Children and Youth Services Review 71 (2016) 52–60
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Loneliness, the search for meaning, and the psychological well-being of economically disadvantaged Chinese adolescents living in Hong Kong: Implications for life skills development programs Siu-ming To, PhD, Registered Social Worker Department of Social Work, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T., Hong Kong
a r t i c l e
i n f o
Article history: Received 6 September 2016 Received in revised form 25 October 2016 Accepted 25 October 2016 Available online 27 October 2016 Keywords: Search for meaning Meaning in life Loneliness Psychological well-being Adolescents Economic disadvantage Life skills Chinese
a b s t r a c t Assuming a relational basis of meaning-making, we examined ways in which the search for meaning and loneliness relate to the psychological well-being of economically disadvantaged adolescents. Using a survey with a sample of 366 economically disadvantaged adolescents and 304 non-economically disadvantaged adolescents recruited from 10 schools in Hong Kong, we observed that the search for meaning had a positive association with self-esteem, self-efficacy, and life satisfaction only among economically disadvantaged adolescents, whereas loneliness had a negative association with those indicators of psychological well-being in the entire sample. We also identified an interaction effect between the search for meaning and loneliness on life satisfaction among economically disadvantaged adolescents. Our results partially supported our hypotheses by showing that loneliness and the search for meaning jointly affected the development of economically disadvantaged adolescents, whereas loneliness was a more significant predictor than the search for meaning. Given such functions of the search for meaning and sense of belongingness in the development of young people amid economic hardship, practitioners and educators should initiate meaning- and relationship-oriented life skills programs in the formal and non-formal learning contexts, as well as facilitate young people's search for meaning in the informal learning context. © 2016 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
1. Introduction The search for meaning in life ranks among the most significant developmental issues for adolescents, whose stage in life almost always involves identity formation (Ho, Cheung, & Cheung, 2010; Kiang & Fuligni, 2010). The search for meaning is also an important protective factor in school-to-work transitions of young people (Fry, 1998; To & Sung, 2016; Yuen & Yau, 2015). Although researchers have begun to study the patterns and impacts of adolescents' explorations of meaning in life, very few studies have addressed youth with economic disadvantages. However, such research is essential, for economic disadvantage creates an ecological context that imposes adverse effects on the development of young people and their transition to adulthood (Berzin & De Marco, 2010). Furthermore, economic disadvantages can induce feelings of hopelessness, meaninglessness, and identity confusion among young people, which can in turn prompt maladjustment and risk-taking behavior (Phillips & Pittman, 2003; Shek & Tsui, 2013). Extensions of recent investigations of adolescents' search for meaning in life into youth with economic disadvantage can address part of that gap in the research.
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http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.childyouth.2016.10.037 0190-7409/© 2016 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Along with the search for meaning, in this study we focused on economically disadvantaged youths' sense of loneliness. Accumulated research results have shown that young people who grow up under unfavorable socioeconomic conditions are more likely to experience social isolation and loneliness (Chen & Chung, 2007), which relates to negative self-evaluation, mental health problems, and antisocial behavior (Hawkley & Cacioppo, 2010). Other than limited opportunities and resources, poor adolescents often encounter difficulties in building social networks and enhancing social capital (Ngai et al., 2013). Some even exclude themselves from social interactions with peers due to feelings of inferiority (Phillips & Pittman, 2003), which can give way to strong sense of loneliness. However, although Western literature has shown the negative influence of loneliness on adolescents' well-being, very few studies have addressed the ways in which loneliness affects Chinese adolescents in general and those with economic disadvantages in particular. Whereas previous studies have focused on the search for meaning and the sense of loneliness separately in terms of their associations with psychological well-being, the possible primary and interaction effects of the two variables remain mostly unknown. This research gap needs closure, particularly in Chinese culture. Harter (2012) pointed out that while the Western conception of self emphasizes the autonomous pursuit of personal goals and self-differentiation, its East Asian
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counterpart highlights the strengthening of social ties and the achievement of social harmony. Based on a relational conception of self, Chinese people's explorations and reflections regarding human existence assumably arise from their perceived social relationships. Arguably, different levels of loneliness thus strengthen or weaken any positive outcome of the search for meaning. A salient topic for researchers is thus to investigate how Chinese economically disadvantaged adolescents' search for meaning and sense of loneliness interact to affect their psychological well-being. Of particular interest are (1) whether a strong association exists between the search for meaning and psychological well-being, (2) whether a strong association exists between loneliness and psychological well-being, and (3) whether loneliness can moderate the association between the search for meaning and psychological well-being. A comparison of research findings on those associations in a sample of economically disadvantaged adolescents with those in a sample of non-economically disadvantaged adolescents can also yield useful ideas about the development of life skills programs that are more effective and responsive to the needs of youth who face economic hardships. 