Mobile communication and political participation in South Korea: Examining the intersections between informational and relational uses

Computers in Human Behavior 38 (2014) 85–92

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Mobile communication and political participation in South Korea: Examining the intersections between informational and relational uses Hoon Lee a,⇑, Nojin Kwak a,b, Scott W. Campbell b, Rich Ling c a

Nam Center for Korean Studies, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, MI, USA Department of Communication Studies, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, MI, USA c Wee Kim Wee School of Communication and Information, Nanyang Technological University, Singapore b

a r t i c l e

i n f o

Article history:

Keywords: Mobile communication New media Political participation South Korea East Asia

a b s t r a c t This study aims to extend the literature on mobile communication by demonstrating that multifaceted mobile practices work in coordination with one another to predict enhanced engagement in public life. Using a national survey of adults in South Korea, we show that informational mobile phone use to gather and discuss content about news and public affairs is positively associated with political participation while the corresponding link for relational mobile phone use to enhance strong personal tie relationships being also significant. More importantly, the findings indicate that the two mobile usage patterns interact with each other to explain increased involvement in political activities. However, analysis of the threeway interaction points to a noteworthy caveat, namely that those who are already engaged, by virtue of their perceived capacity to produce desired outcomes in politics (i.e., self-efficacy), are even more likely to obtain motivational benefits from the manifold uses of mobile telephony. Ó 2014 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

1. Introduction A fresh stream of research has aptly highlighted that different forms of mobile phone use can yield distinctive implications for public discourse (Campbell & Kwak, 2010, 2011b; Kwak, Campbell, Choi, & Bae, 2011). The central tenet underlying this approach states that the role of mobile communication in the public realm is highly dependent upon the specific ways in which people use the technology. So far, this line of research has treated individual usage patterns separately, with a special emphasis on the contrasting effects compared to one another. Meanwhile, the growing proliferation of the smartphone makes it very unlikely that users adopt the technology exclusively for one restricted purpose; hence an individual usage pattern is less likely to operate in isolation. Nevertheless, it is left unexamined how different modes of mobile phone use function in coordination with one another to influence citizen’s attitudes and behavior. Motivated by a similar concern, recent studies on traditional media called for a closer investigation of the interactive effects that distinct media uses can jointly produce (Balmas, 2014; Hmielowski, 2012; Holbert & Benoit, 2009). The basic premise ⇑ Corresponding author. Address: Nam Center for Korean Studies, 1080 South University Ave. Suite 4661, Ann Arbor, MI 48109-106, USA. Tel.: +1 734 764 1825; fax: +1 734 764 2252. E-mail address: [email protected] (H. Lee). http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.chb.2014.05.017 0747-5632/Ó 2014 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

inherent in this framework acknowledges that a specific media use is less likely to occur in a vacuum; thus the influence of an individual use cannot be studied apart from others. Indeed, empirical evidence underpins the proposition, illuminating that various forms of media use work in tandem to affect people’s attitudes and behavior. Extending this line of inquiry to mobile research warrants additional efforts to explore the ways that particular usage patterns of mobile telephony work in coordination with one another to shape citizen’s public engagement. To this end, the present study takes a particular interest in the interplay between two main practices of mobile telephony: relational use to maintain strong personal tie relationships and informational use to gather and discuss content about news and public affairs. South Korea provides an ideal case for studying the public consequences of multifaceted mobile communication. On the technological front, South Korea is one of the leading states of mobile industry, with subscriptions actually exceeding the population size (Korea Communications Commissions, 2011), the mobile broadband usage rate above 90 percent (International Telecommunication Union, 2011), and the smartphone penetration rate estimated to have reached nearly 80 percent in 2012 (Korea Internet, 2012). On the public front, South Korea is ranked as the most developed democracy in Asia by the democracy index in 2012 (The Economist, 2012). Moreover, some point to the significant contributions of mobile communication to the health of democracy in South Korea, such that it triggered mass-scale

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public participation in the candlelight protests in 2008 (Ok, 2011) and spurred a higher voter turnout among young citizens in the 2010 local elections (Kim, 2010). As such, understanding the civic role of mobile telephony in South Korea may provide compelling directions for other countries where mobile telephony is widely being diffused, while their democracies are yet to be full-blown. The mix of these ingredients comprises a useful recipe for examining mobile communication’s implications for political life in a democratically advanced society. Thus, using a national survey of adults in South Korea, the present study assesses how the dynamic interplay of different mobile usage patterns is tied to citizen engagement in public matters.

