Language and society: Twenty years after

Language and society: Twenty years after

LANGUAGE AND SOCIETY: T NTY Y ‘One may be surprised’, writes Professor A.!fSommerfelt, th of La langzceet k socie’ti (Oslo, 1938), ‘to see the authu...

2MB Sizes 12 Downloads 228 Views

LANGUAGE AND SOCIETY: T

NTY Y

‘One may be surprised’, writes Professor A.!fSommerfelt, th of La langzceet k socie’ti (Oslo, 1938), ‘to see the authur e on the study of amAustralian language without h lia’. For different reasons, one may be surprised to this article venturing on a critical appraisal of a work which was over 20 years ago 1). Indeed, there would be no need for such an appraisal 61 Professor Sommerfelt’s book h , as far as linguistic circles are concerned, sunk into oblivion 2). However, this been the case. The book still has its devotees, and as recently as 1956 Professor Whatmough was able to write in his La~gtiage, quite obviously drawing his information from Solmmerfelt: A language said to be of an extremely ‘archaic’ type is that of the central Australian tribe called the Aranta, who were recently on the point of extinction, some 300 souls in 1930, although they had numbered about Z,OOO,OOO [sic !j in 1900. Their linguistic ‘usage is undoubtedly quite atypical, if recent surveys of the languages of the world give anything like adequates pecimens. . . A.s a symbolism their language is helped out continually by the use of gestures, to the number of over 400 in the list compiled by one observer, which may not be complete. . . There are no distinctive parts of speech as we know them; or, rather, the eanings that we assign to parts of speech and to gr’ammatical 1) The __ only contemporary review I have seen is that by A. Cape11in wcania, vol. x, No. 1, 1939. This, I feel, was too lenient, but it did point out some of the errors in Sommerfelt’s treatment of ‘primitive’ l,mguages, e.g. : ‘On p. 178 (a)hga [= l&ga], sun, is analysed into (a)h [ = k&], go, and nka [= (k)y&], carry, and the myth of the sun woman who walks about with a stick, which she throws down when approaching the end of her walk is quoted. This becomes rather fantastic; one rather thinks of primitive man seeing an object, finding a name for it, and using that name at first as a sort of elliptical s ement doing duty for a whole sentence.’ Or if it had, as J. Lohmann remarked in Lexis (iii, 2, p. 256), already found a place ‘in the Chamber of Horrors of the “late Victorian & 1914 to 1939 Men” ‘. [The preceding article by Ernst Levy contains some interesting obons on T. G. H. Strehlow’s material - and also on Sommerfelt).

16

categories are not

formally

elements are really root-words of quite con language serves to express states and a

esture takes no account Jf e to conxrerse on occasions wher gestures are impractical, such as in the night-when, in fact, many impoitairt ceremonies are held -, at a distance, or when hsldin weapons. The gesture&n uages has its own itually prescribed it has never been essent munication. It should be ha necessary to mention this; as e loomfield wrote: c gesture has so lon secondary rNe u *rZance of language t traces of independent character. Tales a-bout peoples whose language is so ‘defective that it has to be eked out by gesture, are pure myth.’ (Lang~g~,

London, 19& ; pp. 39-M). It should be noted that throughout this article I am convenience of reference, the orthography devised by T. C. low. The general system, brieSy, is as follows: ‘dotted’ c cerebral; ‘stroked’ consonants, interdental; b,= palatalised ryngealised r; g = velar nasal; j = palatal semivowel; zc, semivowel; ‘vowels as in Italia.n’, except for the central vowel $. This nda E%ofieticsand thrnis the system used in T. 6. the material cited in this r (abbreviated AG), from which o the au.thor for the use essay is taken; for the rest, of unpublished material and for personal help and criticism.) There are two main factors conducive to error in Sommerfelt’s work: the generally unsatisfactory nature of his sources, and his own views on lsn uage and society 4). For the former he can hardly be London, 1956; pp. 47-8. The passage is too 3) J. S. Whatmoutgh, Latigs long to quote in full, but it can easily be examined in Professor Whatmough’s book. It should be noted that the number of natives in the Aranda-speaking area, at present about 2,ooO, has begun to inwease, so that statements about their language have now more than a purely acsdemk interest. Professor matmough’s ‘2,ooO,OOO’ is obviously meant for the estimate of 2,000 made by Spencer and Gillen (Tti Avutita, Lmdon, 1927; p. 1). 4) A, &pell’s remarks on Fr. W. Schmidt, in A New A#woack to Australian Liydstics (Oceania Linguistic Monographs, No. l)# may be app ied to Sommer-