2. Literature review and hypotheses 2.1. The search for meaning and psychological well-being Search for meaning in life refers to “the strength, intensity, and activity of people's desire and efforts to establish and/or augment their understanding of the meaning, significance, and purpose of their lives” (Steger, Kashdan, Sullivan, & Lorentz, 2008, p. 200). As a construct, a crucial point of conceptual clarity is to differentiate the search for meaning from the construct of presence of meaning in life, or “the degree to which people experience their lives as comprehensible and significant, and feel a sense of purpose or mission in their lives that transcends the mundane concerns of daily life” (Steger, Kawabata, Shimai, & Otake, 2008, p. 661). On the whole, research findings about those two aspects of meaning in life have indicated that the presence of meaning and the search for meaning are two distinct but modestly related constructs (Steger, Frazier, Oishi, & Kaler, 2006; Steger, Kashdan, et al., 2008). Nevertheless, empirical evidence on the relationship between the constructs remains mixed. Whereas numerous studies conducted in Western societies (e.g., the United States and Australia) have indicated an inverse relationship between the presence of meaning and the search for meaning (e.g., Cohen & Cairns, 2012; Park, Park, & Peterson, 2010; Steger et al., 2006; Steger, Kashdan, et al., 2008; Steger, Kawabata, et al., 2008), several studies conducted in China and Japan have shown a positive relationship between them (Chan, 2014; Liu & Gan, 2010; Steger, Kawabata, et al., 2008). One factor that might account for such diverse research findings is culture's influence on how people perceive meaning in life. According to Steger, Kawabata, et al. (2008), the presence of meaning and the search for meaning are not separate in East Asian culture, but addressed together from the holistic dialectical perspective on the nature of life. Holistically and dialectically oriented people harmonize oppositional aspects and thus view the search and presence of meaning as cyclically intertwined, as well as accept that presence of meaning is obtainable with continuous efforts to search for it (Chan, 2014; Steger, Kawabata, et al., 2008). Such thinking can explain why the search for meaning and the presence of meaning correlate positively in the findings of studies conducted among East Asian people. Given diverse findings on the relationship between the presence of meaning and the search for meaning in Western and non-Western societies, it is logical to predict different directions of associations between the search for meaning and the components of psychological wellbeing in different cultures. For instance, in samples of people in the United States, the search for meaning showed a negative association with life satisfaction, purpose in life, and subjective happiness, but a positive one with negative emotions (Steger, Kashdan, et al., 2008; Steger, Kawabata, et al., 2008). However, in samples of Chinese and
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Japanese people, the search for meaning corresponded positively with future-oriented coping, positive affect, and purpose in life (Liu & Gan, 2010; Steger, Kawabata, et al., 2008). Although most of those studies targeted college students instead of adolescents in general and economically disadvantaged youth in particular, empirical evidence supporting the positive association between the search for meaning and psychological well-being in East Asian samples can shed light on the formulation of our first hypothesis: H1. The search for meaning will positively associate with the psychological well-being of Chinese adolescents in Hong Kong with economic disadvantages. Apart from adopting a cultural perspective to explain the different directions of associations between the search for meaning and psychological well-being, researchers have investigated the potential influence of the presence of meaning on the search for meaning and psychological well-being (Cohen & Cairns, 2012; Park et al., 2010). Park et al. (2010) indicated that whereas the search for meaning had an overall negative relationship with psychological well-being, it can also lead to greater life satisfaction, increased happiness, and less depression among people who already exhibited substantial meaning in their lives. Cohen and Cairns (2012) also confirmed the negative relationship between the search for meaning and subjective well-being, as well as showed the moderating effect that presence of meaning had on happiness scores when individuals were searching for meaning. Such findings support the argument that the search for meaning generates positive life outcomes among people who perceive their lives as meaningful (Park et al., 2010). Given those findings, to test the actual influence of the search for meaning on psychological well-being, researchers should exclude presence of meaning's possible influence from data analysis. 2.2. Loneliness and psychological well-being Baumeister and Leary (1995, p. 497) postulated that every person has “a pervasive drive to form and maintain at least a minimum quantity of lasting, positive, and significant interpersonal relationships.” Failure to do so can induce a state of loneliness, characterized by sad or aching feelings of emotional and social isolation (MacEvoy, Weeks, & Asher, 2011). Adolescence is a particularly sensitive period in which people encounter loneliness (MacEvoy et al., 2011), as adolescents face the significant developmental task of preparing to separate from their parents, learn to build intimate relationships, and struggle for autonomy and individuation, which often pave the way to greater awareness of the self as separate and, hence, of existential and other forms of loneliness (Fry, 1998). Since loneliness relates strongly to perceived separateness or isolation of the self, it is unsurprising to find considerable empirical support for negative relationships between loneliness and psychological well-being, including evidence from self-evaluation (Sippola & Bukowski, 1999) and psychological health data (Baumeister & Leary, 1995; Hawkley & Cacioppo, 2010). Although people of different socioeconomic backgrounds experience loneliness, it is understandable that those living in low-income families are at a greater risk of suffering from it (Chen & Chung, 2007; Phillips & Pittman, 2003). Our second hypothesis is thus that: H2. Loneliness will negatively associate with the psychological well-being of Chinese adolescents in Hong Kong with economic disadvantages.