2. Literature review 2.1. Mobile communication in South Korea In South Korea, mobile phones have quickly emerged as ‘‘the center of our lives’’ as the nation’s leading mobile carrier, SK Telecom, advertises. Statistics show that Koreans spend the largest amount of time of any country on their mobile phones, with an average of 126 minutes per day. This is followed by US citizens (McKinsey, 2011). They also stand out for their diversity of use. In addition to talking and texting, Koreans report high levels of mobile use for social networking sites, games, music, browsing websites, using search engines, and watching videos. Even at a casual glance, the ubiquity of mobile communication in everyday life of Koreans should be readily evident; in a restaurant or a café, most people place their phone on the table to check it regularly and many hold the phone in their a hand while they are walking or standing (Jouhki, 2009). In fact, mobile devices in South Korea are typically called ‘‘handphone’’ implying that people tend to treat their phone as an inseparable attachment to their body, and thus leaving their phone at home may produce considerable feeling of discomfort (Kim, 2010). There are several factors inherent in Korean society that could account for people’s passion for mobile communication. First, urban concentration of the population has contributed to the spread of mobile phones. With about 83 percent of the population living in urban areas as of 2011 (The World Bank, 2011), the density of urban residence is often thought to accelerate the rapid penetration of new communication technologies (Ok, 2011). It also means that Koreans spend a significant amount time commuting and waiting, which can be devoted to mobile communication. Indeed, research indicates that Korean users frequently mention the subway as an ideal place for using the mobile phone (Jouhki, 2009). Second, Hangul, Korean alphabet, is highly suitable for the text input system of the mobile phone. Hangul consists of 14 consonants and 10 vowels. Any vowel letters can be made with a quick combination of bars and dots, and the primary consonants can be changed to more complex forms with ease. This structure is complemented with a notably simpler mobile keypad, which includes only about 10 characters, bolstering the ease of typing. The advantage of the unique writing system is said to have fueled the popularity of mobile communication in South Korea (Kim, 2010). Lastly, the high level of mobile communication is attributable to the collectivistic culture of South Korea. As Goggin (2006) notes, the mobile phone ‘‘has become a central cultural technology in its own right’’ (p. 2). Particularly under collectivistic traditions of Korea putting more emphasis on in-group cohesiveness (Bstieler & Hemmert, 2008; Cho, Mallinckrodt, & Yune, 2010; Hur & Hur, 2004), mobile telephony has been regarded as a pivotal tool with which people maintain social relationships (Hong, 2002; Jouhki, 2009; Kim, 2010).

The significant role of mobile telephony in the private sphere of social relations can translate into tangible consequences in the realm of public life. For example, Ok (2011) points out that mobile communication among peers served as an important catalyst for public participation during a series of candlelight protests against Korean beef imports from the US in 2008. This was especially evident among young citizens. The ‘always on, always accessible’ features of the mobile telephony device enabled them to coordinate and publicize large-scale group actions, as well as broadcast events in real time (Ok, 2011). The influence of mobile communication on public matters became even more apparent when in 2010, young voters who were overwhelmed by the exit poll results, urged their friends to turn out to vote for the challenging party. It has been suggested that this changed the result of the election (Kim, 2010). These factors are helping to expedite the adoption of mobile voting in primary elections in South Korea (Yonhap News, 2012). In this way, personal uses of mobile communication in South Korea intersect with their implications for the realm of public engagement. 2.2. Patterns of mobile phone use in a pluralistic society With simultaneous increases in selectivity and availability, two key factors shaping the nature of a communication network (Huckfeldt & Sprague, 1995), the emerging information environment seems to provide paradoxical implications for the prospect of a pluralistic society. First, proponents attend to the greater availability of non-overlapping ideas, which should encourage a burgeoning exchange of dissimilar viewpoints (Dahlberg, 2001; Stromer-Galley, 2003). Conversely, critics argue that a high degree of user selectivity jeopardizes the public sphere to the extent that it creates echo chambers of analogous perspectives (Galston, 2002; Sunstein, 2001). Against the backdrop of contradictory predictions, a fresh stream of research demonstrates that despite the tendency to selectively tune in opinion-reinforcing messages, individuals do come across attitude-discrepant information through new media (Brundidge, 2010; Garrett, 2009; Knobloch-Westerwick & Meng, 2009). Perhaps the debate can be further reconciled when we consider social ties of differing strengths (Granovetter, 1973). That is, the multifaceted landscape of the digital world may produce nonmonolithic communication experiences inside and outside a strong tie network (Haythornthwaite, 2002). On one hand, certain features with which users exercise a high degree of social selectivity (e.g., texting and voice calling) tend to intensify the internal exchanges of similar ideas within a close tie network without much broadening the range of external connection (Haythornthwaite, 2005). However, some electronic activities are less subject to the selectivity aspect. As Mutz and Martin (2001) conclude, although selectivity plays a significant role in homogenizing interpersonal associations, people’s capacity and inclination to conduct effortful selection is relatively weak when they consume news media content, thereby opening up opportunities to encounter alternative viewpoints. Applying this logic to the emerging digital landscape should suggest that there are types of online behaviors that are less governed by selectivity and would be more enriched by content availability (e.g., using news sites, portals, and online forums). These informational practices online can foster broader exposure to heterogeneous beliefs and values (Brundidge, 2010; Kim, 2011), which are experienced chiefly outside a primary network of social relations (McPherson, Smith-Lovin, & Cook, 2001). In accordance with these considerations, we focus on two main practices of mobile telephony that may entail distinctive ramifications for the public sphere: relational use to enhance strong personal tie relationships, which serves to solidify existing social

