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Muti murders form South Africa: A case report
Forensic Science International 151 (2005) 279–287 www.elsevier.com/locate/forsciint
Case report
Muti murders form South Africa: A case report M. Steyn * Department of Anatomy, University of Pretoria, PO Box 2034, Pretoria 0001, South Africa Received 20 February 2004; received in revised form 7 May 2004; accepted 25 May 2004 Available online 5 April 2005
Abstract In Southern Africa, human body parts are sometimes used for medicinal (muti) purposes. The human body is seen as being very powerful. Although ritual killing for this purpose is not common, some cases have been reported. This paper reports on an unusual muti murder, where the remains of two individuals were found in a medicine man’s house. Three pots were found, two of which were constructed around human skulls. Various objects, such as coins, bullets, stones, human and animal bones were found inside the pots. They were decorated with beadwork, whistles, skin bangles, etc. Osteological analysis revealed that the human remains probably belonged to a young, white adult male individual, and a juvenile individual of Negroid descent. All associated objects probably have ritual significance, and some of these are discussed. # 2005 Elsevier Ireland Ltd. All rights reserved. Keywords: Ritual; Medicine; Osteology; Anthropology
1. Introduction In South Africa, murders to obtain human body parts for medicine (muti) are not common, but they occur from time to time. The use of parts of the human body in ritual practices has also been reported from other parts of the world, for example in relation to Caribbean immigrants to the United States [1]. Sometimes the cases are reported in the public media, but it is seldom that any formal report or scientific paper on these cases appears. Some information originating from ethnographic studies of traditional populations is available, which may help, to some extent, with interpretation of these practices in South Africa [2–4]. Most of the cases in the past involved the killing of children, where the hands and or feet and often the genitalia are used. An example of this was reported by Scholtz et al. [5], where a young boy was killed. Recent reports, however, also included the killing of adults and even the theft of body parts from medical schools, in order to use them for medicinal purposes. * Tel.: +27 12 4203156; fax: +27 12 3192240. E-mail address: [email protected].
Many of the murders occur in Northern Zululand, Swaziland, Mpumalanga and Venda. Ngubane [6] mentions that in less than 5 year’s time in Swaziland, she heard of some 30 cases of ritual murder, indicating that this is not such a rare practice as one thinks. According to this author ritual killings are usually the work of a group of people. This group is typically a set of people with some common interest in joint advancement, such as business partners. The victim has personal qualities needed by the group for their advancement, and therefore is often somebody close to one of the members of the group. The parts of the body that are needed for the medicine are cut while the victim is still alive, so that the victim cries out in pain, otherwise the medicine does not work well. Death is usually by strangulation. The cry of the victim is supposed to summon the supernatural forces which will work for the good of the group. The ritual is clearly structured, and is not carried out of malice. According to Minnaar et al. [7] these practices may sometimes be seen as to be for the common good of the community, and are therefore not seen as murder. The case that is reported on here is unusual and the first of its kind in modern times. As will be shown, though, it may
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have very deep and ancient roots. It is very difficult to find information on the ritual meaning of many of the aspects seen in this case, as this is not the kind of information that is willingly offered or form part of the public domain. Many of the conclusions in this regards are therefore speculative, and may only be confirmed or rejected by future research.
2. Background to the case Early in 2000 three pots, obtained from a sangoma/ nyanga/witchdoctor’s house, were delivered to the Department of Anatomy, University of Pretoria by the South African Police Service (Fig. 1). Two of the pots were intact, while the third had been partially broken by the police to expose a human skull. The police were apparently led to the house of this medicine man by a car-hijacker. This hijacker had reportedly been responsible for the abduction of a young man from his driveway, and the theft of his car. Apparently he and his co-workers had delivered the abducted individual to the house of the said sangoma, where the pots and several other objects were later found.