18

blamed, though the far-reaching conclusions he draws from the disagreements of his sources often lead to categoric statements like the following, with insufficient or no proof: Quantity and accent play no part in the language. Spencer Gillen record long vowels and short vowels, and Strehlow Strehlow] does the same, but their notations do not obvious that it is a question of rhythmic elongation, and that . vocalic quantity is without phonological significa and Gillen regularly mark an accent, and Strehlow also, but empe dc;pvsnot use it at all. . . It is a question of a rhythmic accent without semantic value 6). Sommerfelt’s analysis of the consonant phonemes is equally une misses the significance of the occasional notation of t/t enter and Gillen thij$wthif#z, C. Strehlow ti$i, for modem Aranda +&a), but this is not surprising, since few early workers in the Australizn linguistic field realised the phonemic distinctiveness of the ‘interdental’ series j, v, I 6). But chance references in the work of athew ‘), which Sommerfelt probably did not know, and in OII Jh felt: his work ‘was vitiated firstly by being compiled under the influence of a particular anthropological theory, and secondly by the fact that the author had never done any personal research or heard an Australian 1 Cape11goes on: ‘He was therefore entirely at the mercy of th of information available. These were nearly all hopelessly inadequate and in instances completely wrong’. e 48. In his addenda (p. 210) Sommerfelt states: ‘After this chatpter was prmted I Reamedfrom Mr. Marcel Mauss that recordings made of the language of the Aranta show that stress and quantity play no phonological part in the language, a conclusion I had reached by the study of the texts’. I can find nothing further about these recordings, but later observes have reached different conclusions. It would take too long to discuss Aranda phonemes he example of phonemic length may be seen in the minimal pair pJka 6) As early as 1899, however, John Mathew, in his chapter on Australian aboriginal languages in Euglehawk tmd Crow (London-Melbourne, 1899), n&entions that ‘In the smoother languages of the east the possible terminal letters are usually limited to the liquid4 “ng”, “ndh” (a dentated “n”), and vowels’ !p 153). The interdental stop j was and is heard by some workers as an affricate, [to], which acoustically it very much resembles in the pronunciation of some speakers. See for comparison Westermann and Ward, Practical Phmetics for §tu&nts of Africa% Lmzguages, 8 153. *J)Eaglehawk and Crow, p. 152: ‘there is a cerebral “r” which I shall mark ?r” 1. These references are, of course, not to Aranda.

19

whit im on the track of th revented him confusing these consonants with or series of consonants plus palatal semi-

between an Yof the usual dental cases Strehlow notes r, and his description, a little clumsy, shows that a palatalised sound is in question. t is characteristic that r alternates with j(i) . e . This fact also explains why Spencer and Gillen sometimes an a before r, a vowel which is not fo d in Kempe or Strehlow, e.g. ~~i~~ ‘tail’, Strehlow and Kempe #MWL The same variation towards a palatalised type is also found in the case of I and N. Strehlow says that l&z ‘anus’ is also pronounced &AZ. Sometimes a non-phonemic i is found before I, as in bailbar‘wrong’, i&entical with balba ‘error’. The possible palatal character of R is evident from a notation such as ~~~~&~~~~~~ ‘wooden tjwwzga’, found in Spencer and Gillen, beside namatuna. The word is made up of nam ‘grass’, tu ‘strike’, and the element VUZ,the meaning of which is properly ‘to be seated’. 9) evertheless Sommerfelt goes so far as to criticise C. Strehlow’s consistent lo), if incomplete notation : 8)