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links, and informational use to gather and discuss content about news and public affairs, which can broaden the scope of viewpoints beyond an immediate circle (see e.g., Campbell & Kwak, 2011a; Wilken, 2011).1 Research shows that relational uses of mobile communication, often through voice calling and texting, are mainly for the reassurance of existing bonding networks and social coordination among them (Ling, 2008). However, the mobile phone has become a hybrid medium with the advent of the smartphone and the mobile Internet that can supply not only relational but also informational needs. Accordingly, recent studies of mobile communication also investigate its civic consequences when used as a communication platform for news and public affairs (Campbell & Kwak, 2010; Kwak et al., 2011). With these distinct practices of mobile communication in mind, we seek to understand how they intersect with each other to predict people’s engagement in public life.

2.3. The interactive role of distinct mobile usage patterns in predicting political participation While research consistently points to the positive association between informational use of mobile telephony and public engagement (Campbell & Kwak, 2010, 2011b; Kwak et al., 2011), there are reasons to anticipate both promise and peril concerning relational use. On the theoretical front, a high degree of selectivity exercised to maintain existing relationships within a bounded circle may detract people from the public domain (Sunstein, 2001). This could be taxing, especially in the area of mobile communication, given that using the technology as a relational tool to manage close links may invite withdrawal from broader realms of public life by creating an insular network where individuals are drawn inward to the personal sphere of social relations (Gergen, 2008; Ling, 2008). Despite the theoretical merit, empirical evidence suggests that using the mobile phone as a social tool for core network ties does not directly thwart political participation (Campbell & Kwak, 2010), and that this usage pattern could serve as a potential mobilizer (Kwak et al., 2011). In fact, casual interaction with peers and family via mobile telephony can inadvertently add to involvement in the democratic process, as engagement in public life can be an unintended by-product of informal socializing (Coleman, 1990; Kwak, Shah, & Holbert, 2004). Although the motivational role of using the mobile phone explicitly for relational reasons is in need of further clarification, there is some literature to suggest that this usage pattern can work in tandem with informational use to accentuate citizen involvement in political endeavors. Explanations for this interactive role are two-fold. First, mobile communication to strengthen social relations may enhance the positive link between informational use and political engagement. To illustrate this interactive relationship, we consider distinctive implications that different mobile phone uses may have for the prospect of a pluralistic society. As discussed above, the mobile phone, when used as a platform for news and public affairs, helps individuals encounter heterogeneous attitudes or backgrounds not frequently found in an immediate circle (Campbell & Kwak, 2011a; Wilken, 2011). Meanwhile, the contributing role of relational use in cementing solidarity in a strong tie network is hardly deniable (Ling, 2008). Dissimilar beliefs likely experienced through informational use are certainly good for broadening perspectives, but sometimes 1 Here we place less emphasis on the influence of informational mobile use on the formation of weak tie relationships. Rather, our key proposition on the linkage between informational use and heterogeneity outside an immediate circle highlights the point that mobile practices for public affairs content affords users greater opportunities to encounter non-likeminded viewpoints not easily found in a core tie network.