2.3. The potential moderating effect of loneliness on the search for meaning As a third aspect of our study, we sought to examine the interaction between the search for meaning and the sense of loneliness on low-income adolescents' psychological well-being. We premised this
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interaction effect in assumption of a relational basis of human reflections on existence (Baumeister & Leary, 1995). As Stillman et al. (2009) argued, people make meaning in social contexts, meaning that since people have a natural drive to establish and sustain belongingness (Baumeister & Leary, 1995), being cut off from social relationships can increase their likelihood of losing access to all socially mediated meanings and purposes (Stillman et al., 2009). Being at a life stage that involves identity formation, adolescents naturally seek purpose and meaning in life (Ho et al., 2010), and they have an existential need for others to accept their existence (Yuen & Yau, 2015). The degree to which adolescents define themselves on the basis of their relationships with parents, peers, and other significant others can therefore exert a substantial impact on their identity development (Fry, 1998). Their explorations of meaning in life also stem from their experiences of themselves as embedded within an interpersonal context (Sippola & Bukowski, 1999). In previous studies, researchers have suggested that meaning in life relates to the nature of social support that people receive from family members and close friends (Krause, 2007). By contrast, the sense of loneliness that people experience as a result of a protracted feeling of social exclusion reduces their sense of meaning in life (Stillman et al., 2009). Hicks and King (2009) also indicated that at lower levels of loneliness, people reported higher levels of meaning in life. Later, Shaver and Mikulincer (2012) accounted for the relationship between loneliness and meaning in life by positing that whereas a sense of secure attachment stemming from one's close relationships can provide a psychological foundation for easing existential anxieties and constructing an authentic sense of meaningfulness, a sense of insecure attachment can leave a person vulnerable to threats of meaninglessness and emptiness. Although the aforementioned studies did not involve the search for meaning as a variable, the hypothesized positive association between the presence of meaning and search for meaning serves as a basis for predicting a moderating effect generated by loneliness on the search for meaning. For adolescents who are economically disadvantaged, social stigma and social isolation associated with low family income likely also affects their explorations of meaning in life (Phillips & Pittman, 2003). Accordingly, we formulated the final hypothesis that: H3. Loneliness will moderate the positive association between search for meaning and psychological well-being among economically disadvantaged adolescents. In sum, we aimed to explore the direction of life skills development programs for economically disadvantaged youth by examining how their search for meaning and sense of loneliness relate to their psychological well-being. Since family socioeconomic status is an important factor that can affect adolescents' perceived meaning in life and psychological well-being (Shek, 2012; Shek & Tsui, 2013), we predicted that the aforementioned associations are stronger in economically disadvantaged adolescents than non-economically disadvantaged adolescents. Researchers can assess adolescents' psychological well-being by relying on a combination of indicators, including life satisfaction, positive and negative affect, self-evaluation, environmental mastery, and positive relationships with others (Ryff & Keyes, 1995; Shek & Tsui, 2013). Among those indicators, self-evaluation and life satisfaction frequently inform assessments of the development and quality of life of economically disadvantaged adolescents (Shek & Tsui, 2013). Self-evaluation refers to how a person consciously reflects upon and evaluates his or her characteristics in a manner that he or she can verbalize (Harter, 2012). In this study, we sought to demonstrate how adolescents' search for meaning influences two general dimensions of self-evaluation: self-esteem and self-efficacy. Whereas self-esteem refers to an individual's appraisal of self-worth (Rosenberg, 1979), self-efficacy refers to a person's beliefs in his or her ability to produce an intended effect or make a difference (Bandura, 1997). Other than self-esteem and self-efficacy, we used life satisfaction to evaluate the cognitive aspects of subjective well-being (Diener, Emmons, Larsen, & Griffin, 1985). Altogether, we focused on those three dimensions of psychological well-being in our study.
3. Methods 3.1. Participants We administered a cross-sectional quantitative survey targeting high-school students, who we targeted in light of findings indicating that an ability to create meaning from significant life events tends to emerge during middle and late adolescence (Tavernier & Willoughby, 2012). In Hong Kong, children and adolescents can receive 12 years of universal education for free, including 6 years of primary education (i.e., equivalent to elementary school), 3 years of junior secondary education (i.e., equivalent to middle school), and 3 years of senior secondary education (i.e., equivalent to high school). For the 2014–2015 school year, Hong Kong had 190,842 senior secondary (i.e., high-school) students in 509 secondary schools (Hong Kong Education Bureau, 2015), among whom we conducted purposive sampling. We collected data from 10 coeducational secondary schools located in the five districts of Hong Kong (i.e., Hong Kong and outlying islands, Kowloon East, Kowloon West, the New Territories East, and the New Territories West). We invited all students of Chinese nationality in Grade 10 or 11 to participate. We did not invite students in Grade 12 because they were preparing for and taking the Hong Kong Diploma of Secondary Education Examination during data collection. We therefore recruited a total of 670 students, all of whom completed a structured questionnaire. Among the 670 participants, 366 students were economically disadvantaged, meaning that their household income was 75% or less of the median monthly domestic household income (MMDHI) reported by the Social Welfare Department of the Hong Kong Government in 2014 (Social Welfare Department, 2014a). The government uses that criterion to assess which families are eligible to receive fee waivers for social services (Social Welfare Department, 2014b). 3.2. Data collection Prior to the study, we obtained ethical approval from the Survey and Behavioral Research Ethics Committee of The Chinese University of Hong Kong. We also obtained permission from the schools' principals to conduct research with the students, as well as obtained letters of consent from the students and their parents before the students' participation in the survey. We collected survey responses on school days in a classroom setting. Prior to administering the survey questionnaire, data collectors provided students with a clear explanation of the survey's objectives and the way in which the researchers would process data. In doing so, they highlighted the principles of voluntary participation, right of withdrawal, guarantee of anonymity, and the cautious use of research data. Ultimately, each participant filled out a questionnaire, which the administrator collected immediately upon its completion. 3.3. Measures We adapted all measures used in our study from the Chinese versions of several scales available in Western literature. We pretested the measures on a sample of 160 adolescents in a secondary school to refine the questionnaires. We moreover tested the applicability of the scales adopted and found them all to be satisfactory. Details of the measures appear in the following subsections. 3.3.1. Presence of meaning We adopted the Meaning in Life Questionnaire: Presence (MLQ-P) developed by Steger et al. (2006) and translated by Chan (2014) to measure adolescents' sense of meaningfulness in life. The MLQ-P is a 5-item scale containing statements such as “I understand my life's meaning.” Participants rated each item on a 6-point Likert-type scale (1 = Strongly disagree, 6 = Strongly agree) and received a total score ranging from 5 to 30. A higher total score indicates a higher sense of meaningfulness. The reliability coefficient of the MLQ-P was 0.85.
