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“Leaning in” and “leaning back”: Exploring the spatiality of telephone counselling
Health and Place 58 (2019) 102158
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Health & Place journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/healthplace
“Leaning in” and “leaning back”: Exploring the spatiality of telephone counselling
T
Danielle Davidson*, Gai Harrison School of Public Health and Social Work, KG-OB619 – Level 6, O Block B Wing, Queensland University of Technology, Victoria Park Road, Kelvin Grove Qld, 4059, Australia
A R T I C LE I N FO
A B S T R A C T
Keywords: Spatial practice Telephone counselling Lefebvre Subjective well-being
This paper explores telephone counsellors' experiences of the spatial dimensions of their work. Henri Lefebvre's spatial triad is applied to explore how counsellors conceive, perceive, and experience the spaces and places of this work. Three key findings are outlined: 1) the purpose built telephone counselling space is experienced as noisy and distracting; 2) counsellors engage in spatial practices to manage their depth of caller interaction; and 3) counsellors construct a mental place to foster intimacy with callers. These findings contribute to a novel conceptualisation of telephone counselling, raising implications for how it is performed and understood.
1. Introduction
1.1. The spatial dimensions of counselling practice
The physical environment in which telephone counselling occurs is a major area of distinction from face-to-face service delivery. While traditional counselling takes place in a private office, telephone counselling tends to occur within a call-centre environment, separated from the caller (Beddoe, 2016), A growing body of human services research indicates that practitioners' subjective well-being may be shaped by the spatial aspects of their work (Bondi and Fewell, 2003; Jeyasigngham, 2014; Shier and Graham, 2011; Stanley et al., 2015). However, extant research omits any reference to spatial aspects of telephone counselling practice. To address this gap, this paper explores counsellors’ experiences of the spatiality of telephone counselling. It reports qualitative findings from a case study of counsellors working in a youth helpline service in New Zealand. Lefebvre's (1991) theory of spatial dialectics is applied to examine telephone counsellors' experiences of the spatial aspects of their work. Lefebvre's theory is utilised to illuminate how three interrelated aspects of space shape counsellors' interaction with space, namely: how the physical environment is conceived (representations of space); the dayto-day rhythm of their work (spatial practice); and how counsellors construct and experience the mental space entered into when on a call (spaces of representation). Based on this analysis, implications for the practice of telephone counselling are considered.
The spatiality of telephone counselling refers to the physical and symbolic dimensions of space and place that influence how practitioners experience their work (Author, 2016). The physical dimension refers to the environment within which telephone counselling work is performed, whereas the symbolic dimension refers to the illusionary spaces embodied or experienced by the counsellor (Bondi and Fewell, 2003). The discussion below provides a brief definition of space and place, followed by an overview of research on the influence of spatial dimensions on social services practice and worker wellbeing. For the purposes of this paper, space and place are viewed as two interrelated yet distinct concepts Tuan (1977). Space is viewed as more abstract than place, denoting openness, movement and freedom (Creswell, 2015; Taun, 1977). Conversely, place denotes pause in this movement and is analogous with security and stability (Creswell, 2015; Taun, 1977). Space is transformed into place when a pause in movement occurs (Taun, 1977) and through the subsequent ascribing of meaning by its inhabitants. While place need not have a fixed location, it does facilitate a sense of rootedness or ‘being in the world’ (Heidegger, 1962; as cited in Creswell, 2015). There is a growing body of research exploring spatial aspects of social services practice. This literature examines space at a number of levels, from the mobility of social work practice (Ferguson, 2008, 2009a; 2009b, 2010) to everyday interactions with and productions of space in child protection work (Jeyasingham, 2014; Stanley et al., 2015). Ferguson (2008; 2009a; 2009b; 2010) demonstrates that in
*
Corresponding author. E-mail address: [email protected] (D. Davidson).
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.healthplace.2019.102158 Received 6 December 2018; Received in revised form 14 June 2019; Accepted 20 June 2019 1353-8292/ © 2019 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
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interact with their clients over the telephone the space of interaction occurs audiologically for the counsellor, facilitating a sense of intimacy between the counsellor and client (Author, 2016; Sharah, 1995). The research presented in this paper incorporates the term “mental space” as a heuristic device to examine counsellors’ experiences of the sense of connection that is fostered in the mind of the counsellor. Conceptualising symbolic space as the “mental space” provides an avenue for exploring the level of closeness telephone counselling engenders between counsellor and client.
contrast to the inert and sedentary work evidenced in office bound employment, social work in the United Kingdom is characterised by mobility, flow and rhythm, as in the case of working in cars, walking with clients, or visiting clients' homes. Jeyasingham (2014) builds upon the work of Ferguson (2008, 2010) to explore how social workers interact with and produce space in their practice with children, illustrating. How “social workers negotiate and articulate spaces in their work” (Jeyasingham, 2014, p. 1892). Finally Stanley et al.,’s (2015) work highlights the important role that location, design and layout of office spaces play in overcoming the stigma associated with involvement with child protective services. Accessible, open and welcoming spaces facilitated staff and client interactions and helped service users feel welcomed and valued (Stanley et al., 2015). Despite increased recognition of the importance of space in social services research, the spatiality of telephone counselling and human services' call-centre work remains underexplored. Call centres are an attractive environment for human service delivery (Coleman and Harris, 2008; van den Broek, 2008), including mental health support for children and young people (Beddoe, 2016). Telephone counselling helplines offer a cost effective alternative to their face-to-face counterparts (O'Sullivan and Whelan, 2011). Locating telephone counsellors in an open-plan environment, enable non-for-profit organisations (NPO) to reduce expenditure by increasing the number of clients who can be supported simultaneously from the one location (Paukert et al., 2004). While co-locating staff in open-plan call centres may be attractive to managers, a significant body of research has found them to be less beneficial for workers (Nikolaeva and Russo, 2017; Vischer, 2007). The layout of open plan offices, such as the absence of permanent floor-toceiling walls and internal boundaries has been found to adversely impact noise, privacy and stimulation levels (Kim and de Dear, 2013; Maher and von Hippel, 2005; Nikolaeva and Russo, 2017; Vischer, 2007). These factors have been found to negatively influence workers’ behaviour in a number of ways, including: reduced performance (Rashid and Zimring, 2008); concentration loss (Sulsky and Smith, 2005); heightened stress (Brennan et al., 2002); job dissatisfaction; increased turnover and intention to leave (Evans and Johnson, 2000); reduced health and wellbeing; and increased absenteeism (Danielsson and Bodin, 2008). Smith-Jackson and Klein (2009) found that the benefit of open-planned offices is most keenly experienced when performing interdependent work. Conversely, when workers perform independent tasks requiring attention and concentration, separate work spaces are preferred. Call-centre workers have also reported experiencing a sense of surveillance by management (Barnes, 2007) and reduced professional discretion (van den Broek, 2008). This research suggests that working in an open-plan call-centre environment may influence how telephone counsellors experience and perform their work. The literature on face-to-face counselling provides insight into how space influences the counselling process and client outcomes. Pearson and Wilson (2012) note the importance of optimising the design, layout and atmosphere of the physical counselling space to enhance client well-being and satisfaction. Other research indicates that the physical counselling environment may also influence practitioner behaviour and wellbeing (Connellan et al., 2013; Miwa and Hanyu, 2006; Pearson and Wilson, 2012). Factors such as artificial lighting, unpleasant odours, and uncomfortable workplace temperatures have been found to reduce counsellor performance, job satisfaction and quality of care provided to clients (Pressly and Heesacker, 2001). Pearson and Wilson (2012, p. 47) argue that counselling spaces should foster a counsellor's “positive affect, empathy and job satisfaction”, through enabling therapists to exert some control over their counselling space. However, the capacity to personalise individual work spaces may be constrained in call-centres that use hot-desking (Barnes, 2007). On a symbolic level, Bondi and Fewell (2003) contend that counselling encourages spatial description and analogy, where inner spaces represent the interiority of human experience. When counsellors