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such cross-cutting exposure may come at the expense of active citizenry because it can entail attitudinal ambivalence and conflict avoidance (Mutz, 2006). In light of this democracy dilemma, Lee, Kwak, and Campbell (2013) illustrate that the association between counterattitudinal contact and political participation is conditional on strong tie homogeneity. Research also notes that the mobilizing effects of exposure to dissimilar perspectives depends on attitude strength (Matthes, 2012; Mutz, 2006). The premise shared in these studies acknowledges that consistent and robust attitudes in a primary network can serve as key resources for public participation enabling citizens to translate heterogeneous viewpoints into meaningful political action. Drawing on this line of research, it can be theoretically reasoned that the implications of mobile phone use for news and public affairs depend upon relational use, in that the former can promote diversified exposure (Campbell & Kwak, 2011a; Wilken, 2011) while the latter can consolidate core tie cohesiveness and in-group attitudes (Ling, 2008). The positive moderating role of use for relational matters is especially likely in the Korean context where group solidarity is prioritized (Bstieler & Hemmert, 2008; Cho et al., 2010; Hur & Hur, 2004) and mobile communication works to that end (Hong, 2002; Jouhki, 2009). Second, the interplay of distinct mobile practices may be explained by the role of informational use in mitigating the alleged inverse relationship between relational use and public involvement. As noted above, scholars expressed concerns that excessive mobile contact with a small number of close associates could develop an insular network of immediate social ties, eventually inviting withdrawal from public endeavors (Gergen, 2008; Ling, 2008). However, we believe that using the mobile phone for getting and exchanging news and information may help dispel the proposed troublesome link between mobile communication within the private sphere and detachment from the public realm, given that the former usage pattern can broaden the scope of attention beyond the personal circle of relations by fostering exposure to more diverse and wide-ranging perspectives (Campbell & Kwak, 2011a; Wilken, 2011). In this case, whether mobile-mediated contact with private relations facilitates engagement in public life may be conditional on use for news and information. Taken together, synthesis of literature leads us to propose the following two hypotheses regarding the interactive role of mobile usage patterns. First, we hypothesize (H1a) that the association between informational mobile phone use to gather and discuss content about news and public affairs and political participation is more positive for those who are high in relational mobile phone use to enhance strong personal tie relationships. Alternatively, it could also be (H1b) that the association between relational mobile phone use and political participation is more positive for those who are high in informational mobile phone use. 2.4. Mobile reinforcement on political self-efficacy Our final inquiry assesses who are most likely to benefit from these two core uses of mobile technology. There are two competing lines of theoretical approach seeking to identify the main beneficiaries of the new information environment: facilitation and reinforcement (Kwak et al., 2011). The first line of research argues that the emerging digital landscape facilitates new trends of engagement in the public realm (Delli Carpini, 2000; Krueger, 2002). The premise underlying this approach states that new information technologies introduce novel opportunities to engage in public affairs, thereby enlisting participation from those who are otherwise less predisposed and interested in public life. In contrast, the second framework suggests that new information technologies reinforce social involvement among those who are already active in public endeavors, consequently widening gaps between those

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socially active and those who are more passive (Kraut et al., 2002; Norris, 2001). The thinking here is that privileged segments of the population, with advanced capacity and control in the public sphere, are more likely to gain motivational benefit from practices of new media. As for mobile communication in South Korea, Kwak et al. (2011) presented empirical evidence in support of the reinforcement perspective. Their results showed that intensive mobile use tends to accelerate pre-existing trends, offering greater opportunities to those who already have momentum in public engagement, such as those who are politically interested and older. As such, this study seeks to extend the reinforcement framework, and we take a particular interest in self-efficacy. In this vein, Bandura (2002) warned that although new media harbor an unparalleled potential for connecting individuals to the public realm of civic behaviors, ready access to communication technologies will not trigger public participation unless users have the perceived capacity to produce desired outcomes (i.e., self-efficacy). Given that literature from political science has well established the nexus between political self-efficacy and political activism (Rosenstone & Hansen, 1993; Verba, Schlozman, & Brady, 1995), Bandura’s (2002) argument implies that the emerging digital landscape tends to benefit unevenly those who are already active by virtue of their high efficacy, consequently reinforcing gaps between those involved and those detached. Applying this reasoning to the joint and dynamic workings of different mobile usage patterns should suggest that using mobile telephony for diverse purposes can reinforce the existing democratic divide in that it can explain increased public involvement mainly among efficacious users who are predisposed to active public behavior.2 Along this line, we hypothesize (H2) that the joint workings of the two mobile usage patterns in explaining increases in political participation (as suggested by H1a and H1b above) are conditional on political self-efficacy such that using the mobile phone for informational and relational purposes is tied to greater involvement in political activities primarily among those are high in the perceived capacity to produce desired outcomes in politics.