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3.3.2. Search for meaning We adopted the Meaning in Life Questionnaire: Search (MLQ-S) developed by Steger et al. (2006) and translated by Chan (2014) to measure adolescents' search for meaning in life. The MLQ-S is a 5-item scale containing statements such as “I am looking for something that makes my life feel meaningful.” Participants rate each item on a 6point Likert-type scale (1 = Strongly disagree, 6 = Strongly agree) and received a total score ranging from 5 to 30. A higher total score indicates a higher level of active search for meaning in life. The reliability coefficient of the MLQ-S was 0.81. Prior to data analyses, we examined whether the same two-factor structure of the MLQ (i.e., presence of meaning and search for meaning) was replicable by using confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) and AMOS version 21. We used the comparative fit index (CFI), the Tucker–Lewis Index (TLI), and the root-mean-square error of approximation (RMSEA) to evaluate the fit of the model. The CFI and TLI range from 0 to 1, in which 0 indicates no fit and 1 indicates a perfect fit. The RMSEA varies from 0 to 1, with values less than 0.05 indicating an exact fit and values between 0.05 and 0.08 indicating a close fit (Bollen, 1989). Based on those criteria, we used CFA to confirm the same two-factor structure (Chan, 2014; Steger et al., 2006). Goodnessof-fit indices of the model were acceptable (CFI = 0.94; TLI = 0.91; RMSEA = 0.08). 3.3.3. Loneliness We used the De Jong Gierveld Loneliness Scale (DJGLS) developed by de Jong Gierveld and van Tilburg (2006) and translated by Leung, de Jong Gierveld, and Lam (2008) to measure adolescents' sense of loneliness. The DJGLS is a 6-item scale containing statements such as “I often feel rejected.” Participants rated each item on a 6-point Likert-type scale (1 = Strongly disagree, 6 = Strongly agree) for total scores ranging from 6 to 36. A higher total score indicates a stronger sense of loneliness. The reliability coefficient of the DJGLS was 0.70. 3.3.4. Self-esteem We used the Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale (RSES) developed by Rosenberg (1979) and translated by Shek (1992) to measure adolescents' evaluation of their self-worth. The RSES is a 10-item scale containing statements such as “On the whole, I am satisfied with myself.” Each item is rated on a 6-point Likert-type scale (1 = Strongly disagree, 6 = Strongly agree) for total scores ranging from 10 to 60. A higher total score indicates that a person has a higher level of self-esteem. The reliability coefficient of the RSES was 0.85. 3.3.5. Self-efficacy We adopted the Self-Efficacy Scale (SES) developed by Shek (2004) to measure adolescents' evaluation of their self-efficacy. The SES is a 7item scale containing statements such as “I can finish almost everything that I am determined to do.” Each item is rated on a 6-point Likert-type scale (1 = Strongly disagree, 6 = Strongly agree) for total scores ranging from 7 to 42. A higher total score indicates that a person has a higher level of self-efficacy. The reliability coefficient of the SES was 0.74. 3.3.6. Life satisfaction We adopted the Satisfaction with Life Scale (SWLS) developed by Diener et al. (1985) and translated by Shek (1992) to measure the cognitive aspect of subjective well-being. The SWLS is a 5-item scale including statements like “I am satisfied with my life.” Each item is rated on a 6-point Likert-type scale (1 = Strongly disagree, 6 = Strongly agree) for total scores ranging from 5 to 30. A higher total score indicates a higher level of life satisfaction. The reliability coefficient of the SWLS was 0.76. 3.3.7. Control variables As part of the survey, we also collected demographic data of participants, including age, gender, religion, household size, and monthly family income. Since the first four factors can influence one's subjective
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well-being (Diener et al., 1985; To, Tam, Ngai, & Sung, 2014; To & Sung, 2016), we treated them as control variables in data analyses. We excluded the last factor (i.e., monthly family income) from data analyses because we had already categorized participants into two groups (i.e., economically disadvantaged and non-economically disadvantaged) according to their monthly family incomes. As such, we did not need to control for that variable. 3.4. Data analyses To gain a preliminary understanding of how the variables (i.e., presence of meaning, search for meaning, loneliness, self-esteem, self-efficacy, and life satisfaction) related to each other, we conducted Pearson's correlation analyses among participants with and without economic disadvantages, respectively. We next used hierarchical regression analyses to predict the self-esteem, self-efficacy, and life satisfaction of economically disadvantaged adolescents and non-economically disadvantaged adolescents, respectively. In each set of the regression analyses, we entered demographic variables (i.e., control variables) in Step 1 of the model, presence of meaning (i.e., also a control variable) in Step 2, search for meaning (i.e., the primary predictor) in Step 3, loneliness (i.e., the presumed moderator) in Step 4, and an interaction term (i.e., search for meaning × loneliness) in Step 5. We mean-centered search for meaning and loneliness before creating the interaction term in order to avoid multicollinearity (Aiken & West, 1991). To identify the possible primary and interaction effects of search for meaning and loneliness on self-esteem, self-efficacy, and life satisfaction, we examined changes in R2 from Steps 3–5. 