3. Analysis of the case The pots were numbered as Objects A–C, from the smallest to the largest. All three pots were X-rayed, and it was clear that all had human skeletal remains inside—two of them cranial remains. The three pots were emptied by washing out the contents with warm water. The contents were then washed
through a screen and sorted to retrieve all human remains and other recognisable materials. The top parts of the unbroken pots had to be removed in order to accomplish this. One of the pots (Object A) did not contain a skull and was left intact, while the remaining two were cut open with a vibrating bone saw to expose the skulls inside. Bones from the pots were boiled at a low temperature in soapy water for 2 days and defatted by soaking in hypochlorite for 1 day. Samples of the fluid in vessels A and C were also taken. 3.1. Object A This was the smallest of the three pots. It was a round, gourd-shaped vessel which apparently was a kalbassie (seed-like plant material), covered in Pratley epoxy or something similar (Fig. 2). A ping-pong ball on the opening served as a stopper. From this ball a porcupine quill extended into the container. A handle, in the form of a sturdy brown cord, was embedded in the epoxy. The vessel was decorated with beadwork in the form of a beaded mat, which hung around it. This mat measured about 140 mm 105 mm. White beads formed the background upon which were diamond shaped designs in red and yellow. A necklace, consisting of a double string of red and white beads, was found around the neck of the vessel. Two charms, possibly bird talons, hung from this necklace. The vessel sat in a shallow, blue plastic bowl with small handles. The vessel was filled with a viscous, foul-smelling purple fluid containing organic material, including leaves and herbs etc. Eight coins, all of South African origin, were found inside. Also inside was one human tongue, severed in such a
Fig. 1. Three objects/pots found in a witchdoctor’s house. They were numbered from small to large (left to right in the photo) as Objects A–C.
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Fig. 2. Object A: note the shape of the vessel, which was made of a kalbassie. It rested in the plastic bowl to its right, with the beaded mat and necklace around the opening. The porcupine quill with the ping-pong ball served as a stopper. The object in the left lower corner formed the opening.
way that the hyoid bone was attached to the chunk of tissue. Human hand bones, a piece of long bone (presumably from a femur), five pieces of cranium, some unidentifiable bone fragments, an axis, two pieces of an atlas, and parts of orbits
were also found inside. Other unidentifiable pieces of soft tissue were also present. The size of some of these inclusions, especially the orbits, may indicate that they belong to the individual in Object C.
Fig. 3. Beaded mats found with Object B.
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3.2. Object B This object was larger than Object A, but smaller than Object C. It had roughly the same shape as Objects A and C, and was also covered in the same kind of epoxy. It had been partially opened by the police, and a human skull was visible inside. A cloth band was embedded in the epoxy to form a handle. A single row of red beads was visible on the inside of the opening at the neck of the vessel. Two flat, beaded ‘‘mats’’, similar to the one on Object A, were found with this pot (Fig. 3). Apparently these are very old beads that are no longer commercially available (Terblanche, pers. commun.). The two mats were secured together, around the pot, with a large safety pin. A necklace-like object was draped around the pot. It consisted of three strings of beads, which culminated in two round, white beaded objects. The strings were held together by a white button (Fig. 4). The beads are arranged in repeating groups of six red, six blue, six red, six blue. A metal whistle on a silver metal chain, together with a small key, were also found draped around the pot. Around the opening of the pot, at the neck, was a leather bangle-like object of crocodile skin, and another made of (possibly human) skin. This object was brown in colour, but a fresh, lighter-coloured piece of skin, about 3 cm in length, was recently sewn over it (Fig. 5). A piece of animal tail came with the pot. The opening of the pot was apparently constructed from a small bottle. A metal rod, the end of which was flattened, was present in the opening of the pot and extended into it. A feather, probably from a chicken, was stuck into the handle of the rod. The whole pot was standing in the flat-bottomed lid of a Pyrex dish.
This vessel, too, was filled with a viscous, foul-smelling fluid containing organic material. The following objects were found inside the pot: two 0.357 mm unspent cartridges, one presumably 9 mm shell, a large number of coins from Botswana, Zimbabwe, South Africa and Swaziland, eight white stones, a hedgehog quill and six human teeth (one upper lateral incisor, two lower central incisors, two lower premolars, one lower third molar). Also found were a left ulna, four long bone fragments, one and a half cervical vertebra, one metacarpal, two phalanges, an os triquetrum and os scaphoideum (hand bones), four unidentifiable bone fragments, a distal ulna, a piece of skull, one finger/toe nail and two animal vertebrae, one of which probably belonged to a fish. The pot was constructed around a human skull. The skull was crudely trimmed with a sharp object, to form a roughly symmetrical container (Fig. 6). A thin layer of foam rubber was used to cover irregular parts of the skull before the fibreglass and epoxy were applied. During this process the bones of the face as well as all protruding parts of the skull, such as the mastoids, were removed. The opening where the face had been was situated at the top, serving as the opening of the vessel. 3.3. Object C This was the largest of the three objects, but it was also of the same shape and was covered with the same epoxy resin and fibreglass. Part of a plastic bottle was found at the top of the container, with a yellow plastic screw-on lid. The lid had been pierced by a metal spear point, presumably made from a metal rod. This metal point extended into the vessel. A long
Fig. 4. Necklace found with Object B.