3. Method 3.1. Sample Data for this study come from an online survey that was conducted in South Korea in March, 2010 by the research firm Synovate. Because seniors over 60 years of age were dramatically underrepresented in online surveys, it was a methodological challenge to construct a representative sample of the older population. Thus the study population includes those 18–59 years old. A target sample, which was drawn to mirror the demographic characteristics of the 18–59 old population in the major six regions in South Korea, was selected from Synovate’s pre-recruited panel of approximately 800,000 members. This stratified quota sampling method largely differs from more conventional probability sample procedures yet produces highly comparable data (Putnam, 2000; 2 Our central inquiry pertaining to self-efficacy revolves around whether it can empower citizens to translate the use of mobile telephony for multifarious veins into participatory motivation. In a way, we are treating self-efficacy as an individual’s long-term stable resource based on the classic models of political participation (Rosenstone & Hansen, 1993; Verba et al., 1995). Our theorizing is further anchored in Bandura’s (2009) social cognitive theory, which conceptualizes self-efficacy as a key moderator that can significantly alter the behavioral consequences of media use. Drawing on these notions, we seek to assess how an individual’s predisposition (i.e., self-efficacy) moderates the link between the interaction of the two mobile usage patterns and participation. Recently Chan and Guo (2013) relied on a similar line of reasoning when they examined whether political efficacy enhances or attenuates the relationship between Facebook use and public engagement.

Putnam & Yonish, 1999). Of 4226 target respondents who were eligible for the study, a total of 812 respondents participated in the survey. Of those, 800 respondents completed the survey, representing a cooperation rate of 18.9% (COOP1, AAPOR). Additionally, there were 24 respondents who were originally included in the target sample, but excluded later from it because they did not meet the criteria for participation (i.e., age and place of residence). Key demographic characteristics of the sample resemble the profiles of the population figures reported by the South Korean government’s statistical agency, Statistics Korea, with respect to age (the median age in both the sample and population is 39) and gender (49.6% female in the sample and 49.0% in the population). The annual median household income was somewhat greater in the sample (KRW 48,000,000–59,880,000) than in the population (KRW 38,880,000). There was also a greater proportion or respondents with higher education in the sample (56.2% have a college degree) as compared to the population (37.8% have a college degree). 3.2. Measures 3.2.1. Political participation Four items were used to tap respondents’ involvement in traditional forms of political participation: attending a political meeting, rally, or speech; working for a candidate or a party; contacting a public official or a political party; and contributing money to a candidate or a political party. Respondents reported the frequency of involvement in each activity in the past month on a 7point scale, ranging from none in the last month to everyday. The responses were averaged to form an index (M = 1.28, SD = .80, a = .94). 3.2.2. Informational mobile phone use Informational use of the mobile phone to gather and discuss content about news and public affairs was measured by two items, which asked respondents to report how often in the past month they used the technology for discussing politics and other news and seeking out information about what’s going on in the news. Each item was measured on an 8-point scale, ranging from none in the last month to several times a day; the responses were averaged to form a combined scale (M = 2.33, SD = 1.44, r = .35, p < .001). 3.2.3. Relational mobile phone use To measure relational use of the mobile phone for managing immediate social links, respondents were asked to indicate the frequency of using the mobile phone in the past month specifically with their strong personal ties for each of the following reasons: to catch up or stay in touch, to coordinate or make plans, and to exchange pictures. The responses, measured on an 8-point scale, ranging from none in the last month to several times a day, were averaged to form an additive index (M = 3.38, SD = 1.31, a = .77). 3.2.4. Control variables In order to disentangle the unique contributions of specific mobile phone uses, our analysis controlled for a host of variables—age, gender, education, household income, ideological strength, political interest, newspaper news use, television news use, informational and relational computer-mediated communication (CMC), overall mobile phone use, and self-efficacy. To measure political interest, respondents were asked to state how much they agreed with the following statement, ‘‘I am very interested in politics,’’ on a 6-point scale, ranging from definitely disagree to definitely agree (M = 3.19, SD = 1.37). For conventional media use variables, respondents were separately asked, using a 5-point scale, how often in the past month they used daily newspapers