1.2. Conceptualising space: Lefebvre's theory of spatial dialectics Lefebvre's (1991) theory of spatial dialectics provides a useful lens for exploring how various interrelated aspects of space and place shape telephone counsellors' experiences of their work. In contrast with traditional notions of space as a conduit or empty container – passive and separate from the social actions occurring within it (Jones, 2003) – Lefebvre views space as inextricably connected with social interactions; hence socially constructed by its inhabitants (Watkins, 2005). Space is viewed as “organic, fluid, and alive, it has a pulse, it palpitates, it flows and collides with other spaces” (Merrifield, 2006, p. 179). Watkins (2005, p. 209) describes the value of applying Lefebvre's theory to an organisational setting as follows: His [Lefebvre's] development of a spatial triad suggests an approach to organizational analysis that facilitates the contemplation of social, physical and mental spaces to provide an integrated view of organizational space, an approach that is in contrast to many current discussions of organizational space in which the focus is often on only a singular aspect of space. This conceptualisation of space allows for a comprehensive and rich analysis of counsellors’ experiences of the spatial environment of the workplace. Lefebvre's theory of spatial dialectics posits three interrelated and equally influential dimensions of space. These are: representations of space; spatial practice; and spaces of representation (Lefebvre, 1991, pp. 33, 38–46). First, representations of space refer to conceived space; the ways spaces are depicted, reduced and rendered measureable (Jeyasingham, 2014, p. 1883). Representations are typically presented by professionals in the form of plans and maps of designers (Milgrom, 2002 as cited in Peterson, 2009), although more recently encompassing workers' accounts of places and space (Jeyasingham, 2014). Second, spatial practice refers to perceived space, including everyday routines (Hubbard and Sanders, 2003). and the “unthought” practices and environments which result from them, or develop in relation to them (Jeyasingham, 2014, p. 1883). Everyday spaces include work, which contain elements of routine and patterns of interaction (Dale and Burrell, 2008). Third, spaces of representation, or lived space, is experienced bodily (Hubbard and Sanders, 2003). This space is experienced outside of verbal systems of representation (Jeyasingham, 2014). It is felt rather than thought about (Merrifield, 2006), captured in the “images, symbols and associative ideas of ‘users’ that give meaning to space” (Yacobi, 2004 as cited in Peterson, 2009, p. 52). This paper follows Jeyasingham's (2014) adaptation of Lefebvre's spatial dialectics, which applies a narrower focus on spatialities within practice rather than the broader social/cultural application present in other studies (Hubbard and Sanders, 2003). It focuses on the spatialities of the telephone counselling environment to highlight counsellors' experiences of space and placein their day-to-day work. The above discussion highlights the potential role that spatial dimensions may play in shaping telephone counsellors' experience of their work Using Lefebvre's spatial dialectics as a theoretical lens, this paper addresses the following research question: how do telephone counsellors conceive, perceive and experience the spatial dimensions of their work? 2
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2. Methods
2.5. Analysis
2.1. Setting
Formal observations were written up immediately after collection and analysed descriptively. This included a description of the physical environment, and observations concerning participants’ interactions with each other and the physical environment. The interviews were recorded, transcribed and transferred onto Nvivo computer software for data management and coding. They were thematically analysed to examine the individual meanings participants ascribed to their experiences of and interactions with the physical environment (Neuman, 2006). An initial coding frame was developed, reflecting the sensitising concepts drawn from empirical and theoretical literature relating to the spatial dimensions of counselling. Next, data led analysis was completed to identify novel counsellor experiences. This was followed by the identification and refinement of overarching themes, incorporating Lefebvre's theory of spatial dialectics at the meaning making stage of analysis. The rationale for choosing and identifying themes was made as transparent as possible through writing memos, keeping a reflexive journal, and attaching notes within NVivo.
This study took place in a small non-for-profit (NFP) youth telephone counselling service in New Zealand, which provides free counselling to children and young people aged five to eighteen years. The data which this paper is based on stems from a larger case study of telephone counsellors’ experiences of their work.
2.2. Design A qualitative case study approach incorporating observations and in-depth interviews was used to enable an in-depth exploration of counsellors’ experiences of their work (Stake, 2005). Observations were conducted initially to collect descriptive data on the physical design and layout of the service, and how counsellors interacted with the physical environment and each other. In-depth interviews were then carried out with the telephone counsellors and the Chief Executive Officer (CEO) to generate a detailed account of how space and place were designed and experienced by staff.
3. Findings and discussion The findings in this section demonstrate how the telephone counsellors' experiences are shaped by the spatial dimensions of their work using the lens of Lefebvre's spatial triad. First the physical environment, or the representation of space, is described to illustrate the distinct design and layout of this counselling space. Second, the spatial practice, or rhythm and movement of telephone counselling work is discussed. Finally, the mental space counsellors inhabit when on a call is outlined to explore how they embody place when on a call with a young person.
2.3. Recruitment and participants Recruitment commenced after obtaining ethical clearance from the School of Social Work and Human Services Ethics Committee, The University of Queensland. Eligible participants were counsellors who had worked for the service for a minimum of 12 months. Staff received detailed information about the project and the nature of participation via a recruitment flyer. Participant consent was gained prior to data collection. A $30 gift voucher was provided to all participants in recognition of their time. Ten of the sixteen counsellors employed by the service - eight women and two men - participated in the study. They were aged between 21 and 50 years and had between eighteen months to nine years’ experience of working for the service. The majority had qualifications in psychology, counselling, social work or a related human services discipline.
3.1. Representations of space: the open-plan call-centre environment Lefebvre's (1991) ‘representations of space’ refers to the design and layout of the physical environment and how space is conceived. The material dimensions of workspaces are largely overlooked in research and taken for granted, making the space in which work occurs invisible (Dale and Burrel, 2008, p. 206). The telephone counselling floor was located in a separate room of the office space rented by the service and resembled a call-centre, as illustrated in Fig. 1. Six booths, each located in its own semi-contained space, were bounded by walls that were half-timber at the bottom and glass panes at the top that stopped approximately 1 m from the ceiling. Five out the six booths were set out with the counsellor's chair and desk facing the outer wall of the office space, as illustrated in Fig. 2. The sixth booth faced inwards looking onto the counselling floor. This latter counselling booth was one of two that was located next to
2.4. Data collection Data were collected over a two-week period. The first stage of data collection involved participant observations. An observation schedule was devised to record elements of the physical environment, such as the layout of desks and design of counselling booths, and counsellors’ interactions with each other and the physical space. Observations were carried out at different times across five days. The researcher immersed herself in the operations of the service through sitting in an unoccupied booth on the counselling floor for extended periods of time, chatting to counsellors in the tea-room, and talking with supervisors in the supervisor booth. Formal observations ceased when no new patterns of interaction and uses of space in addition to those already recorded were witnessed, although the researcher continued to note informal observations for the duration of the site visit. Insights gained from these observations were then incorporated into the interview guide to enable the researcher's interpretations to be checked with participants. The second stage of data collection consisted of semi-structured interviews with the ten telephone counsellors. A topic guide was developed to elicit demographic information, the counsellors’ perceptions and experiences of the physical environment, and their constructions and experiences of the mental space. The researcher also interviewed the CEO to enable an understanding of how the service was founded and the design of the physical environment.
Fig. 1. Looking into the counselling space. 3
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distraction of noise while on a call, this problem was perceived as largely out of their control and stemming from the design of the counselling floor. Some participants pointed out that the counselling floor had inadequate sound-proofing for the type of work being performed, particularly when counselling staff were working at capacity. I just don't think that the cubicles are sound proofed enough … occasionally we're fortunate enough to have a full complement [of counsellors on shift]. It [the noise] can actually almost knock you out. (Participant 10) In addition, the close proximity of their colleagues on the counselling floor intensified the noise level in this space. … just the closeness, the proximity, and being able to hear everything that the counsellor was saying. Cause if we stop we can listen in every other conversation that's going on. So you need to actually be able to psychologically close that out and focus very intensely on your own call. (Participant 6) Fig. 2. A typical telephone counselling booth.
As a result of this physical closeness, these counsellors pointed out that they had to put considerable effort into concentrating on their calls in order to properly hear callers. Lefebvre (1991) suggests that to accurately understand conceived space key planners need to be consulted. In this study the key planners were the CEO and founders of the service. The interview with the CEO revealed that the design of the counselling space was based on an existing purpose built telephone counselling service. The features adopted included individual counselling booths and glass partitions to separate counsellors. However, funding limitations and constraints associated with renting a space within a larger service block resulted in reduced space for the counselling floor, which in turn compromised privacy and contributed to the noise issues identified earlier. As a result, the counselling space resembled a smaller call-centre environment, with associated noise issues and impacts on workers’ concentration levels (Barnes, 2007).