4. Results Table 1 shows the demographic characteristics of the participants. More female participants came from lower-income families (55.8% of the economically disadvantaged group versus 46.5% of the non-economically disadvantaged group). The mean age of the economically disadvantaged participants (M = 17.23, SD = 1.30) was slightly higher than that of the non-economically disadvantaged ones (M = 16.87, SD = 0.95). More economically disadvantaged participants reported having religious beliefs (27% of the economically disadvantaged group versus 25.3% of the non-economically disadvantaged group). The average household size of the lower-income group (M = 4.18, SD = 1.06) was greater than that of the higher-income group (M = 3.49, SD = 0.95). Tables 2 and 3 provide the results of the zero-order correlations among the variables in the sample of the economically disadvantaged adolescents and that of the non-economically disadvantaged adolescents, respectively. Of the lower-income group, both the presence of meaning and search for meaning positively correlated with self-esteem, self-efficacy, and life satisfaction. Nevertheless, of the higher-income group, only the presence of meaning positively correlated with self-esteem, self-efficacy, and life satisfaction. Loneliness negatively correlated with those three indicators of psychological well-being among both lower- and higher-income groups. Table 4 reports the results of hierarchical regression analyses based on data from the sample of economically disadvantaged participants. First, the results supported Hypothesis 1 by indicating positive associations between the search for meaning and self-esteem, self-efficacy, and life satisfaction. Moreover, the associations between the search for meaning and measures of psychological well-being remained significant even when presence of meaning informed the analyses. Second, the results supported Hypothesis 2 by showing negative associations between loneliness and self-esteem, self-efficacy, and life satisfaction after controlling for the effects of demographic variables, presence of meaning, and search for meaning. Furthermore, loneliness was a more important predictor of psychological well-being than the search for meaning, since the change in R2 was more substantial than that induced
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S. To / Children and Youth Services Review 71 (2016) 52–60
Table 1 Demographic characteristics as a percentage of the sample (n = 670). Demographic characteristic
Economically disadvantaged adolescents (n = 366) %
Gender Female 55.8 Male 44.2 Age 15 34.3 16 35.9 17 12.6 18 7.4 19 or older 9.8 Religion No 73.0 Yes 27.0 Household size 2 4.2 3 15.3 4 52.5 5 19.1 6 6.0 7 or above 2.9 Monthly family income Reception of 10.9 public assistance HK$10,000 14.4 (US$1290) or below HK$10,001–20,000 52.1 (US$1291–2580) HK$20,001–30,000 22.2 (US$2581–3870) HK$30,001–40,000 0.4 (US$3871–5158) HK$40,001–50,000 0 (US$5159–6448) HK$50,001 0 (US$6449) or above
Non-economically disadvantaged adolescents (n = 304) % 46.5 53.5 42.5 36.2 13.8 5.9 1.6
Table 3 Summary of means, standard deviations, and zero-order correlations between presence of meaning, search for meaning, loneliness, self-esteem, self-efficacy, and life satisfaction among non-economically disadvantaged adolescents (n = 304). Variable
Mean (SD)
1
2
3
4
5
1. PM 2. SM 3. Lone 4. Esteem 5. Efficacy 6. Life
18.87 (5.03) 21.74 (3.98) 18.68 (4.80) 39.78 (7.15) 27.23 (5.32) 19.09 (4.54)
0.07 −0.50⁎⁎⁎ 0.59⁎⁎⁎ 0.57⁎⁎⁎ 0.55⁎⁎⁎
−0.09 −0.04 0.02 0.11
−0.66⁎⁎⁎ −0.64⁎⁎⁎ −0.55⁎⁎⁎
0.70⁎⁎⁎ 0.53⁎⁎⁎
0.51⁎⁎⁎
Note. PM = presence of meaning (range = 5–30); SM = search for meaning (range = 5– 30); Lone = loneliness (range = 6–36); Esteem = self-esteem (range = 10–60); Efficacy = self-efficacy (range = 7–42); Life = life satisfaction (range = 5–30). ⁎⁎⁎ p ≦ 0.001.
74.7 25.3
loneliness negatively corresponded with self-esteem, self-efficacy, and life satisfaction. Finally, no interaction effect emerged between the search for meaning and loneliness on self-esteem, self-efficacy, and life satisfaction. Lastly, a comparison of the findings between economically disadvantaged participants and non-economically disadvantaged participants showed that the search for meaning associated with psychological well-being only in the sample of economically disadvantaged adolescents. However, the association between loneliness and psychological well-being of economically disadvantaged adolescents was not substantially stronger than that of non-economically disadvantaged ones. Accordingly, whereas the search for meaning may particularly affect economically disadvantaged adolescents' psychological well-being, loneliness may negatively affect both economically and non-economically disadvantaged adolescents' psychological well-being.