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(M = 2.94, SD = 1.39) and national nightly news (M = 4.05, SD = 1.04). Parallel to the two specific forms of mobile communication explored in this study, the analysis also included measures for informational and relational CMC. The former was measured by two items asking respondents to report how often in the past month they used the computer for discussing politics on a web site or over email and reading about politics on a web site on an 8point scale, ranging from none in the last month to several times a day (M = 2.92, SD = 1.30, r = .20, p < .001). Relational CMC was measured by three items asking respondents to report on the identical 8-point scale the frequency of using the computer in the past month with core personal ties to catch up or stay in touch, to coordinate or make plans, and to exchange pictures (M = 3.14, SD = 1.54, a = .80). For overall mobile phone use, an additive index was created with fourteen items asking about the frequency of various mobile activities (M = 3.32, SD = 1.11, a = .86).3 Our analytical models also incorporated the measure of selfefficacy, as our last hypothesis tests its moderating influence for political participation. For the operationalization of self-efficacy, we relied on the single-item approach employed in previous research on the public consequences of new media (e.g., Gil de Zúñiga, Jung, & Valenzuela, 2012; Kim, Hsu, & Gil de Zúñiga, 2013). It is also noteworthy that our research interest mainly involves the behavioral dimension of this concept, as we examine the moderating role of efficacy in terms of engagement in political activities. On this note, Pingree (2011) argues that the behavioral aspect of political efficacy (e.g., ‘‘I think I can have considerable influence on politics’’) should be distinguished from the cognitive component (e.g., ‘‘I think I know a lot about politics’’). Drawing on these notions, self-efficacy was measured by asking respondents how much they agreed with the following statement, ‘‘I think I can have a significant impact on how things are going in politics,’’ on a 6-point scale, ranging from definitely disagree to definitely agree (M = 2.55 SD = 1.17). 3.2.5. Interaction terms To assess H1a and H1b, we created an interaction term between informational and relational uses of mobile telephony. To investigate H2, we computed a three-way interaction term among self-efficacy and the two mobile phone usage patterns. To reduce potential problems with multicollinearity between interaction terms and their components, all component variables were standardized before formation of the interaction terms (Kwak, 1999). 4. Results The first column in Table 1 (Model 1) reports the results from an OLS regression analysis predicting political participation from informational and relational uses of the mobile phone while accounting for a host of control variables. Not surprisingly, informational use of mobile telephony predicts greater engagement in public life (b = .202, p < .001). Furthermore, use for maintaining close tie relationships is also significantly associated with increased participation (b = .135, p < .01). The second column (Model 2) summarizes the results when the interaction is added. The findings clearly refer to the significant interactive role of the 3 Specifically, respondents were asked to report how often in the past month they used the mobile phone for contacting others to arrange meeting times; making contact with others to change plans; calling or texting just to be social; touching base just to say ‘‘Hi’’ to someone; discussing politics and other news; seeking out information about what’s going on in the news; sending or receiving text messages; sending or receiving a picture; playing music; sending or receiving instant messages; recording video; sending or receiving video; playing a game; and using an application. The frequency of each activity was measured on an 8-point scale, ranging from none in the last month to several times a day.