Fig. 3. Windows overlooking the enclosed atrium.
3.2. Spatial practice: leaning into and leaning back from calls
the glass doors at the end of the counselling room. Fig. 3 shows how these doors opened onto an enclosed atrium, a space used as a thoroughfare by other workers located in the surrounding offices. The enclosed atrium was the only external view counsellors had from the counselling floor. The following description of the physical environment provides insight into the workspace from a counsellor's perspective.
The rhythm and movement of telephone counselling, a form of spatial practice, was evident in the way counsellors interacted with and moved within the counselling space when on a call. As there are no assigned booths, counsellors sat in different booths each time they were on shift. Interestingly, counsellors appeared to gravitate towards particular booths, with many liking the two booths at the end of the room next to the glass windows. While the frequency of interactions varied from person to person, counsellors were observed talking to each other between calls either across booths, or with colleagues who visited their booth. During interviews the participants reflected on how they moved their bodies whilst on a call, capturing the spatial practices present in this work. The physical movements counsellors engaged in varied depending on the types of calls they were on. It is worth noting that not all calls received at this youth counselling service were genuine counselling calls. Instead, the majority of calls were ‘testing calls’, where young people present by yelling, telling jokes, or being abusive in a general or sexual way (Hall and Schoslar, 1995). When on a counselling call counsellors reported physically ‘leaning into’ the call, narrowing their attention to their immediate environment.
We sit in these little glass booths and so normally … you would more or less face the wall … What you see is just your screen. You have two screens in front of you, one is for our chat so we can talk to a supervisor, and on the other one we can just bring all the information we need for your client … So, that is my work environment. Usually I just stare at the screens … but then if you turn around you'd see all the other counsellors. (Participant 5) This quote demonstrates how the physical environment supports the focused nature of telephone counselling work, which can be broken by counsellors expanding their gaze to their colleagues. Participants reported that the noise level in the counselling space impacted their capacity to stay connected and effectively engage with callers. Several counsellors commented that noise was particularly distracting at shift change-overs, when more counsellors were in the counselling space, and when they were taking serious counselling calls. The researcher similarly observed that when the full complement of counsellors were in the counselling room the noise could be overpowering, making it difficult to concentrate. By contrast, when fewer counsellors were present, the counselling space was perceived as “calm and less distracting” (Participant 4). Although the counsellors identified a number of ways to manage the
… I've noticed that I'll sit up or I'll put my head down and I'll just squeeze the headphones down against my ears so I'll make sure I'm just picking up on everything … and I might close my eyes as well. Just so I can … really get what's going on and pick up and concentrate … closing everything else out … You know through body posture and just closing my eyes … (Participant 2) Conversely, when on a testing call counsellors were more likely to 4
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separate from the physical environment, counsellors appear to be constructing a temporal and situated ‘place’ with their callers in their own minds. Place is an object where one can dwell and is a space that is enclosed and bounded (Tuan, 1977). Hence, the aforementioned cocoon and tunnel are mental places where counsellors reside with a caller for the duration of the call. This mental place provides containment and shelter in the otherwise vastness of the perceived metaphysical space between the counsellor and the caller. In this way counsellors are reacting to space and producing place in response to the lack of shared physical space with the caller. In contrast to the closeness and intimacy engendered by the mental place on a counselling call, counsellors reported that the mental place they entered into on testing calls was more relaxed and removed. They were not, as one counsellor commented, as “in the zone” with the caller. As Participant 7 stated, she may be “listening but not in their [the caller's] world”. Another participant described the mental place in a testing call as follows:
lean back in their chair and their attention was more dispersed. If it's just perhaps … a less serious call then I may just be sitting back on the chair maybe looking at the screen …. If it's a funny call I might be looking around a little bit more … And in those calls I wouldn't necessarily be looking at the computer. I might be kind of swivelled around on my chair and maybe even my legs up on the desk or something like that. (Participant 1). As the above quotes illustrate, depending on the type of call, counsellors used their bodies to vary the level of closeness and distance they experienced when talking to young people. The ability to vary the degree to which they enter into a call may be particularly beneficial when responding to testing calls, as previous studies indicate that these types of calls can contribute to burnout by eroding counsellors’ trust in and empathy for callers, and increase their expectation of being manipulated (Cyr and Dowrick, 1991; Hall and Schlosar, 1995). Observations of the counsellors’ use of the physical space indicated that when on serious calls they appeared to either look at the computer screen or down at their notebooks. Conversely, when on testing calls counsellors were more animated and looked around more regularly at the other counsellors. In between calls counsellors were often seen leaving the counselling floor to debrief with shift supervisors and make cups of tea, and reading articles or case notes on their computer. It is these routine movements within space that enable counsellors to manage callers’ presentations and the level of connection different calls require. fAs such, these actions constitute part of the rhythm of conducting telephone counselling work.
In this space not a lot happens. Because our testing callers often demand a lot of patience, attention and energy I try to keep this mental space as empty and relaxed as possible. (Participant 3) Counsellors therefore invested less of themselves when on a testing call and operated from a position of detachment, with the mental place creating a greater sense of distance from the testing caller. In addition, they felt more capable of exiting testing calls and leaving them behind. Yet, they also reported that there were times when the mental place got mixed up: I guess sometimes the spaces [mental places] do get mixed up, or the kind of lines blur between them. … when I do get a serious call I first think it is testing then I kind of realise “oh this isn't” [a testing call] then I've got to jump from this other space and start using these other questions … (Participant 4)
3.3. Spaces of representation: constructing a mental place As previously stated, the term ‘mental space’ was used as a heuristic device to explore counsellors' experiences of lived space or spaces of representation. When exploring counsellors' conceptualisations of the mental space it is apparent this construct is more reflective of Taun's conceptualisation of place. As discussed earlier, Tuan (1977, p. 6) argues place is constructed when a pause in movement occurs. Telephone counsellors' descriptions of this the mental space are illustrative of such pauses in the space between them and the caller, transforming space into a fixed place. For instance, counsellors conceptualised the mental space in visual terms such as a cocoon or tunnel.
For this participant the process of fully entering a call and the appropriate mental place can be difficult, requiring both alertness and flexibility, and the ability to quickly move between different mind-sets at the start of a call. This resonates with Water, Wrapson, Reeay and Ford's (2018, p. 147) observation that making space therapeutic requires continual work of “production and reproduction”. Despite not being able to see the caller, counsellors described how entering the mental place on a counselling call assists them to establish therapeutic presence and a sense of closeness with the young person.
It's kind of like an old railway tunnel that I've been down … It's a long tunnel, it's not really being used any more, but it's still lit … I kind of think of that tunnel with the lights on, but if I can't hear the caller properly than the lights are not on so, it's like I can't see. (Participant 6)
They're right there in my ear … and I'm just focusing on everything that they are saying. Yeah … like I'm just fixated in there I'm not really paying attention to anything else going around … It's like everything that's going on is just here (moves her hands from her ears to in front of her eyes around 5cms from her face). (Participant 2)
I suppose it's like a … cocoon … it drowns out everything else that's happening, other people that are talking or whatever … Makes everything … focused and louder. (Participant 8) The construction of this contained mental space also appeared to foster a sense of intimacy and closeness with the caller when on a counselling call. Counsellors described engaging in a distinct process to enter the mental place with callers. Participant 1 describes her process as follows:
At the same time, counsellors described being able to vary the depth into which they entered the mental place, enabling them to manage how much they give of themselves to different callers. 4. Discussion
I guess you're trying to like get into their world a little bit … or their shoes. So you're almost leaving … off your own judgements and ideas and assumptions about them, leaving them completely out of the picture and trying to come into it really perceptive and open to their experience … which does required a lot of attention and concentration.