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Fig. 5. Bangles found with Object B. The bangle on the left was probably made from human skin, while that on the right was made from crocodile skin.
chicken feather protruded from the handle. A (human?) skin bangle hung around the neck of the vessel. Below the bangle was a long string of red and white, and black and white beads that had been twisted in half to form a double strand (Fig. 7). The different portions of the string of beads were connected by five large coloured plastic beads. There were several objects suspended from the string of beads, which were held
together by a black button. These included a marula (a type of fruit) pip, a horn (possibly steenbok) made into a whistle, a tusk-like tooth, and human bones including two proximal phalanges and a patella. There were also fragments of what appear to be a human fibula and humerus—the latter was wrapped in black, purple, off-white, orange and black strands of telephone cable. The fibula was wrapped in brown
Fig. 6. The skull around which Object B was made.
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Fig. 7. String of beads/necklace found with Object C.
twine in the same fashion as the humerus. These were probably used as medicine containers. The beaded ornamental wrap on this vessel nearly circumscribed it and was held together with a large safety pin. It consisted of two flat ‘‘mat-like’’ beaded objects, both 200 mm 115 mm in size. White beads formed the background of both mats. One was decorated with six pointed stars in red, blue, green and yellow, the other had zig-zag
lines in a red, purple, orange and green sequence. A red, orange and green cloth strap handle was embedded in the resin (Fig. 1). Like the others, this vessel was filled with a viscous, foulsmelling fluid containing organic material. Inside the pot the following objects were found: a piece of animal tail, two small white stones, an olieboom seed, two sewing needles, two white beads, one 9 mm (?) spent shell, 25 coins, all of
Fig. 8. The skull around which Object C was made.
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South African origin, and a tampon. Human remains found inside the pot included one upper left central incisor, meninges, unidentifiable organic matter with seeds/plants attached, a left first rib, a left clavicle, one thoracic vertebra, a piece of the coracoid process of a scapula, a small piece of a vertebra, a left radius (complete), two pieces of a large long bone, the distal portion of a right fibula, a lunate (hand bone), two portions of a radius cut in the middle, and 12 pieces of unidentifiable bone. The pot was similarly constructed to Object B—it was formed around a modified human skull. No foam rubber layer was present, and some soft tissue was still visible around the skull. The anterior part of the skull was cut/sawed off to create an opening for the pot (Fig. 8). The cut is vertical and smooth, and located about 3 cm anterior to the coronoid suture, thus removing the whole face. The pot was standing in a yellow, white and black enamel plate.
4. Osteological analysis The skull around which Object B was constructed was relatively small with prominent bossing, indicating a juvenile or female. It was, however, very difficult to establish the sex of the individual because the face and mastoids were removed, leaving very little to analyse. The synchondrosis sphenooccipitalis was open, but some sections of the sagittal suture were starting to close. The distal epiphysis of the ulna in this vessel was still completely unfused, indicating an individual younger than 19 years [8,9]. It matched the radius found in Object C. Estimation of race was very difficult, due to the paucity of available parameters. The low, long configuration of the vault, however, pointed to a person of Negroid origin [10]. Multiple discriminant function formulae were developed, using previously collected craniometric data from South Africans [11]. This data set contains cranial measurements of 196 black and white males and females from South Africa. The formulae were developed from the measurements that could be taken from this particular skull, using a direct approach. These measurements were cranial breadth, maximum frontal breadth, basion-bregma height, minimum frontal breadth, biasterionic breadth, and foramen magnum length and breadth. Two formulae were developed—one for males and one for females, since the sex of this individual was not clear. The results indicated a Negroid/black individual, regardless of the sex. In these formulae values smaller than the sectioning point indicated a person of Negroid descent, and higher Caucasoid descent. When the measurement values were entered into the male formula, the score came out as 0.797, which is less than the sectioning point of 0.009145 (accuracy 79.5% for whites, 77.8% for blacks). When entered in the female formula, the value was 0.780334, again smaller than the sectioning point of 0.020285 (accuracy 87.2% for whites, 75.6% for blacks).