A

note to en&as, andvta(‘Cap York Fe

d-Sprachen, 2. Sing., Fersonal-

pronomen’) on p. 282 reads. : ‘Here dr is pro

to be interpreted as a kind of cerebral dental, = $‘. Almost the same note is repeated in his Die Personalin delndwst9disckerzSjY2nzhen. @) Pages 40- 1. C. Strehlaw ‘s description (Zeitscbrift fiiv Ethnologic, xl, 699) reads: - ‘The consonant h is unknown to me in Wonkaranda, but a guttural r occurs, which I write with a spiritus asper (?) to distinguish it from the usual r. For whites some practice is necessary to produce this sound; one sinxmld try the soft, unrolled r ; for example, ta combine the sound ch (as in ach!) the description is of course not of larka should be pronounced rcharka’. the cerebral P or of a palatal Y, but of a pharyngal fricative of the type [rr]. See however AG 5 88. s of the words given above are: @iTa Yail’; @@a ‘anus’; (The last word is *Ebbreviated from at&a *bull-roarer’. * ~~~~~~~~~~, literally grass-beater’ ; in this case Sommerfelt comes very close to {he truth). 10) This notation. is almost entirely consistent also in tire representation of ,hvonomi4aa

The systematic character of Strehlow’s notation shoul be an objection against the explanation given here of the fe of tSle Aranta phonological system. I know, through having worked a long while at recording very diffel:ent Ilanguages, h easy it is to become slave to one’s first notes. As soon as one has come to grasp a word and to record it, one is inclined to hear it always in the same way. The practised linguist must go over his material several times to make sure of having recorded the true form of the word. (P* 50) nowledge of the phonetic system of the language would have prevented some of the ad hoc explanations of the latter pa book; we have space here for the most striking example only, but it is typical of Sommerfelt’s method of analysis: If we examine the Aranta formative elernents more closely we see that they are really identical with certain full words [mots pleins] found in the language. Take fi3ast of means ‘to be seated, to exist’. We have then described as ‘present indefinite’ and also ‘infinitive’. But this ~ma means at the same time ‘turf, grass’. Strehluw an always write *ama in both senses, while) Spencer and Gillen record nza’ma ‘grass’ and ?zMrnrndt“t9 be seated’. owever, from a phonological point of view Ithese two forms are identical, as we have already seen. . . a is found in the ative’ and ‘accusative’, and in the sod verbal forms. . . n the reduplicated form nana, the element Ba is translated by ‘this one, this, here’; reduplication is frequent I: in the language and serves to intensify the meaning. It is not too daring to equate this nana with na ‘to be seated’. The forms in question are pdma ‘grass’ and n form numma we see the inconsistent use by Spencer and Gillen of w to represent both [a] and [u]; they ,Yvriteelsewhere, for exarapljz, (= tfdrqa). This inconsistency on the part of Spencer an Gillen led Sommerfelt into a number of otherwise avoidable errors. cerebraIs by doubling the letter; it is evident from a note in Zsitsclwdft fW Z?%wkgG,xl, p. 702, that he recugnisedthe significanceof these sounds, even ‘thoughhe did not have the scientific notation to recorq them accurately: t , in o@nkn more correctly written as: patta’. $he word is P&G or #42, %ton6’*

21

-

to the above comple

y and phonemically impossible. n redup~~tion~ this may be the out that reduplication in Aranda does not necessarily have an intensifying force (see $ 82, 173). on usually indicates frequentative action ( ‘listen and listen’; while s it indicates a ~~~se~~~gof the attribute: m ‘only fair’, ‘not too good’ ; keel ‘ ad’, k~~~k~~~ ‘not too bad’. proaching the more serious drawbacks of Sommerfelt’s work, we may note that nowhere does he provide any evidence that the tive elements’ of Aranda are re y, as he is so fond of insisti ask whether ave any meanmg at ss; the impossibility and with individu at best to be regarded as bound morphemes ma), or simply as syllabics without independent denotation (~~~~). Space permits only one or two more quotations from. Sommerfelt to which he reduces Aranda struct illustrate the frequency tit - without: anywhere providing proof - to a series of ‘fulllwords’: An analysis of the words of s that the vocabulary nts designating a&ions is composed of a certain numb scribed as roots. These d states, elements which c means of another root roots are words. They can be ; thus new -words and or a group of other roots agglu phrases are obtained. . e (PO72) .