The following discussion provides a synthesis of the utility of Lefebvre's spatial dialectics in conceptualising and understanding how counsellors experience the spatial dimensions of their work, considers the associated theoretical and practice implications, and concludes by outlining areas for future research. Lefebvre's spatial triad provides a useful lens for understanding the spatial dimensions of telephone counselling practice in three ways. Firstly, the representation of space highlight how although the counselling space was designed for the purpose of telephone counselling, it resembled a call-centre and was experienced as noisy and distracting. Secondly, counsellors engaged in the spatial practice of leaning into and
Three other counsellors echoed similar processes and indicated that this was like leaving the “normal world” behind. The mental place is consistent with Lefebvre's (1991) ‘spaces of representation’ as counsellors appear to embody space during their connection with the caller. Through constructing a mental place that is 5
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through physical movement. Studies addressing these spatial dimensions will increase understanding of this overlooked practice area and provide insight into how to best support telephone counsellors to utilise these dimensions in their work.
back from certain caller presentations, capturing the unconscious rhythm of their work. This is consistent with what Lefebvre described as “phenomenologically experienced spaces … taken for granted through the habits of the body” (Dale and Burrell, 2008, p. 8). Finally, Lefebvre's third spatial domain, ‘spaces of representation’ or lived space, was seen through counsellors' conceptualisation, construction and experiences of the ‘mental place’. The mental place, constructed in response to the lack of shared physical space with the caller, represented a place where both the counsellor and the caller resided for the duration of the call, fostering closeness and therapeutic alliance. This suggests that just as faceto-face clinicians provide a ‘therapeutic space’ for their clients (Bondi, 2005), telephone counsellors construct a similar place or relational space within themselves. Theoretically, Lefebvre's spaces of representation or ‘lived space’ provides the opportunity to understand how counsellors embody space and enhances insight into this spatial domain beyond a level of pure abstraction. The nature of this mental place is such that, while to a degree it is bounded and contained, it is not impermeable to outside influences such as noise within the physical environment. Accordingly, it has qualities of containment and shelter, as well as permeability to happenings on the counselling floor. As Lefebvre (1991) espouses, space is continually being produced by the dynamic interplay between and among social relations and places. In the context of this study, it is dynamic, fluid and constantly evolving through telephone counsellors' interactions with their callers. Conceptualising telephone counselling as spatial practice provides a more nuanced and novel understanding of this under-theorised counselling modality. Viewing telephone counselling as spatial practice raises a number of salient practice implications for telephone counsellors and service providers. First, this study illustrates the importance of considering the design and layout of the telephone counselling space in the initial set-up of services. While many service providers view the affordability of telephone counselling as an attractive feature (Paterson et al., 2009), building design warrants careful attention during the planning stage. For example, sound proofing of workspaces can be enhanced by constructing individual booths with full floor to ceiling walls, and ensuring that there is adequate spacing between booths. However, cubicle walls should be transparent to ensure worker connection, collaboration and support. Second, the concepts of ‘mental place’ and spatial practice provide new areas counsellors may draw on to understand their work. As Water et al. (2018) argue, space is an essential part of the construction of “health care”, or as in the case of this paper mental health support. Telephone counselling work is characterised by a high rate of crisis calls, which have been found to challenge counsellor resiliency and compassion over time (Cyr and Dowrick, 1991; Kinzel and Nanson, 2000). Observing and reflecting upon the production and reproduction of space in telephone counselling demonstrates counsellors' agency in creating a therapeutic landscape (Andrews and Shaw, 2008). This may facilitate insight into how to join with callers despite the lack of face-toface interaction. In addition, understanding the process of constructing, inhabiting and shifting between places can highlight and legitimise the associated challenges of disconnecting from and reconnecting with separate callers across a shift. Being aware and reflecting on how to manage the amount counsellors give of themselves when they enter these calls may enhance their ability to reduce the negative outcomes associated with this work. The findings from this study are drawn from a small number of counsellors (n = 10) and provide a snapshot of counsellors' experiences in one service at one point in time. Further research is needed to establish if these findings are applicable to other settings. Researchers may consider exploring: the impact of different designs and layouts of various telephone counselling services and how counsellors respond to and interact within these spaces; whether the concept of ‘mental place’ holds true for counsellors in other telephone counselling services; and whether other counsellors manage level of closeness with clients
5. Conclusion The application of Lefebvre's (1991) theory of spatial dialectics in this study illustrates the spatiality of telephone counselling in relation to how telephone counselling services are designed, the way counsellors interact with and respond to space, and how they construct place in their day-to-day work. The findings reflect a novel and nuanced conceptualisation of telephone counselling practice that may assist both service providers and telephone counsellors to better understand the nature and demands of this type of work. Recognising these spatial dimensions may also enable managers and telephone counsellors to identify strategies for managing these demands. Funding This research did not receive any specific grant from funding agencies in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors. Appendix A. Supplementary data Supplementary data to this article can be found online at https:// doi.org/10.1016/j.healthplace.2019.102158. References Andrews, G.J., Shaw, D., 2008. Clinical geography: nursing practice and the (re)making of institutional space. J. Nurs. Manag. 16 (4), 463–473. Author, 2016. Youth Counsellors' Experiences of Telephone Counselling: A Qualitative Exploration. The University of Queensland, Brisbane (Unpublished doctoral dissertation thesis). Barnes, A., 2007. The construction of control: the physical environment and the development of resistance and accommodation within call centres. New Technol. Work. Employ. 22 (3), 246–259. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-005X.2007.00197.x. Beddoe, L., 2016. Social work using information and communication technology. In: Maidment, J., Egan, R. (Eds.), Practice Skills in Social Work and Welfare: More than Just Common Sense, third ed. Allen & Unwin, Crows Nest, New South Wales. Bondi, L., 2005. Troubling space, making space, doing space. Group Anal. 38 (1), 137–149. https://doi.org/10.1177/0533316405049381. Bondi, L., Fewell, J., 2003. 'Unlocking the cage door': the spatiality of counselling. Soc. Cult. Geogr. 4 (4), 527–547. https://doi.org/10.1080/1464936032000137948. Brennan, A., Chugh, J.S., Kline, T., 2002. Traditional versus open office design: a longitudinal field study. Environ. Behav. 34, 279–299. https://doi.org/10.1177/ 0013916502034003001. Coleman, N., Harris, J., 2008. Calling social work. Br. J. Soc. Work 38, 580–599. https:// doi.org/10.1093/bjsw/bcl371. Connellan, K., Gaardboe, M., Riggs, D., Due, C., Reinschmidt, A., Mustillo, L., 2013. Stressed spaces: mental health and architecture. Health Environ. Res. Des. J. 6 (4), 127–168. Cresswell, T., 2015. Place: an Introduction. Blackwell Publishing, Malden, MA. Cyr, C., Dowrick, P.W., 1991. Burnout in crisisline volunteers. Adm. Policy Ment. Health 18 (5), 343–354. Dale, K., Burrell, G., 2008. The Spaces of Organisation and the Organisation of Space: Power, Identity and Materiality at Work. Palgrave MacMillan, Basingstoke, Hampshire. Danielsson, C.B., Bodin, L., 2008. Office type in relation to health, well-being, and job satisfaction among employees. Environ. Behav. 40 (5), 636–668. https://doi.org/10. 1177/0013916507307459. Evans, G.W., Johnson, D., 2000. Stress and open-office noise. J. Appl. Psychol. 85, 779–783. https://doi.org/10.1037//0021-9010.85.5.779. Hall, B., Schlosar, H., 1995. Repeat callers and the samaritan telephone crisis line: a Canadian experience. Crisis J. Crisis Interv. Suicide Prev. 16 (2), 66–71. Hubbard, P., Sanders, T., 2003. Making space for sex work: female street prostitution and the production of urban space. Int. J. Urban Reg. Res. 27 (1), 75–89. https://doi.org/ 10.1111/1468-2427.00432. Jeyasingham, D., 2014. The production of space in children's social work: insights from Henri Lefebvre's spatial dialectics. Br. J. Soc. Work 44, 1879–1894. https://doi.org/ 10.1093/bjsw/bct053. Jones, K., 2003. Envisioning the East End: Planning, Representation, and the Production of Urban Space in Lexington, Kentucky (Unpublished PhD). University of Kentucky, Lexington. Kim, J., de Dear, R., 2013. Workspace satisfaction: the privacy-communication trade-off
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Rashid, M., Zimring, C., 2008. A review of the empirical literature on the relationships between indoor environment and stress in health care and office settings. Environ. Behav. 40 (2), 151–190. https://doi.org/10.1177/0013916507311550. Sharah, S., 1995. Future Directions in Telephone Counselling: the Belief in Self-Control and the "illusion" of a Meaningful World. (Bachelor of Art (Honours)). Macquarie University. Shier, M.L., Graham, J.R., 2011. Work-related factors that impact social work practitioner's subjective well-being: well-being in the workplace. J. Soc. Work 11 (4), 402–421. https://doi.org/10.1177/1468017310380486. Smith-Jackson, T.L., Klein, K.W., 2009. Open-plan offices: task performance and mental workload. J. Environ. Psychol. 29, 279–289. Stake, R.E., 2005. Qualitative case studies. In: Denzin, N.K., Lincoln, Y.S. (Eds.), The Sage Handbook of Qualitative Research, third ed. SAGE Publications, Thousand Oaks, pp. 443–466. Stanley, N., Larkins, C., Austerberry, H., Farrelly, N., Manthorpe, J., Ridley, J., 2015. Rethinking place and the social work office in the delivery of children's social work services. Health Soc. Care Community 24 (1), 86–94. https://doi.org/10.1111/hsc. 12192. Sulsky, L., Smith, C., 2005. Work Stress. Thomson Wadsworth, Belmont, CA. Tuan, Y.R., 1977. Space and Place. University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis. van den Broek, D., 2008. ‘Doing things right’ or ‘doing the right things’? Call centre migrations and dimensions of knowledge. Work. Employ. Soc. 22 (4), 601–613. https://doi.org/10.1177/0950017008096738. Vischer, J.C., 2007. The effects of the physical environment on job performance: towards a theoretical model of workplace stress. Stress Health 23, 175–184. https://doi.org/ 10.1002/smi.1134. Water, T., Wrapson, J., Reay, S., Ford, K., 2018. Making space work: staff socio-political practices in a paediatric outpatient department. Health Place 50, 146–153. Watkins, C., 2005. Representations of space, spatial practices and spaces of representation: an application of Lefebvre's spatial triad. Cult. Organ. 11 (3), 209–220. https:// doi.org/10.1080/14759550500203318.