10.4 46.4 31.3 7.6 3.6 0.7 0 0
21.7 29.6 24.7
5. Discussion
12.2 11.8
by search for meaning in Step 3. Concerning Hypothesis 3, the results indicated an interaction effect between the search for meaning and loneliness on life satisfaction. As Fig. 1 shows, the association between the search for meaning and life satisfaction differed according to the level of loneliness. That result reflects that the strength of the positive relationship between the search for meaning and life satisfaction was stronger for economically disadvantaged adolescents who had a lower sense of loneliness. Table 5 reports the results of hierarchical regression analyses based on data from the sample of non-economically disadvantaged participants. The results indicated no associations between the search for meaning and measures of psychological well-being. However, Table 2 Summary of means, standard deviations, and zero-order correlations between presence of meaning, search for meaning, loneliness, self-esteem, self-efficacy, and life satisfaction among economically disadvantaged adolescents (n = 366). Variable
Mean (SD)
1
2
3
4
5
1. PM 2. SM 3. Lone 4. Esteem 5. Efficacy 6. Life
18.86 (4.74) 21.40 (3.89) 18.76 (4.15) 38.11 (7.35) 26.96 (5.01) 18.60 (4.62)
0.11⁎ −0.37⁎⁎⁎ 0.49⁎⁎⁎ 0.46⁎⁎⁎ 0.50⁎⁎⁎
−0.06 0.13⁎⁎ 0.13⁎⁎ 0.23⁎⁎⁎
−0.64⁎⁎⁎ −0.50⁎⁎⁎ −0.49⁎⁎⁎
0.57⁎⁎⁎ 0.42⁎⁎⁎
0.40⁎⁎⁎
Note. PM = presence of meaning (range = 5–30); SM = search for meaning (range = 5– 30); Lone = loneliness (range = 6–36); Esteem = self-esteem (range = 10–60); Efficacy = self-efficacy (range = 7–42); Life = life satisfaction (range = 5–30). ⁎ p ≦ 0.05. ⁎⁎ p ≦ 0.01. ⁎⁎⁎ p ≦ 0.001.
The findings indicate that both the search for meaning and the presence of meaning positively associated with self-esteem, self-efficacy, and life satisfaction of Chinese adolescents with economic disadvantages. Those findings can shed light on the longstanding debate about the relationship between the search for meaning and psychological well-being (Steger, Kashdan, et al., 2008). Although the search for meaning was a positive sign of psychological well-being in several studies conducted in East Asian societies (Liu & Gan, 2010; Steger, Kawabata, et al., 2008), most research conducted in Western societies has supported the opposite view (Steger et al., 2006; Steger, Kashdan, et al., 2008; Steger, Kawabata, et al., 2008). Considering that people search for meaning when they experience little meaning or lose meaning (Steger, Kashdan, et al., 2008), the search for meaning negatively correlated with psychological well-being in those studies (Cohen & Cairns, 2012; Park et al., 2010). Nevertheless, the results of our study were inconsistent with most findings of previous research in Western societies. Although the strength of the relationship between the search for meaning and psychological well-being was not as considerable as that between the presence of meaning and psychological well-being, the association between those two latter variables remained statistically significant even when the presence of meaning informed data analysis. As such, presence of meaning and search for meaning are two distinct constructs, since both may exert a positive influence on the psychological well-being of economically disadvantaged youth. Such findings can help in rethinking the nature of the search for meaning in Chinese culture. As Chan (2014) argued, the search for meaning in Chinese culture constitutes an action that Chinese people want to engage. As such, it is not only an outcome variable that reflects an inadequacy of meaning, but also a process that can exert a unique, positive influence on one's well-being. Another important finding is that the search for meaning positively associated with self-esteem, self-efficacy, and life satisfaction among adolescents with economic disadvantages. Nevertheless, no
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Table 4 Hierarchical regression analyses predicting self-esteem, self-efficacy, and life satisfaction from searching for meaning and loneliness among economically disadvantaged adolescents (n = 366). Criterion Esteem
Efficacy
2
2
β
ΔR
Life β
t
0.24⁎⁎⁎
0.49
10.65
2.03
0.03⁎⁎⁎
0.17
3.72
−0.36
−7.76
0.10⁎⁎⁎
−0.35
−7.69
−0.01
−0.23
0.01⁎⁎
−0.12
−2.89
ΔR
Step 1 Demo
0.01
Step 2 PM
0.24⁎⁎⁎
0.50
10.66
0.21⁎⁎⁎
0.47
9.84
Step 3 SM
0.01⁎
0.09
1.97
0.01⁎
0.10
Step 4 Lone
0.23⁎⁎⁎
−0.52
−12.68
0.11⁎⁎⁎
Step 5 SM × Lone
0.00
0.01
0.31
0.00
Total R2
0.49
t
t
0.01
0.34
ΔR2
β
Predictor
0.02
0.40
Note. Esteem = self-esteem; Efficacy = self-efficacy; Life = life satisfaction; Demo = demographic variables; PM = presence of meaning; SM = search for meaning; Lone = loneliness. ⁎ p ≦ 0.05. ⁎⁎ p ≦ 0.01. ⁎⁎⁎ p ≦ 0.001.
associations emerged between the search for meaning and those indicators of psychological well-being among adolescents without economic disadvantages. According to Park's (2010) proposed meaning-making model in the context of stress and coping, by searching for meaning, individuals seek to reduce the discrepancy between situational and global meaning systems and to restore a sense of the world as meaningful and their own lives as worthwhile. For instance, economically disadvantaged adolescents may possess some meaning orientations (i.e., global meaning) such as personal achievement and social justice. However, economic disadvantages that may challenge their meaning orientations affect their lived experiences. When that happens, they seek to change their situational appraised meaning to be more consistent with existing global meaning (i.e., assimilation) or change their global beliefs or goals (i.e., accommodation). While Park (2010) emphasized that such a meaning-
Fig. 1. Association between the search for meaning and life satisfaction as a function of loneliness.