11) Somrnerfelt lists 11 monosyllabic roots of this type. Since, however, one syllable of the Aranda ‘word’ is always taken up with the almost univerit follows that the monosyllabic word is esMonosyllabic free morphemes occur only as verbs, and (ii) as interjections (AG 5 130); and even in the latter case they are rare (5 189). As interjections, WZGZ and gka occur in isolation, with ed contextual rneanin : ‘The expected recipient “give it to me!“) in utters the word “ykd!” ticipatioc of an expected gift; and the donor exclaims “ypt I’” (= “take it”, “here YOUare”) as he hands it to the recipient’ (AG $ 189). It is however going too far to give these interjections concrete mearnngs when the same syllables occur in inflexional and other enchgs.

22 These elements play the same part as the grammatical VU of the Indo-European 1 termi uropean plural 1 while e English and French prepositior such inflexiona3 elements, the Aranta elements; h [sens plein] a The last ‘statement, concerning inflexional c! In examining the grammar of Aranda Sommerfelt prejudices: firstly, that such a materially primitive people as the Aran& must, as a result of their ‘primitive mentality’, language quite different from 13myspoken by ‘Mlised communiti.es, clnd secondly, that the grammatical no es of those who have studied the language ire sitlc simply represent ts to force the language into European moulds: We know, particularly from the works of r. IXvy-BruhI. tht a correlation exists between the thought of inferior societies and the languages of those societies, What is necessary at present is the precise study of a linguistic system compared with the civilisation of which the system is an integral part. any sociologists and ethnologists begin tacitly from the hypothesis that different linguistic systems a.re only more or less accidental manne of expressing human :ideas. This hypothesis may appear probable enough to anyone dealing only with western Indo-European languages, but this can be explained quite simply by +he fact that these languages express ;acivilisation that has become increasingly the same. We do not have the right to suppose that our grammatical categories, our categories of verb or noun, for example, have more general validity than the uropean form of marriage. (PP@6-7) In certain grammars of so-called ‘primitive’ languages there can be found. . . attractive paradigms of ve al tenses, but at the same time it is claimed that the people who speak the language have only rudimentary ideas of the categories of time. really very surprising to affirm that people for whom nly a very insignificant role, who have not managed to create for themselves a calendar, and who have no terms for months, or weeks, or days, uld be able to express, in their verbs, d4icate distinctions ime. Those who have compiled l

l

these grammars often do no the problems posed by a scientific study of the languages with which thley are dealing. e data furnished cannot therefore be relied on, but have to be submitted to linguistic analysis. This analysis can be undertaken only by means of extensive texts. (PP* ;13--4) I% is true that it is an error to commence the study of a hitherto unrecorded lan e on the assumption that one is going to find,there ical categories as in the well-known Eurdpean ; but it is equally an error to suppose, as Sommerfelt does, that such categories must necessarily be absent. As it happens, Aranda structural parallels with several well-known language families Q sia. Like the Ural-Altaic anguages, for example, it al relationships by means with further suffixes; thus tjuia at&a, ‘the man’s road’, ka j@a jd~jnlabd~~na, ‘I am wande’ring about looking for rtl (where a further possessive -ka, dependent on the verb j$~~aZab&za, is added to the possessive form atdk&J from &24a, ‘man’ is). Unlike the Ural-Altaic languages, however, the princ’ible o” vowel-harmony as such does not exist, although there i%reJas Solamerfelt had remarked, slome instances of vowel-attraction ; par6 2X&z t+hma ‘we-two fig t&a) with i&za arnn “we to are’ (s -r&ru is a dual i 13). Such phonetic also suggestive. The Aranda inflexional system gives toi problems unsuspected 13) See AG 0 39. The alternative possessive form -k

a is always used when

a fur&r suffix has to be added. Note also that Aranda, like some so-called agglutinative languages, is capable of using the same suffix for words of di nt grammatical categories 2 or, rather, up, e.g. : ai)’ ! ‘go !‘; k&a@‘! ‘child !’ it adds the suffix to the last (vocative) ; jai)‘, &a tj&a u with the spears I’ Compare and contrast the use of the plural suffix -kar/-bv of Turkish, added to nouns, pronouns and verbs : onlav atarz setwer *they love horses’. 13) This, with the reduplication of the same infix to indicate plurality, is, with the use of -!a- to indicate ‘reflexive’ action (better defined as ‘action that does not leave the actor’), the only occurrence of infixation in Aranda. Prefixation does not occur at all, unless the term cfsuld be applied to certain verb-compounds. The chief morphological process is therefore suffixation of bound morphemes and postposition of free morphemes.