in open plan offices. J. Environ. Psychol. 36, 18–26. Kinzel, A., Nanson, J., 2000. Education and debriefing: strategies for preventing crises in crisis-line volunteers. Crisis J. Crisis Interv. Suicide Prev. 21 (3), 126–134. Lefebvre, H., Nicholson-Smith, D., Trans, 1991. The Production of Space. Blackwell Publishing, Malden, MA. Maher, A., von Hippel, C., 2005. Individual differences in employee reactions to openplan offices. J. Environ. Psychol. 25, 219–229. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jenvp. 2005.05.002. Merrifield, A., 2006. Henri Lefebvre: A Critical Introducation. Taylor and Francis, New York. Miwa, Y., Hanyu, K., 2006. The effects of interior design on communication and impressions of a counselor in a counseling room. Environ. Behav. 38 (4), 484–502. https://doi.org/10.1177/0013916505280084. Neuman, W.L., 2006. Social Research Methods: Qualitative and Quantitative Approaches, sixth ed. Allyn and Bacon, Boston, MA. Nikolaeva, R., Russo, S.D., 2017. Office design and dignity at work in the knowledge economy. In: Kostera, M., Pirson, M. (Eds.), Dignity and the Organization. Humanism in Business Series. Palgrave Macmillan, London. O'Sullivan, J., Whelan, T.A., 2011. Adversarial growth in telephone counsellors: psychological and environmental influences. Br. J. Guid. Couns. 39 (4), 307–323. https://doi.org/10.1080/03069885.2011.567326. Paterson, H., Reniers, R., Vollm, B., 2009. Personality types and mental health experiences of those who volunteer for helplines. Br. J. Guid. Couns. 37 (4), 459–471. https://doi.org/10.1080/03069880903161419. Paukert, A., Stagner, B., Hope, K., 2004. The assessment of active listening skills in helpline volunteers. Stress Trauma Crisis 7, 61–76. https://doi.org/10.1080/ 15434610490281075. Pearson, M., Wilson, H., 2012. Soothing spaces and healing places: is there an ideal counselling room design? Psychother. Aust. 18 (3), 46–53. Pressly, P.K., Heesacker, M., 2001. The physical environment and counseling: a review of theory and research. J. Couns. Dev. 79 (2), 148–160.
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Health & Place journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/healthplace
“Leaning in” and “leaning back”: Exploring the spatiality of telephone counselling
T
Danielle Davidson*, Gai Harrison School of Public Health and Social Work, KG-OB619 – Level 6, O Block B Wing, Queensland University of Technology, Victoria Park Road, Kelvin Grove Qld, 4059, Australia
A R T I C LE I N FO
A B S T R A C T
Keywords: Spatial practice Telephone counselling Lefebvre Subjective well-being
This paper explores telephone counsellors' experiences of the spatial dimensions of their work. Henri Lefebvre's spatial triad is applied to explore how counsellors conceive, perceive, and experience the spaces and places of this work. Three key findings are outlined: 1) the purpose built telephone counselling space is experienced as noisy and distracting; 2) counsellors engage in spatial practices to manage their depth of caller interaction; and 3) counsellors construct a mental place to foster intimacy with callers. These findings contribute to a novel conceptualisation of telephone counselling, raising implications for how it is performed and understood.
1. Introduction
1.1. The spatial dimensions of counselling practice
The physical environment in which telephone counselling occurs is a major area of distinction from face-to-face service delivery. While traditional counselling takes place in a private office, telephone counselling tends to occur within a call-centre environment, separated from the caller (Beddoe, 2016), A growing body of human services research indicates that practitioners' subjective well-being may be shaped by the spatial aspects of their work (Bondi and Fewell, 2003; Jeyasigngham, 2014; Shier and Graham, 2011; Stanley et al., 2015). However, extant research omits any reference to spatial aspects of telephone counselling practice. To address this gap, this paper explores counsellors’ experiences of the spatiality of telephone counselling. It reports qualitative findings from a case study of counsellors working in a youth helpline service in New Zealand. Lefebvre's (1991) theory of spatial dialectics is applied to examine telephone counsellors' experiences of the spatial aspects of their work. Lefebvre's theory is utilised to illuminate how three interrelated aspects of space shape counsellors' interaction with space, namely: how the physical environment is conceived (representations of space); the dayto-day rhythm of their work (spatial practice); and how counsellors construct and experience the mental space entered into when on a call (spaces of representation). Based on this analysis, implications for the practice of telephone counselling are considered.
The spatiality of telephone counselling refers to the physical and symbolic dimensions of space and place that influence how practitioners experience their work (Author, 2016). The physical dimension refers to the environment within which telephone counselling work is performed, whereas the symbolic dimension refers to the illusionary spaces embodied or experienced by the counsellor (Bondi and Fewell, 2003). The discussion below provides a brief definition of space and place, followed by an overview of research on the influence of spatial dimensions on social services practice and worker wellbeing. For the purposes of this paper, space and place are viewed as two interrelated yet distinct concepts Tuan (1977). Space is viewed as more abstract than place, denoting openness, movement and freedom (Creswell, 2015; Taun, 1977). Conversely, place denotes pause in this movement and is analogous with security and stability (Creswell, 2015; Taun, 1977). Space is transformed into place when a pause in movement occurs (Taun, 1977) and through the subsequent ascribing of meaning by its inhabitants. While place need not have a fixed location, it does facilitate a sense of rootedness or ‘being in the world’ (Heidegger, 1962; as cited in Creswell, 2015). There is a growing body of research exploring spatial aspects of social services practice. This literature examines space at a number of levels, from the mobility of social work practice (Ferguson, 2008, 2009a; 2009b, 2010) to everyday interactions with and productions of space in child protection work (Jeyasingham, 2014; Stanley et al., 2015). Ferguson (2008; 2009a; 2009b; 2010) demonstrates that in
*
Corresponding author. E-mail address: [email protected] (D. Davidson).