making process generates better adjustment only when it is successful, our findings seem to further her argument and indicate that the search for meaning itself can benefit the development of adolescents who face economic hardships, because their engagement in an active, effortful search for meaning in life gives them a sense of significance and purpose, thereby revealing that they are in the process of continuous self-enhancement and life advancement (Harter, 2012). That idea is understandable as a process of meaning-focused coping (Chan, 2014; To et al., 2014), through which adolescents try to ascribe different meanings to adversity and use those interpretations to direct emotions, cognitions, and behaviors that benefit psychological well-being. Furthermore, in comparison with the search for meaning, a sense of loneliness was a significant predictor of psychological well-being among adolescents with and without economic disadvantages. The results thus seem to support Baumeister and Leary's (1995) argument that human beings are naturally driven to establish and sustain belongingness. On the contrary, a person's self-evaluation and life satisfaction wane when he or she cannot develop and maintain at least a minimum quantity of lasting, positive, and significant interpersonal relationships (Baumeister & Leary, 1995). The need to belong is particularly obvious among youth. In the period of transition from middle to late adolescence, evolving social and emotional needs can leave young people at increased risk of painful feelings of loneliness and concomitant psychosocial maladjustment (Hawkley & Cacioppo, 2010). A possible explanation for the profound impact of loneliness on adolescent well-being is that loneliness is a frequent, intense experience during adolescence due to particular developmental transformations regarding the concept of self and others (Sippola & Bukowski, 1999). Although parental and peer support can have a positive impact on adolescents who strive to form an integrated self, feelings of isolation, anxiety, and depression can surface when adolescents experience a deep gulf between how they want to be and how others want them to be (Fry, 1998; Sippola & Bukowski, 1999). Another possible explanation for the findings is that social capital plays a crucial role in the psychological well-being of young people (Ngai et al., 2013). The core of social capital includes both structural aspects (e.g., size of friendship networks) and functional aspects (e.g., acceptance by peers), without which young people can experience social and emotional loneliness. Added to economic disadvantages, other unfavorable developmental contexts can expose adolescents to social isolation caused by family conflicts, unsatisfactory schooling, and
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S. To / Children and Youth Services Review 71 (2016) 52–60
Table 5 Hierarchical regression analyses predicting self-esteem, self-efficacy, and life satisfaction from searching for meaning and loneliness among non-economically disadvantaged adolescents (n = 304). Criterion Esteem
Efficacy
2
2
β
ΔR
Life β
t
0.30⁎⁎⁎
0.56
11.42
−0.44
0.00
0.06
1.23
−0.48
−9.89
0.09⁎⁎⁎
−0.35
−6.60
0.08
1.85
0.00
−0.04
−0.36
ΔR
Step 1 Demo
0.02
Step 2 PM
0.33⁎⁎⁎
0.58
12.18
0.31⁎⁎⁎
0.56
11.53
Step 3 SM
0.01
−0.09
−1.80
0.00
−0.02
Step 4 Lone
0.18⁎⁎⁎
−0.50
−10.81
0.17⁎⁎⁎
Step 5 SM × Lone
0.00
−0.05
−1.13
0.01
Total R2
0.54
t
t
0.02
0.51
ΔR2
β
Predictor
0.02
0.41
Note. Esteem = self-esteem; Efficacy = self-efficacy; Life = life satisfaction; Demo = demographic variables; PM = presence of meaning; SM = search for meaning; Lone = loneliness. ⁎⁎⁎ p ≦ 0.001.
unavailable reference groups and role models (Bottrell, 2009). All of those factors can prompt intense feelings of loneliness that subsequently affect adolescents' self-evaluation and life satisfaction. Although academia has increasingly recognized the importance of studying the search for meaning (Steger et al., 2006), research that addresses the relational basis of meaning-making is scarce. Researchers should address that gap, since meaning exploration is a social process related to one's experiences with socialization and in his or her affiliated social groups and structures (To et al., 2014). The basic premise of our study was that the site of existence is not only the individual, but also somewhere between the individual and other people. Through a sense of belongingness, adolescents can develop the courage to explore what experiences make sense or to assign meaning in the face of adversity. In this study, we discovered a significant moderating effect of loneliness on the relationship between the search for meaning and life satisfaction among adolescents with economic disadvantages. That finding agrees with existing literature's preliminary examinations of the relational basis of meaning-making. Fry (1998), Hicks and King (2009), and Shaver and Mikulincer (2012) showed that a core condition necessary to facilitate adolescents' search for meaning is their involvement in supportive relationships, which can give adolescents the strength to explore beliefs and meanings in life. They can also serve as buffers against existential threats and anxieties (To & Chan, 2016). Adolescents living in unfavorable home environments and encountering inadequate social resources may internalize disparaging messages about themselves that can hinder them from an active, positive exploration of the meaning in life. They may also confront social isolation and negative social feedback that can further devastate their self-definitions and intensify their sense of loneliness (Phillips & Pittman, 2003). Therefore, to facilitate the search for meaning, promote the identification of future life directions, and ease existential anxieties, helping economically disadvantaged adolescents to acquire care and concern from significant others seems to be a prerequisite. 6. Limitations and directions for further research Although we have addressed a part of the knowledge gap identified earlier, researchers interested in conducting further studies on the topic should note several limitations. First, although our research solicited the participation of 670 adolescents from 10 senior secondary schools located in the five districts of Hong Kong, the generalizability of the findings remain subject to scrutiny in the absence of a randomized representative sample. Second, the use of a self-reported survey may be subject to social desirability bias. Third, the cross-sectional research design