by Somrnerfelt, because he denied existence; these problems have not been finally resolved. Let us take the singular of a noun paradigm (as given in AG $ 46), compared with two pronoun paradigms, one irregular and the other perfectly regular (AG 5 63) : gdtjt2 ‘woman j~~~~‘I’ jilla Nominative I aragutja Nominative II mzgzdjalu 14) a#i ‘4) ~~6ka Possessive arag&jaka(9p) 16) aragdjaga Objective Vocative arngzctjai iJ+akapz Ablative arag26tja~a mka ya It will be seen that, except for the vocative, noxnimll and pronominal inflexions run parallel; this can be taken as a u!ieful criterion for determining the inflexions, since there are instances of postpositions 16) a-2 -taking a &fferent in~JeXIU1i m no-urrsto that in prQfio-ans* Fomtiy there is no distinction between k&jiaku ‘of a child’ and k&i&za “to a child’ Iv), but the distinction is quite clear when *wetake the parallel forms of the pronouns 18): ekdm ‘of him’, ekdraiipa ‘to him’. . . 14) TlGominative II’ case (called ‘Agentive’ or ‘Ergative’ by some) indicates t&t the noun in question is the subject of a verb which, in Aranda, is capable eking an object in the ‘Objective’ case. ,TI the pronouns, only the first singular 4istinguishes the two nominative forms. 15) Sk0note (12). 16) Thse ‘postpositions’ are suffixes as written by T. G. . !3reh,low - i.e., to nouns znd pronouns. They were often repded as inflexioier writers. There are also reasons for “egarding them as free morphemes, corresponding to our prepositions in almost all but syntactic order; these reasons are: (i) They are generally polpyllabic, with inherent stress, obeyin for strez3sin Aranda free morphemes (on &a ,rnd -~a, see below; and n

(ii) :Morphemes to which they are attached general the same stress ttezn czsin isolation; contra& ~~~~~~ ‘with a man’ ‘man’ (Nom. II). (But note aZk@gaja ‘with eyes’ beside &kg (iii) With the exceptions already ment (i) and (ii), the postpositions are chara&er&!d by open juncture, the inflexional suffixes by close juncture. 46, St&low writes kurdhuh ~1sa free Morpheme, as he does with all itions taking the ablative (AG $5lti9-73). 17) Disregarding the observa in note (16). T&z same is true of the personal pronoun used, as in efinite article: k&a ek&a ‘of the child’, k&a ek&t&a ‘to the child’.

25

ons - there are pproximately

13 of this type listed in to what is already an inflexional ending, the possessive case. ere are in addition two mono abic suffixes added with close possessive fo to the absolute for tccepted by Strehlow as the infletion for the ‘Ablative’), e meaning of ‘in’ (a place, etc.) or ‘with’ (instrumentally). These thus occupy a sition midway between the ‘postpositions’ e ‘inflexions’, but since they cannot be regarded as free as the and to preferable to regard th ative’ case, represente htterJ

to So~e~elt, we formal distinctions

rtion that there are no in Aranda is not strict1

ends in -t$ka; this is exciusiveiy a verbal ending, the fo finitive’ 20). 0:n the other han in most Ara indicate only the objective case Of or adjectives, or with reduplication of the stem, a frequentative noun (t~~a@za nounsJ