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two mobile usage patterns in explaining increased political participation (b = .284, p < .001). The pattern of the relationship is plotted in Fig. 1.4 The left panel of Fig. 1 shows the pattern in support of H1a, which posited that mobile use for managing social links positively moderates the association between informational use and political participation. It can be seen that the nexus between informational use and political participation is positive when relational use is high. In contrast, the dotted line suggests that more frequent use of the mobile phone for information may not coincide with participation when the technology is rarely employed as means for maintaining core tie relationships. In short, whether greater informational use of mobile telephony explains boosted participation is contingent on the level of relational use. The right panel summarizes the same interactive relationship, but it displays the pattern when relational use is the independent variable and informational use is the moderator. This interaction plot illuminates that informational mobile use plays a positive moderating role between relational use and participation, thereby supporting H1b. It is clearly shown that the troublesome link between relational use and participation manifests only at a low level of informational use. As long as mobile communication within an immediate circle is complemented by frequent use for public affairs content, the former can be tied to enhanced activism as depicted by the solid line. Collectively, the findings lend credence to the positive interactive role of the two mobile usage patterns when predicting citizen engagement in public life. The three-way interaction term in the third column of Table 1 (Model 3) assesses the mobile reinforcement hypothesis on selfefficacy (H2). Findings show that the three-way interaction term is significant (b = .115, p < .01). This positive three-way interaction supports H2, indicating that the role of the interplay between the two mobile usage patterns in accounting for political participation is positively moderated by self-efficacy. More specifically, the finding alludes to the reinforcement perspective, signifying that the joint workings of informational and relational mobile phone uses are linked to greater participation primarily among efficacious users who already tend to be passionate about public endeavors. These three-way interactive relationships are plotted in Fig. 2. The left-side panel of Fig. 2 portrays the pattern of the three-way interactive associations for efficacious individuals. Most notably, the solid line shows that greater informational use predicts more active engagement as long as it is accompanied by high relational use. This indicates that mobile communication can explain considerable mobilization of efficacious individuals when the technology is simultaneously employed as an informational as well as a relational tool. Meanwhile, the right-side panel of Fig. 2 demonstrates that when the level of self-efficacy is low, the interactive role of the two mobile usage patterns in explaining participation is noticeably muffled. In fact, the connection between informational mobile use and political participation is weak even when the level of relational use is high. This implies that intersections between the two mobile usage patterns may not coincide with more active citizenry among citizens low in efficacy. In sum, the results illuminate that the intensive use of the mobile phone for both informational and relational motives may reinforce the existing democratic divide in that its association with enhanced activism manifests primarily among efficacious individuals who seem to have a preexisting thrust for engagement.

4 For all figures, the high or low group for each variable refers to those whose value for a respective variable was one standard deviation higher or lower than the mean. For variables that were not components of interaction terms, mean values were assigned. For gender, male was assigned.

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Table 1 OLS predicting political participation from informational and relational uses of mobile telephony and self-efficacy. Political participation Model 1

Model 2

Model 3

Control variables Age Gender (high:female) Education Household income Ideological strength Political interest Newspaper news use Television news use Informational CMC Relational CMC Overall mobile use Self-efficacy R2 (%)

.062 .012 .009 .026 .036 .082* .019 .148*** .333*** .032 .028 .168*** 33.8

.052 .003 .006 .025 .014 .056 .024 .151*** .297*** .030 .004 .155***

.038 .006 .002 .030 .018 .042 .018 .146*** .269*** .034 .009 .114**

Specific mobile phone use Informational mobile use Relational mobile use Inc. R2 (%)

.202*** .135** 2.4

.157*** .091*

.144*** .080 

.284*** 6.7

.175***

Two-way interaction between mobile uses Informational mobile use  relational mobile use Inc. R2 (%) Two-way interaction with self-efficacy Informational mobile use  self-efficacy Relational mobile use  self-efficacy Inc. R2 (%)

.072* .102** 3.2

Three-way interaction Informational mobile use  relational mobile use  self-efficacy Inc. R2 (%) Total R2 (%)

.115** .6 46.7

36.2

42.9

Note: Sample size = 734. Entries are standardized final regression coefficients. p < .10. ⁄ p < .05. ⁄⁄ p < .01. ⁄⁄⁄ p < .001.  

Fig. 1. The interplay between informational and relational mobile phone uses in predicting political participation. Note: Y-axis on each plot shows only an applicable range.

5. Discussion Using South Korea as a context, this study helps fill a gap in the extant literature by demonstrating that distinctive aspects of mobile communication work in coordination with one another to shape citizen engagement in public life. The findings also suggest that explanations for mobile communication’s role in public discourse should offer nuanced recognition of the interplay between usage patterns and characteristics of the user, in this case self-efficacy (i.e., one’s perceived capacity to produce desired

outcomes in politics). As such, closer investigation of key findings provides insight into more specific implications. First, our results attest to the prominence of mobile communication in Korean society. With the flourishing mobile phone subscription rate, which has been fueled by particular social and cultural factors, South Korea is often regarded as a forerunner of mobile technology. In line with the significance of mobile communication in South Korea, we show that informational mobile phone use to gather and discuss content about news and public affairs is positively associated with political participation while the