might have weakened the level of evidence for the causal relationships between the variables. Despite those limitations, our study offers significant insights into future research in two areas. First, it showed that the search for meaning is one informed by the contributing factors to psychological well-being of disadvantaged adolescents, an idea that is essential but often neglected. Clearly, our study can provide an entry point for initiating future research on the patterns and psychosocial correlates of the search for meaning among disadvantaged youth living in different societies. Second, researchers should examine the differential effects of parent– child relationships, friendship networks, and other sources of social support on adolescents' search for meaning, since adolescents' experiences of loneliness are distinct from their experiences of belonging to different social groups (MacEvoy et al., 2011). 7. Implications for life skills development programs Life skills are abilities for adaptive and positive behavior that enable adolescents to deal effectively with the demands and challenges of everyday life (World Health Organization, 1997). They include self-knowledge and self-awareness, decision-making skills, problem-solving skills, creative- and critical-thinking skills, interpersonal and communication skills, and abilities in coping with emotions and stress, among others (World Health Organization, 1997). The development of life skills enables young people to protect themselves from a multitude of vulnerable family and social environments (Courtney, Lee & Perez, 2011; United Nations Children's Fund, 2012; Zolkoski & Bullock, 2012). However, current life skills programs may neglect a central developmental concern during adolescence: searching for meaning in life. Such an omission is notable, since the present study has shown that the search for meaning in life can help economically disadvantaged adolescents to construct their sense of self and to foster a greater sense of life fulfillment. Inspired by the findings of this study, life skills programs should seek to address disadvantaged youths' need for meaning exploration. Moreover, current programs on adolescents' search for meaning have placed more emphasis on individual efforts in constructing the meaning of their lives, based largely on an independent conceptualization of the self as a distinct entity, the pursuit of individual personal goals, and purpose in life (Harter, 2012). Such an individualist approach to searching for meaning may limit our understanding of the inter-relational grounds for all subjective experience in meaning-making, especially in East-Asian societies, where meaning exploration tends to be inseparable from the fulfillment of social and relational goals. Put differently, no sense of meaning in life, including both presence of meaning and
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search for meaning, can truly avoid that concept's interpersonal dimensions. The implications of such a shift upon our understanding of adolescents' search for meaning can pose significant implications on the enhancement of life skills in all formal, nonformal, and informal learning contexts (La Belle, 1982; Nagy & Székely, 2010). Regarding the formal mode of learning, administrators should design and implement a complete meaning- and relationship-oriented life skills curriculum in schools. Although life skills training benefits adolescents' holistic development (United Nations Children's Fund, 2012; Yuen, 2011), it remains unsystematically and incomprehensively organized in many places. Similar to academic subjects, life skills training should have a well-developed curriculum with clear goals and content. Nevertheless, in contrast to a technical, unidirectional transmission of knowledge, life skills curriculum should deliver its content in the format of student-directed project-based learning. Teachers should design projects that can motivate students to narrate their own life stories and speak actively on different life issues to create coherence in life and generate reflexive inner dialogues. A constructive climate should also be available to facilitate close interactions and mutual learning among students. Instead of focusing on theoretical knowledge about life skills, teachers should share with students their own life challenges and struggles during adolescence. Such relational learning can empower students to engage in meaning exploration and interpersonal enrichment by reflecting on both teachers' and their own lived experiences (To & Chan, 2016). Teachers and students can also together explore what it means to be one person in relation to others, to society, and to nature (Kruger, 2002). Typically, life skills training uses nonformal channels, meaning organized and systematic learning activities carried on outside the framework of the formal education system (La Belle, 1982). Although numerous international and local studies have found empirical support for the effectiveness of nonformal life skills programs, a conventional approach to life skills development may neglect the complex social environments and unplanned life events that today's young people encounter (Krumboltz, 2009). In the context of late modernity, a major concern of youth development is the unpredictability and precariousness that young people have to face on their life paths, especially when knowledge and skills acquired through life skills training are inadequate to helping them to solve their problems and meet life's challenges. Arguably, practitioners need to not offer a manual for life development, but instead facilitate adolescents in exercising their human agency so that they can commit themselves to persistent introspection and choose their own actions. Adolescents should also receive support in embracing the indeterminacy of meaning in life (To & Chan, 2016) and in engaging exploratory actions as a way of generating beneficial unplanned life events (Krumboltz, 2009). A narrative approach to life skills training also needs promotion, which can help adolescents to discover and use their own positive past experiences with unplanned events as a basis for current assessment and actions (Krumboltz, 2009). As Nagy and Székely (2010) argued, in the triangle of formal, nonformal, and informal learning processes, the last is the most characteristic in youth development, since informal learning naturally happens with daily experiences and human encounters. Furthermore, Fry (1998) stated that adolescents' exploration of meaning has its origin predominantly in daily dialogues with family members and peers. Although many young people resist parents' intervention in making life choices, they nevertheless desire parents' understanding, acceptance, and support. Young people's interactions and relationships with peers also strongly influence their ascription of meaning to their lives (Ngai et al., 2013). When they discover that their peers are facing similar life struggles or a similar sense of emptiness in life, they can realize that they are not alone. Such a feeling of togetherness can reduce isolation, despair, and anger as they confront life's problems. Youth workers should therefore help young people to strengthen their relational ties with parents and peers (Yuen & Yau, 2015). For example, practitioners can create a facilitative environment for adolescents and their parents or peers to engage
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in common activities (e.g., playing sports or board games), by which they can deepen their sense of connectedness and cultivate shared interests. While online youth work forms part of youth work in general (Székely & Nagy, 2011), ways of using information and communication technologies to enrich parent–child interactions and peer support also deserve more explication.
Acknowledgements This research was supported by the Women's Foundation, Hong Kong (Grant Number: 7050555).
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