pronounsJ

ek!J

19) This form is by no means identical with the ‘Nominative I kast the sentences tj&da edpa &a ‘a spear struck him’, e&v 4 [Someone] struck him with a spear’, ‘he was struck by a spear’. It would also be theoretically possible to use a by, with, on me’, contrasted persons), but t with ‘I’ (Nom. II) (and so througho ‘, or by various constructions not occur, being replaced by rr&a ly means ‘there’ (lit. ‘in t with a reflexive verb. (Note that e [plate]‘), and that ek&qa often means ‘then’ (this in dialects other than Western Aranda, where the word has come to be pronounced gdpva)). ion or of intention to perform an act is the form used ~G&PPZ~ albdtjika ‘I hope to return’. a ‘I must strike’, ense, ending in ~a (t&w; ndma; dtdma; xence, the form of th in Aranda is so is usually cited as the infinitive. The verb pa-adi ssible to derive an e part from any that it is almost invariably 31)‘Not in all J and Sommerfelt sometimes makes the mistake, because of inadequate Mica&ions in his sources, of regarding dialect forms as being of a homogeneous language, as when he cites the Alitera dialect form ‘struck’ (other dialects have &&a) (p. 82). We similarly chooses examples indiscriminately from the archaic language of the ceremonial chants and from the everyday spoken language. The form of A.randa referred to in this esmy is mockn Western Aranda.

26

‘one who keeps on hitting’) 22). But it is true t at normally there is ental distinction of the no formal difference even in the most fun language, that between substantive and verb, when the morphemes ~orf would have te are found in isolation. The distinction is, as st any word i it 23)#‘selective and overt’. Unlike Chinese, can be assigned to a particular grammatical c-at ory; homon different grammatical categories are rare, and while substant be used as attributives and attributives as substantives, it is gener~ly impossible to ‘use’ a ‘noun’ as a ‘verb’, or vice versa. The dist latively fixed word-order of Aranda; thus is aided by the ‘laughed’ (frownf mla) will rarely, if ever, occur in a position in the sentence that would be occupied by &fraka ‘of ,.JVO’(from ) ; if this evidence is insufficient, we need only adduce the purely ‘verbal’ forms of the one (e.g. ~~~~~i~k~ ‘should laugh’) and the purely ‘nominal” forms of the other (e.g. &&u~~‘two’ (obj.)), as well as the contexts, linguistic and non-linguistic, that are likely to accompany one form or the other. Sommerfelt is again arguing from incorrect and insufficient evidence when he writes: If there are no other factors which differentiate forms into substantives, adjectives and verbs, we do not have the right to treat the element -ka sometimes as a nominal inflexion, sometimes as a verbal inflexion, according to the forms necessary o translate the Aranta elements into French or English. The element -er in Norwegian has a double significance, in JLw skriv-er “he writes’ and stein+ ‘stones’, because the language distinguishes clearly between noun and verb. This difference remains clear even in a language like English, much less inflected than Norwegian. Thus, the element rock means both ‘rocher, roche, ecueil and ‘dbranler’, but the grammatical characteristics of the word are always clear, as a result of the elements added [grace aux 4ements qu’on y ajoute], e.g. a rock, the rock, to dock. The last rm can only be a verb. The noun would have had the definite arti’ 22) Except for the isolated verbal ending -k&z. Note, in passing, that where the absolute form of a free morpheme terminates in the same way as En infjlexional suffix, haplology is frequent; the objective of t&at&a is tdpfha, c not

the essay ‘Grammatical Categories’, in Lasgtiage, Thought lad Reality (New York, 1956). 22) See

uch distinctions are not found in Aranta. (pp. hope I have shown that such distinctions are found in Aranda, as a result of the elements adde nted out in t is article stem ultimate1 th which Sommerfelt begins his book - begins, not ready seen in the quotation on page 21 above; he attempts to arrange the Ian the society. No one doubts ays that the relationships which e st between language and more complex than was posed 20 years ago; but ~no~ski was careful to point out that simple one-toone correspondences cannot be ma r analysis the intimate relation between as become more an more prominent ; an reciate how unfounded and dangerous is the 2s It__& _z___ ----_ age is tnat 1 -I- =mply mirrors re&ty_. Even -more dangerous the fallacy of ‘one word-one idea-one piece of reality’. . . show how untenable is this view in an abstract way, by making the generalisation t ait terminological distinctions cannot, by the very nature of human speech, correspond, either adequately or exactly, to real distinctions. Therefore a purely formal terminological approach to any aspect of human culture must be futile 24). I do not propose he?e to go into a refutation of the anthropological is work, particularly that of the theories on which Sommerfelt ba ly done by many anthro ‘prelogical mentality’; that has gists, and in any case LCvy43ruhl recanted much of his theory before his death 25). Nor do I intend to dwell on his :nisquotations from his sources, since these, while they could have made his work suspect eginning, had anyone troubled to examine them, are of no more consequence in his final conclusions than the errors in the sources themselves. I believe I have accumulated sufficient evidence to show that Aranda structure is far more complex, both phonetica 1

