reproduced elsewhere' (Fernandes, 1995, p. 6). However unique and circumstantial this experience may be, some elements might be replicable in different ways elsewhere: (a) a central institution (at local level) with the remit of planning urban development and co-ordinating the actions of implementing and other agencies; (b) the adoption of an integrated approach to land use and transport planning; (c) the adoption of a set of priorities, which allow effective use of limited resources to be made; (d) the recognition of the importance of design which, when dealing with constraints in a resourceful manner, can make viable otherwise difficult to implement plans. The adoption of a set of priorities (c) can involve an opportunity cost. In the case of Curitiba, for example, whilst resources have been channelled into the implementation of the road network and public transport system, only 46.5% of the population was served by municipal sewerage in 1990 (IPPUC, 1991b, Table 41). Finally, the last three of these elements are embodied in the way the linear model has been adopted in Curitiba. Though it is not argued here

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Land use pattern and tran~vyort in Curitiba: H Smith and J Raemaekers

that settlements arranged along high-density transport corridors are a universal solution, it can be concluded that these do constitute a valid model if designed and managed adequately.

Conclusion In terms of transport energy efficiency, the picture that emerges of Curitiba is mixed. Its achievement must be acknowledged: the fine bus network has been consolidated, public transport has a higher modal share than in other Brazilian cities, and fuel consumption per vehicle is lower. A comparison with the 'western' cities of the study by Newman and Kenworthy (1989) shows significant energy conserving characteristics. The achievement does appear to be due in part to the consistency with which the urban star corridor city model has been implemented, although its benefits are realized only because of the matching quality of management of the bus system which it facilitates. On the other hand, bus trips per capita have not risen since implementation of the 1965 Plan, car ownership is the highest in Brazil and vehicle fuel consumption per capita was in 1980 the second highest after Brasilia. As a 'western' city Curitiba's performance in terms of energy-efficiency is positive, but as a city in a less developed country it displays trends towards higher energy consumption. The city's exceptional adherence to the urban star version of the linear model has not saved it from this, as rising wealth is accompanied by a rising car culture. Moreover, the benefits for transport efficiency of adherence to the urban star do not come free of charge. Investment in the bus network may have been at the cost of other infrastructure such as sewerage. The concentration of development in the attractive strips along the axes of the urban star appears to promote social segregation, with the less well off being forced away from the axes, laterally or towards their outer ends. The efficiency of the transport corridors allows low-income people to retain access to the city centre but also allows spatial segregation of residents by income, as argued by several local sources. How reproducible are the successes of Curitiba? Alas, for most fast growing cities in developing nations, the lessons may be clear but copying them may be impossible. The successes depend on the institutional strength, co-ordination, steady political support and, above all, control over the allocation of land, which tend to be lacking.

Acknowledgements In Curitiba we would like to thank Luis H. C. Fragomeni, as well as the staff at the Instituto de Pesquisa e Planejamento Urbano de Curitiba and at other institutions who helped us gather our data. We would also like to thank John Russell, at the Edinburgh College of Art, for his useful comments whilst revising the paper.

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