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Fig. 2. Predicting political participation from the interplay between informational and relational mobile phone uses as moderated by self-efficacy. Note: Y-axis on each plot shows only an applicable range.

corresponding link for relational use to enhance strong personal tie relationships being also significant. The finding for mobile communication for gathering and discussing news and information about public affairs conform to prior work (Campbell & Kwak, 2010, 2011b; Kwak et al., 2011). On the other hand, the significant positive link between relational mobile phone use to manage close private relationships and political engagement may reflect that efforts to consolidate existing social connections can unintentionally entail active participation in public endeavors (Coleman, 1990; Kwak et al., 2004). Indeed, recent history of Korea has revealed that mobile communication to maintain a core tie network was essential for organizing social protests (Ok, 2011) and boosting participation in the local elections (Kim, 2010). Aside from individual relationships, the current study documents that the two core forms of mobile practices interact with each other to predict greater public participation. The observed synergistic link indicates that distinct patterns of mobile use can complement one another in explaining enhanced public life. It could be that the positive association between informational use and political participation is accentuated by mobile use for cementing cohesiveness with close ties (H1a), implying that relational use can consolidate in-group attitudes helping individuals translate discordant views they likely encounter through informational use into effective political action. Alternatively, the predictive capacity of relational use may depend on whether the mobile phone is concurrently employed as a platform for news and information (H1b); the association between relational use and participation is positive when informational use is high. This finding challenges stated concerns that mobile-mediated contact in the private realm can trigger detachment from public life (Gergen, 2008; Ling, 2008). Theoretically, the evidenced interplay extends the interactive approach for assessing the joint effects of distinct media uses (Balmas, 2014; Hmielowski, 2012; Holbert & Benoit, 2009). It seems especially imperative to apply the interactive framework to the domain of mobile research, given that the rapid penetration of the smartphone has propelled the use of the mobile phone for multifaceted and miscellaneous purposes and thus an individual usage pattern is less likely to operate in isolation. Practically, the significant interaction between different mobile practices in predicting boosted participation can provide promising suggestions for other countries in which the wide diffusion of the smartphone is imminent, while their democracies are still underdeveloped. In this vein, our findings strongly suggest that mobile telephony can

make significant contributions to a healthy democracy, particularly when it is used for multifarious purposes. Nevertheless, the constructive role of mobile telephony should be qualified with the moderating effect of self-efficacy (H2). The results suggest that the dynamic development of a new technology works toward activism in favor of those citizens who already believe that they can produce desired outcomes (Bandura, 2002). The positive three-way interaction indicates that the possible benefits from simultaneous use of the technology for informational as well as relational motives are differentially distributed across different levels of one’s sense that (s)he can actually have influence on public matters. On the theoretical front, this finding resonates with what is known as ‘‘the knowledge gap hypothesis,’’ which proposes that an enlarged volume of information tends to be more advantageous to socially privileged individuals, as they possess more resources (e.g., education) to acquire and process information (Kwak, 1999; Tichenor, Donahue, & Olien, 1970). Taken together, our results portray a rather optimistic image of the implications for mobile communication in Korean public life, but with a noteworthy caveat—those who are already engaged by virtue of their predispositions (i.e., self-efficacy) are even more likely to obtain motivational benefits from the manifold uses of mobile telephony. The findings from this study should be regarded in light of its limitations. Because the survey data are cross-sectional in nature, patterns observed here are not suitable for causal inferences. One could posit that those who are already enthusiastic about public discourse are more likely to utilize the mobile phone for various purposes. However there is some evidence from panel data advocating the causal flow from mobile communication to public engagement (Campbell & Kwak, 2011a). Building on this line of research, future studies can employ longitudinal designs to ascertain the causality between diverse mobile phone uses and active involvement in public life. In addition, scholars are encouraged to assess more nuanced forms of mobile communication beyond the two overarching usage patterns examined in this study. On a different note, the relatively low cooperation typically inherent in online surveys may raise a concern about the generalizability of the findings. Nonetheless, recent research also highlights certain advantages of online surveys, such as self-report accuracy (Chang & Krosnick, 2009). Shortcomings notwithstanding, the current research provides a foundation for an interactive approach, facilitating further understanding of how multilayered affordances of new media work in concert to shape citizens’ attitudes and behavior.

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