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.healthplace.2019.102158 Received 6 December 2018; Received in revised form 14 June 2019; Accepted 20 June 2019 1353-8292/ © 2019 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
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interact with their clients over the telephone the space of interaction occurs audiologically for the counsellor, facilitating a sense of intimacy between the counsellor and client (Author, 2016; Sharah, 1995). The research presented in this paper incorporates the term “mental space” as a heuristic device to examine counsellors’ experiences of the sense of connection that is fostered in the mind of the counsellor. Conceptualising symbolic space as the “mental space” provides an avenue for exploring the level of closeness telephone counselling engenders between counsellor and client.
contrast to the inert and sedentary work evidenced in office bound employment, social work in the United Kingdom is characterised by mobility, flow and rhythm, as in the case of working in cars, walking with clients, or visiting clients' homes. Jeyasingham (2014) builds upon the work of Ferguson (2008, 2010) to explore how social workers interact with and produce space in their practice with children, illustrating. How “social workers negotiate and articulate spaces in their work” (Jeyasingham, 2014, p. 1892). Finally Stanley et al.,’s (2015) work highlights the important role that location, design and layout of office spaces play in overcoming the stigma associated with involvement with child protective services. Accessible, open and welcoming spaces facilitated staff and client interactions and helped service users feel welcomed and valued (Stanley et al., 2015). Despite increased recognition of the importance of space in social services research, the spatiality of telephone counselling and human services' call-centre work remains underexplored. Call centres are an attractive environment for human service delivery (Coleman and Harris, 2008; van den Broek, 2008), including mental health support for children and young people (Beddoe, 2016). Telephone counselling helplines offer a cost effective alternative to their face-to-face counterparts (O'Sullivan and Whelan, 2011). Locating telephone counsellors in an open-plan environment, enable non-for-profit organisations (NPO) to reduce expenditure by increasing the number of clients who can be supported simultaneously from the one location (Paukert et al., 2004). While co-locating staff in open-plan call centres may be attractive to managers, a significant body of research has found them to be less beneficial for workers (Nikolaeva and Russo, 2017; Vischer, 2007). The layout of open plan offices, such as the absence of permanent floor-toceiling walls and internal boundaries has been found to adversely impact noise, privacy and stimulation levels (Kim and de Dear, 2013; Maher and von Hippel, 2005; Nikolaeva and Russo, 2017; Vischer, 2007). These factors have been found to negatively influence workers’ behaviour in a number of ways, including: reduced performance (Rashid and Zimring, 2008); concentration loss (Sulsky and Smith, 2005); heightened stress (Brennan et al., 2002); job dissatisfaction; increased turnover and intention to leave (Evans and Johnson, 2000); reduced health and wellbeing; and increased absenteeism (Danielsson and Bodin, 2008). Smith-Jackson and Klein (2009) found that the benefit of open-planned offices is most keenly experienced when performing interdependent work. Conversely, when workers perform independent tasks requiring attention and concentration, separate work spaces are preferred. Call-centre workers have also reported experiencing a sense of surveillance by management (Barnes, 2007) and reduced professional discretion (van den Broek, 2008). This research suggests that working in an open-plan call-centre environment may influence how telephone counsellors experience and perform their work. The literature on face-to-face counselling provides insight into how space influences the counselling process and client outcomes. Pearson and Wilson (2012) note the importance of optimising the design, layout and atmosphere of the physical counselling space to enhance client well-being and satisfaction. Other research indicates that the physical counselling environment may also influence practitioner behaviour and wellbeing (Connellan et al., 2013; Miwa and Hanyu, 2006; Pearson and Wilson, 2012). Factors such as artificial lighting, unpleasant odours, and uncomfortable workplace temperatures have been found to reduce counsellor performance, job satisfaction and quality of care provided to clients (Pressly and Heesacker, 2001). Pearson and Wilson (2012, p. 47) argue that counselling spaces should foster a counsellor's “positive affect, empathy and job satisfaction”, through enabling therapists to exert some control over their counselling space. However, the capacity to personalise individual work spaces may be constrained in call-centres that use hot-desking (Barnes, 2007). On a symbolic level, Bondi and Fewell (2003) contend that counselling encourages spatial description and analogy, where inner spaces represent the interiority of human experience. When counsellors
1.2. Conceptualising space: Lefebvre's theory of spatial dialectics Lefebvre's (1991) theory of spatial dialectics provides a useful lens for exploring how various interrelated aspects of space and place shape telephone counsellors' experiences of their work. In contrast with traditional notions of space as a conduit or empty container – passive and separate from the social actions occurring within it (Jones, 2003) – Lefebvre views space as inextricably connected with social interactions; hence socially constructed by its inhabitants (Watkins, 2005). Space is viewed as “organic, fluid, and alive, it has a pulse, it palpitates, it flows and collides with other spaces” (Merrifield, 2006, p. 179). Watkins (2005, p. 209) describes the value of applying Lefebvre's theory to an organisational setting as follows: His [Lefebvre's] development of a spatial triad suggests an approach to organizational analysis that facilitates the contemplation of social, physical and mental spaces to provide an integrated view of organizational space, an approach that is in contrast to many current discussions of organizational space in which the focus is often on only a singular aspect of space. This conceptualisation of space allows for a comprehensive and rich analysis of counsellors’ experiences of the spatial environment of the workplace. Lefebvre's theory of spatial dialectics posits three interrelated and equally influential dimensions of space. These are: representations of space; spatial practice; and spaces of representation (Lefebvre, 1991, pp. 33, 38–46). First, representations of space refer to conceived space; the ways spaces are depicted, reduced and rendered measureable (Jeyasingham, 2014, p. 1883). Representations are typically presented by professionals in the form of plans and maps of designers (Milgrom, 2002 as cited in Peterson, 2009), although more recently encompassing workers' accounts of places and space (Jeyasingham, 2014). Second, spatial practice refers to perceived space, including everyday routines (Hubbard and Sanders, 2003). and the “unthought” practices and environments which result from them, or develop in relation to them (Jeyasingham, 2014, p. 1883). Everyday spaces include work, which contain elements of routine and patterns of interaction (Dale and Burrell, 2008). Third, spaces of representation, or lived space, is experienced bodily (Hubbard and Sanders, 2003). This space is experienced outside of verbal systems of representation (Jeyasingham, 2014). It is felt rather than thought about (Merrifield, 2006), captured in the “images, symbols and associative ideas of ‘users’ that give meaning to space” (Yacobi, 2004 as cited in Peterson, 2009, p. 52). This paper follows Jeyasingham's (2014) adaptation of Lefebvre's spatial dialectics, which applies a narrower focus on spatialities within practice rather than the broader social/cultural application present in other studies (Hubbard and Sanders, 2003). It focuses on the spatialities of the telephone counselling environment to highlight counsellors' experiences of space and placein their day-to-day work. The above discussion highlights the potential role that spatial dimensions may play in shaping telephone counsellors' experience of their work Using Lefebvre's spatial dialectics as a theoretical lens, this paper addresses the following research question: how do telephone counsellors conceive, perceive and experience the spatial dimensions of their work? 2
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2. Methods
2.5. Analysis
2.1. Setting
Formal observations were written up immediately after collection and analysed descriptively. This included a description of the physical environment, and observations concerning participants’ interactions with each other and the physical environment. The interviews were recorded, transcribed and transferred onto Nvivo computer software for data management and coding. They were thematically analysed to examine the individual meanings participants ascribed to their experiences of and interactions with the physical environment (Neuman, 2006). An initial coding frame was developed, reflecting the sensitising concepts drawn from empirical and theoretical literature relating to the spatial dimensions of counselling. Next, data led analysis was completed to identify novel counsellor experiences. This was followed by the identification and refinement of overarching themes, incorporating Lefebvre's theory of spatial dialectics at the meaning making stage of analysis. The rationale for choosing and identifying themes was made as transparent as possible through writing memos, keeping a reflexive journal, and attaching notes within NVivo.
This study took place in a small non-for-profit (NFP) youth telephone counselling service in New Zealand, which provides free counselling to children and young people aged five to eighteen years. The data which this paper is based on stems from a larger case study of telephone counsellors’ experiences of their work.
2.2. Design A qualitative case study approach incorporating observations and in-depth interviews was used to enable an in-depth exploration of counsellors’ experiences of their work (Stake, 2005). Observations were conducted initially to collect descriptive data on the physical design and layout of the service, and how counsellors interacted with the physical environment and each other. In-depth interviews were then carried out with the telephone counsellors and the Chief Executive Officer (CEO) to generate a detailed account of how space and place were designed and experienced by staff.