a*) I% Malinowski, Cora%Gardens and Their Magic, 2. vck, kondon, 1 vol. II, p. 65. 25) See particularly the brief but valuable account by W. Koppers, LhyBruhl zm.2 das Ende des ,,$wiilogische~zDenkens” der Pri~rcitinsn (Sonderabdruck des 18. Internationalen Sozialkongresses (Bd. IV), Rome, 3Q August - 3 September 1950).

28

and morphologically, than Sommerfelt cannot be reduced to a series of concrete roots designating ‘being a coming into being’, that his conclusion (‘Among the Aranta there is thus, in certain important regads, a correlation between the 1 and the society’) 86) is unjustified, and that the linguistic which it is based are false 01:inadequate, and have been in anatysed.

APPENDIX

Previous publicationsgiving information on the 1887 CURR, E. M.: Ths AustrahanRace, Vol. I, vocabula;ries37a, 37b, 38a, 38b, and 39, by J. H. London, J. F. Mueller, F. J. Gillen, R. E. WETburton, and E. F. Belt (Melbourne-London,18861887). 1888 WILLSHIRE, W. H.: The Aborigines of Central Australia, with a Vocabulary of the Dialect of the Alice SpringsNatives (Po1-tAu@sta). 1891 WILLSHIRE, W. H. : The Abor&ines of Cent& Ausb lia* with Vocabularies of the Dialects spoken by the Natives of Lake Amadeus and of the Western Territoryof CentralAustralia(Adelaide). 1891 KEMPE,Rev. H.: A Grammarand Vocabulary of the Language of the Aboriginesof The MacDonnellRanges (Transactionsof the RoyaZ Society of South Australia, xiv, pt. 1, Adelaide). Queens1907 ROTH, W. E. : EthnologicalStudiesamongthe North-West-C land Aborigines,pp. 41-45 (Yaroinga, Undekerebina)(London). 1907 MATHEWS, R. H.: Notes on Some Native Tribes of Australia (Jose cee&ngsof the Royal Society of NS W, xl, p. I 17). 1907 HEWS, R. H.: The Arran’da Language, Central Australia (Amtwicas ical Society, Proceedirrgs, Philadelphia; dvi) . 1907 WETTENGEL, Rev. and PLANERT, C. : AustralischeForschungen: I. Aranda-Grammatik (Zeitschtif t fiiv Ethnologic, xxxix, Berlin). s*) Page 201. For a more valuablestudy of the relationshipbetweenlan Andsociety, and evidencethat this cannot be regardedas corre see Wharf’s [essay‘The Relation of bitual Thought and Behaviour to Lame’, in LGqfJage,Thouglit, al& ReaZity. It should not be forgotten, however, Who& early excursionsinto linguisticstook the form of essays on ‘oligothe Introduction to the above work, pp. 1Iff.), a theory whkh like that of Sommerfeltin his analysisof Aranda syllables into root words of Concretemeaning.

iiber die von Planert auf 1 veroffentlichte Aranda-

da in den auslzklischen Stgmmen Sprachen (Vienna). strahschen Sprachen. den austr ?ischen Sprachen (Vienna). 1920 STREHLOW,P&or C. : Die Aranda- und Loritja-Stknme in ZentralAustrahen (Frankfurt, 190% 1920). Arunta. A Study of a Stone Age MCER, El. and GILLEN, F. J.: Tk People (London). 1937 CAPSLL, A. : The Structure of Australian 1944 STRBHUW,T. G H. : Aranda Phonetic 19420March 1944). No.. 7, from articles publis s (Oceania Linguis1956 CAPELL, A.:A New A ograpb.s, No. 1). tic Also, a number of missionary translations - biblical excerpts, school primers, hymnboos& etc. - by C. Strehlow and his successors at Hermannsburg ; a Mow, published New Testament translation (Tt?stam~~tuL I)c~utia and an by the British aid Foreign Bible Society; by ‘IT.G. H. Strehlow and others, passirrr.