Lateralized fMRI activation at the level of the motor cortex during linguistic and affective prosody production tasks

Lateralized fMRI activation at the level of the motor cortex during linguistic and affective prosody production tasks

NeuroImage 13, Number 6, 2001, Part 2 of 2 Parts 10 E k[” LANGUAGE Lateralized fMRI activation at the level of the motor cortex during linguisti...

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NeuroImage

13, Number

6, 2001,

Part 2 of 2 Parts 10

E k[”

LANGUAGE

Lateralized fMRI activation at the level of the motor cortex during linguistic and affective prosody production tasks JSrg Mayer*,

Dirk WildgrubertS, Hermann Ackerman&, Axe1 RieckertS, Wolfgang Groddt

Grzegorz Dogil*,

*Experimental Phonetics Section, IMS, University of Stuttgart TSection Exp. MR of the CNS, Dept. of Neuroradiology,

University of Tiibingen

$Dept. of Neurology, University of Tiibingen Introduction It has been hypothesized that prosody processing is functionally lateralized: linguistic aspects of prosody are processed in the left hemisphere while emotional aspects are processed in the right hemisphere (1). The following study is based on prosody production data using reiterant speech (speech-like repetition of simple syllables). We focus on activation patterns in the motor cortex (MC) to examine whether motor activation follows the expected lateralization of the prosody generation process. It has been shown previously that bilateral and symmetrical MC activation during unprosodic repetion of simple syllables is lateral&d to the left hemisphere during unprosodic production of complex linguistic material

(2). Methods Ten right-handed subjects were asked to perfom the following visually stimulated tasks: 1. Produce a sequence of five syllables in a monotonous (unprosodic) manner. 2. Produce a sequence of five syllables indicating FOCUS (assign different pitch accents to different syllables; linguistic task). 3. Produce a sequence’ of five syllables indicating MODUS variation (use Focus prosodic patterns typical for quwtions and declaratives; ligaistic task). 4. F’rodncc a sequence of five syllables indicating AFFECT variation (render the syllable sequence in a happy or sad manner; emotional task). Stimuli were presented in pseudo-randomized order. fMRI data was acquired (28 slices, 4 mm tbickncss, 1 mm gap) by Echo Planar Imaging (1.5 T, TE 39 ms, TR 3 s, alpha 90 deg., FOV 192 mm, 64x64 m&ix). Postprocessing was performed with SPM99 using random effects analysis of group data. The activation threshold was set at p < 0.05 corrected. Results Under all later&&on activation of cluster in the left size while

three task conditions bilateral responses within the MC were observed. The following task dependent tendencies could be identified (cf. table and figures bellow): Under the FOCUS condition was clearly lateralized to the left hemisphere both in terms of the amount of activation and in terms size. AFFECT variation yielded stronger activation in the right MC while cluster size was still larger MC. Under the MODUS condition lateralization was clearly toward the left MC in terms of cluster activation was only slightly stronger in the left MC.

Coordinates (voxels)

(Z value)

(Talairach)

Task

Right

Left

Right

Left

Right

Left

Right

Left

Right

Left

Focus Modus Affect

29 45 518

294 230 679

4.45 5.24 6.04

5.34 5.40 5.15

51 36 42

-1 -7 -10

28 39 39

-54 -39 -39

-13 -13 -13

28 37 37

Discussion We found a correlation of the amount of activation between lateralization due to prosody processing and lateralization at the level of the MC, Generating linguistic aspects of prosody (FOCUS, MODUS) led to stronger activation in the left MC while generating emotional aspects (AFFECT) led to stronger right hemisphere MC activation. The lack of any effects concerning cluster size can be attributed to the use ofreiterant speech. Under all conditions left henusphere clusters extended into premotor areas which are responsible for the sequencing of rapidly produced speech sounds (3). References (I) Van Lancker D., 1980, International Journal of Human Communication. 13: 227.277 (2) Riecker A. et al., 2000, Brain & Language, 75: 259.276. (3) Deacon T.W., 1992, in: Hawkins, Cell-Mann, (eds.), SF1 Studies in the Sciences of Compexity,

S568

Vol. X: 49.83.