3. Findings and discussion The findings in this section demonstrate how the telephone counsellors' experiences are shaped by the spatial dimensions of their work using the lens of Lefebvre's spatial triad. First the physical environment, or the representation of space, is described to illustrate the distinct design and layout of this counselling space. Second, the spatial practice, or rhythm and movement of telephone counselling work is discussed. Finally, the mental space counsellors inhabit when on a call is outlined to explore how they embody place when on a call with a young person.
2.3. Recruitment and participants Recruitment commenced after obtaining ethical clearance from the School of Social Work and Human Services Ethics Committee, The University of Queensland. Eligible participants were counsellors who had worked for the service for a minimum of 12 months. Staff received detailed information about the project and the nature of participation via a recruitment flyer. Participant consent was gained prior to data collection. A $30 gift voucher was provided to all participants in recognition of their time. Ten of the sixteen counsellors employed by the service - eight women and two men - participated in the study. They were aged between 21 and 50 years and had between eighteen months to nine years’ experience of working for the service. The majority had qualifications in psychology, counselling, social work or a related human services discipline.
3.1. Representations of space: the open-plan call-centre environment Lefebvre's (1991) ‘representations of space’ refers to the design and layout of the physical environment and how space is conceived. The material dimensions of workspaces are largely overlooked in research and taken for granted, making the space in which work occurs invisible (Dale and Burrel, 2008, p. 206). The telephone counselling floor was located in a separate room of the office space rented by the service and resembled a call-centre, as illustrated in Fig. 1. Six booths, each located in its own semi-contained space, were bounded by walls that were half-timber at the bottom and glass panes at the top that stopped approximately 1 m from the ceiling. Five out the six booths were set out with the counsellor's chair and desk facing the outer wall of the office space, as illustrated in Fig. 2. The sixth booth faced inwards looking onto the counselling floor. This latter counselling booth was one of two that was located next to
2.4. Data collection Data were collected over a two-week period. The first stage of data collection involved participant observations. An observation schedule was devised to record elements of the physical environment, such as the layout of desks and design of counselling booths, and counsellors’ interactions with each other and the physical space. Observations were carried out at different times across five days. The researcher immersed herself in the operations of the service through sitting in an unoccupied booth on the counselling floor for extended periods of time, chatting to counsellors in the tea-room, and talking with supervisors in the supervisor booth. Formal observations ceased when no new patterns of interaction and uses of space in addition to those already recorded were witnessed, although the researcher continued to note informal observations for the duration of the site visit. Insights gained from these observations were then incorporated into the interview guide to enable the researcher's interpretations to be checked with participants. The second stage of data collection consisted of semi-structured interviews with the ten telephone counsellors. A topic guide was developed to elicit demographic information, the counsellors’ perceptions and experiences of the physical environment, and their constructions and experiences of the mental space. The researcher also interviewed the CEO to enable an understanding of how the service was founded and the design of the physical environment.
Fig. 1. Looking into the counselling space. 3
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distraction of noise while on a call, this problem was perceived as largely out of their control and stemming from the design of the counselling floor. Some participants pointed out that the counselling floor had inadequate sound-proofing for the type of work being performed, particularly when counselling staff were working at capacity. I just don't think that the cubicles are sound proofed enough … occasionally we're fortunate enough to have a full complement [of counsellors on shift]. It [the noise] can actually almost knock you out. (Participant 10) In addition, the close proximity of their colleagues on the counselling floor intensified the noise level in this space. … just the closeness, the proximity, and being able to hear everything that the counsellor was saying. Cause if we stop we can listen in every other conversation that's going on. So you need to actually be able to psychologically close that out and focus very intensely on your own call. (Participant 6) Fig. 2. A typical telephone counselling booth.
As a result of this physical closeness, these counsellors pointed out that they had to put considerable effort into concentrating on their calls in order to properly hear callers. Lefebvre (1991) suggests that to accurately understand conceived space key planners need to be consulted. In this study the key planners were the CEO and founders of the service. The interview with the CEO revealed that the design of the counselling space was based on an existing purpose built telephone counselling service. The features adopted included individual counselling booths and glass partitions to separate counsellors. However, funding limitations and constraints associated with renting a space within a larger service block resulted in reduced space for the counselling floor, which in turn compromised privacy and contributed to the noise issues identified earlier. As a result, the counselling space resembled a smaller call-centre environment, with associated noise issues and impacts on workers’ concentration levels (Barnes, 2007).
Fig. 3. Windows overlooking the enclosed atrium.
3.2. Spatial practice: leaning into and leaning back from calls
the glass doors at the end of the counselling room. Fig. 3 shows how these doors opened onto an enclosed atrium, a space used as a thoroughfare by other workers located in the surrounding offices. The enclosed atrium was the only external view counsellors had from the counselling floor. The following description of the physical environment provides insight into the workspace from a counsellor's perspective.
The rhythm and movement of telephone counselling, a form of spatial practice, was evident in the way counsellors interacted with and moved within the counselling space when on a call. As there are no assigned booths, counsellors sat in different booths each time they were on shift. Interestingly, counsellors appeared to gravitate towards particular booths, with many liking the two booths at the end of the room next to the glass windows. While the frequency of interactions varied from person to person, counsellors were observed talking to each other between calls either across booths, or with colleagues who visited their booth. During interviews the participants reflected on how they moved their bodies whilst on a call, capturing the spatial practices present in this work. The physical movements counsellors engaged in varied depending on the types of calls they were on. It is worth noting that not all calls received at this youth counselling service were genuine counselling calls. Instead, the majority of calls were ‘testing calls’, where young people present by yelling, telling jokes, or being abusive in a general or sexual way (Hall and Schoslar, 1995). When on a counselling call counsellors reported physically ‘leaning into’ the call, narrowing their attention to their immediate environment.
We sit in these little glass booths and so normally … you would more or less face the wall … What you see is just your screen. You have two screens in front of you, one is for our chat so we can talk to a supervisor, and on the other one we can just bring all the information we need for your client … So, that is my work environment. Usually I just stare at the screens … but then if you turn around you'd see all the other counsellors. (Participant 5) This quote demonstrates how the physical environment supports the focused nature of telephone counselling work, which can be broken by counsellors expanding their gaze to their colleagues. Participants reported that the noise level in the counselling space impacted their capacity to stay connected and effectively engage with callers. Several counsellors commented that noise was particularly distracting at shift change-overs, when more counsellors were in the counselling space, and when they were taking serious counselling calls. The researcher similarly observed that when the full complement of counsellors were in the counselling room the noise could be overpowering, making it difficult to concentrate. By contrast, when fewer counsellors were present, the counselling space was perceived as “calm and less distracting” (Participant 4). Although the counsellors identified a number of ways to manage the
… I've noticed that I'll sit up or I'll put my head down and I'll just squeeze the headphones down against my ears so I'll make sure I'm just picking up on everything … and I might close my eyes as well. Just so I can … really get what's going on and pick up and concentrate … closing everything else out … You know through body posture and just closing my eyes … (Participant 2) Conversely, when on a testing call counsellors were more likely to 4
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separate from the physical environment, counsellors appear to be constructing a temporal and situated ‘place’ with their callers in their own minds. Place is an object where one can dwell and is a space that is enclosed and bounded (Tuan, 1977). Hence, the aforementioned cocoon and tunnel are mental places where counsellors reside with a caller for the duration of the call. This mental place provides containment and shelter in the otherwise vastness of the perceived metaphysical space between the counsellor and the caller. In this way counsellors are reacting to space and producing place in response to the lack of shared physical space with the caller. In contrast to the closeness and intimacy engendered by the mental place on a counselling call, counsellors reported that the mental place they entered into on testing calls was more relaxed and removed. They were not, as one counsellor commented, as “in the zone” with the caller. As Participant 7 stated, she may be “listening but not in their [the caller's] world”. Another participant described the mental place in a testing call as follows:
lean back in their chair and their attention was more dispersed. If it's just perhaps … a less serious call then I may just be sitting back on the chair maybe looking at the screen …. If it's a funny call I might be looking around a little bit more … And in those calls I wouldn't necessarily be looking at the computer. I might be kind of swivelled around on my chair and maybe even my legs up on the desk or something like that. (Participant 1). As the above quotes illustrate, depending on the type of call, counsellors used their bodies to vary the level of closeness and distance they experienced when talking to young people. The ability to vary the degree to which they enter into a call may be particularly beneficial when responding to testing calls, as previous studies indicate that these types of calls can contribute to burnout by eroding counsellors’ trust in and empathy for callers, and increase their expectation of being manipulated (Cyr and Dowrick, 1991; Hall and Schlosar, 1995). Observations of the counsellors’ use of the physical space indicated that when on serious calls they appeared to either look at the computer screen or down at their notebooks. Conversely, when on testing calls counsellors were more animated and looked around more regularly at the other counsellors. In between calls counsellors were often seen leaving the counselling floor to debrief with shift supervisors and make cups of tea, and reading articles or case notes on their computer. It is these routine movements within space that enable counsellors to manage callers’ presentations and the level of connection different calls require. fAs such, these actions constitute part of the rhythm of conducting telephone counselling work.
In this space not a lot happens. Because our testing callers often demand a lot of patience, attention and energy I try to keep this mental space as empty and relaxed as possible. (Participant 3) Counsellors therefore invested less of themselves when on a testing call and operated from a position of detachment, with the mental place creating a greater sense of distance from the testing caller. In addition, they felt more capable of exiting testing calls and leaving them behind. Yet, they also reported that there were times when the mental place got mixed up: I guess sometimes the spaces [mental places] do get mixed up, or the kind of lines blur between them. … when I do get a serious call I first think it is testing then I kind of realise “oh this isn't” [a testing call] then I've got to jump from this other space and start using these other questions … (Participant 4)
3.3. Spaces of representation: constructing a mental place As previously stated, the term ‘mental space’ was used as a heuristic device to explore counsellors' experiences of lived space or spaces of representation. When exploring counsellors' conceptualisations of the mental space it is apparent this construct is more reflective of Taun's conceptualisation of place. As discussed earlier, Tuan (1977, p. 6) argues place is constructed when a pause in movement occurs. Telephone counsellors' descriptions of this the mental space are illustrative of such pauses in the space between them and the caller, transforming space into a fixed place. For instance, counsellors conceptualised the mental space in visual terms such as a cocoon or tunnel.
For this participant the process of fully entering a call and the appropriate mental place can be difficult, requiring both alertness and flexibility, and the ability to quickly move between different mind-sets at the start of a call. This resonates with Water, Wrapson, Reeay and Ford's (2018, p. 147) observation that making space therapeutic requires continual work of “production and reproduction”. Despite not being able to see the caller, counsellors described how entering the mental place on a counselling call assists them to establish therapeutic presence and a sense of closeness with the young person.
It's kind of like an old railway tunnel that I've been down … It's a long tunnel, it's not really being used any more, but it's still lit … I kind of think of that tunnel with the lights on, but if I can't hear the caller properly than the lights are not on so, it's like I can't see. (Participant 6)
They're right there in my ear … and I'm just focusing on everything that they are saying. Yeah … like I'm just fixated in there I'm not really paying attention to anything else going around … It's like everything that's going on is just here (moves her hands from her ears to in front of her eyes around 5cms from her face). (Participant 2)
I suppose it's like a … cocoon … it drowns out everything else that's happening, other people that are talking or whatever … Makes everything … focused and louder. (Participant 8) The construction of this contained mental space also appeared to foster a sense of intimacy and closeness with the caller when on a counselling call. Counsellors described engaging in a distinct process to enter the mental place with callers. Participant 1 describes her process as follows:
At the same time, counsellors described being able to vary the depth into which they entered the mental place, enabling them to manage how much they give of themselves to different callers. 4. Discussion
I guess you're trying to like get into their world a little bit … or their shoes. So you're almost leaving … off your own judgements and ideas and assumptions about them, leaving them completely out of the picture and trying to come into it really perceptive and open to their experience … which does required a lot of attention and concentration.
The following discussion provides a synthesis of the utility of Lefebvre's spatial dialectics in conceptualising and understanding how counsellors experience the spatial dimensions of their work, considers the associated theoretical and practice implications, and concludes by outlining areas for future research. Lefebvre's spatial triad provides a useful lens for understanding the spatial dimensions of telephone counselling practice in three ways. Firstly, the representation of space highlight how although the counselling space was designed for the purpose of telephone counselling, it resembled a call-centre and was experienced as noisy and distracting. Secondly, counsellors engaged in the spatial practice of leaning into and
Three other counsellors echoed similar processes and indicated that this was like leaving the “normal world” behind. The mental place is consistent with Lefebvre's (1991) ‘spaces of representation’ as counsellors appear to embody space during their connection with the caller. Through constructing a mental place that is 5
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through physical movement. Studies addressing these spatial dimensions will increase understanding of this overlooked practice area and provide insight into how to best support telephone counsellors to utilise these dimensions in their work.
back from certain caller presentations, capturing the unconscious rhythm of their work. This is consistent with what Lefebvre described as “phenomenologically experienced spaces … taken for granted through the habits of the body” (Dale and Burrell, 2008, p. 8). Finally, Lefebvre's third spatial domain, ‘spaces of representation’ or lived space, was seen through counsellors' conceptualisation, construction and experiences of the ‘mental place’. The mental place, constructed in response to the lack of shared physical space with the caller, represented a place where both the counsellor and the caller resided for the duration of the call, fostering closeness and therapeutic alliance. This suggests that just as faceto-face clinicians provide a ‘therapeutic space’ for their clients (Bondi, 2005), telephone counsellors construct a similar place or relational space within themselves. Theoretically, Lefebvre's spaces of representation or ‘lived space’ provides the opportunity to understand how counsellors embody space and enhances insight into this spatial domain beyond a level of pure abstraction. The nature of this mental place is such that, while to a degree it is bounded and contained, it is not impermeable to outside influences such as noise within the physical environment. Accordingly, it has qualities of containment and shelter, as well as permeability to happenings on the counselling floor. As Lefebvre (1991) espouses, space is continually being produced by the dynamic interplay between and among social relations and places. In the context of this study, it is dynamic, fluid and constantly evolving through telephone counsellors' interactions with their callers. Conceptualising telephone counselling as spatial practice provides a more nuanced and novel understanding of this under-theorised counselling modality. Viewing telephone counselling as spatial practice raises a number of salient practice implications for telephone counsellors and service providers. First, this study illustrates the importance of considering the design and layout of the telephone counselling space in the initial set-up of services. While many service providers view the affordability of telephone counselling as an attractive feature (Paterson et al., 2009), building design warrants careful attention during the planning stage. For example, sound proofing of workspaces can be enhanced by constructing individual booths with full floor to ceiling walls, and ensuring that there is adequate spacing between booths. However, cubicle walls should be transparent to ensure worker connection, collaboration and support. Second, the concepts of ‘mental place’ and spatial practice provide new areas counsellors may draw on to understand their work. As Water et al. (2018) argue, space is an essential part of the construction of “health care”, or as in the case of this paper mental health support. Telephone counselling work is characterised by a high rate of crisis calls, which have been found to challenge counsellor resiliency and compassion over time (Cyr and Dowrick, 1991; Kinzel and Nanson, 2000). Observing and reflecting upon the production and reproduction of space in telephone counselling demonstrates counsellors' agency in creating a therapeutic landscape (Andrews and Shaw, 2008). This may facilitate insight into how to join with callers despite the lack of face-toface interaction. In addition, understanding the process of constructing, inhabiting and shifting between places can highlight and legitimise the associated challenges of disconnecting from and reconnecting with separate callers across a shift. Being aware and reflecting on how to manage the amount counsellors give of themselves when they enter these calls may enhance their ability to reduce the negative outcomes associated with this work. The findings from this study are drawn from a small number of counsellors (n = 10) and provide a snapshot of counsellors' experiences in one service at one point in time. Further research is needed to establish if these findings are applicable to other settings. Researchers may consider exploring: the impact of different designs and layouts of various telephone counselling services and how counsellors respond to and interact within these spaces; whether the concept of ‘mental place’ holds true for counsellors in other telephone counselling services; and whether other counsellors manage level of closeness with clients
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