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When the length of the radius (228 mm) was used, an antemortem stature of about 152 cm was obtained if the individual was female, and 155 cm if the individual was male. For this purpose the formulae of Lundy and Feldesman [12] for South African Blacks were used. In summary it seemed as if the skull and the smaller, subadult long bones may have belonged together. The fact that some cranial suture closure was visible in the presence of incompletely fused epiphyses, may indicate that some of the sutures closed prematurely, which is not uncommon. This individual was thus young, probably 16 2 years of age, and of Negroid descent. The delicateness of the bones may indicate a female, but this could not be determined with any degree of certainty. The skull in Object B was clearly that of a male, as could be seen from the large mastoids which protruded beyond the base of the skull. It also had robust muscular attachments, especially in the occipital area [9]. All cranial sutures were open, with the exception of the synchondrosis sphenooccipitalis which was closed. These features indicated a young adult individual. The high, rounded skull is typical of an individual of Caucasoid origin. This was tested by means of a multiple discriminant analysis, similar to what was done for the skull in Object B. Cranial breadth, basion-bregma height, biauricular breadth, maximum frontal breadth, biasterionic breadth, and foramen magnum breadth and length were used, and a formula for males was developed. A discriminant score of 3.76 was obtained (sectioning point 0.02107; higher value indicates a white individual, lower a black individual), thus clearly indicating a white individual. With these parameters, 75% of South African white individuals in the test sample were correctly assigned. The radii in Object C were obviously from two different individuals—one was considerably larger than the other, which also had epiphyseal lines still visible. The larger radius most probably belonged to the adult male in Object C, while the other one probably belonged to the skull in Object B. The visible epiphyseal line on the smaller radius indicated a juvenile. This radius matched the ulna found in Object B. The medial epiphysis of the clavicle found in Object C was still unfused, also indicating a subadult (probably belonged to Object B), while the fibula had a closed epiphysis and may have belonged to the adult in Object C.
5. Discussion Three containers/objects containing human remains were present, representing the remains of two individuals. The cranium in Object B probably belonged to a 16 2-year old black individual of uncertain sex, while the cranium in Object C belonged to a young adult male of Caucasoid origin. The demographic characteristics of the skull associated with Object C fitted the description of the missing
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individual, and his identity was later confirmed through DNA analysis. Bones of both individuals were found in all three pots. No cause of death, e.g. gunshot wounds, could be detected. Other than the cut marks on the bones that probably resulted from the mutilation of the remains, no signs of trauma could be observed. According to discussions with a cultural anthropologist (P. Terblanche) these objects, especially the beadwork, show similarities with Tsonga cultural goods. The medicine prepared by this Sangoma was most often used by hijackers, for protection. All the objects found associated with the pots thus have special meaning in this context. Although ethnological texts may provide some insight into this behaviour, it is difficult to make conclusions because different ethnic groups may be involved, and practices may change over time. Although speculative, it may be suggested that the tongue, for example, serves to protect the client from people betraying him, the bullets will protect him from the bullets of the police, etc. According to Reyneke [2] a Tswana medicine man may wear whistles around his neck, as blowing on them may protect him—this may explain the presence of the whistles in this case. This author also mentions that crocodiles are very powerful, and their flesh or skin may be used for its ‘‘coolness’’. A crocodile is seen as cool as it lives in water. The coins inside the pots did not serve as payment, but were most probably donated by the customers. The sangoma would probably ask each client to put something of himself inside the pot—the easiest would be coins. This would then enhance the power of the medicine. Judging by the number of coins from neighbouring countries, the sangoma had a wide client basis. Progression of the magic was also evident—first only a pot made of plant material, then a pot made out of a probably dried skull, and then an actual killing to make another pot out of a fresh skull. According to Ngubane [13], colour plays an important role in the symbolism associated with the treatment in Zulu people. The important colours are black, red, and white. Black and red are equivocal—they stand for good and bad, while white represents what is good. Whenever red or black is used, it must always be followed by white, but white can be used alone. This corresponds with the beadwork seen in Fig. 7. Red and black are used to expel bad things from the body, and to strengthen the body against future attacks. White is used to regain good health. Reyneke [2] studied sorcery among the Tswana and reported that they regarded humans as the strongest medicine of all. Humans have more power than any animal, and therefore, logically, the human body is the strongest and most powerful of all medicines [4]. Human skulls are said to have special value. In pre-modern days, after a war, body parts of the enemy’s bodies were eaten in order to enforce their power over them. Body parts were also used in rain making ceremonies. The victims were selected depending on
their specific characteristics—bones of males are better than those of females, or a white person may be selected because the medicine will work faster if it comes from a white. Some examples of human bones in pots can be found in the South African archaeological record, also enforcing the fact that this practice goes back a long time in history, and clearly has a significant ritual meaning. One example is a pot, with a complete skull, mandible and three cervical vertebrae that was found near the Mapungubwe Iron Age site [14]. This site dates to AD 1000–1300. The bones were still articulated, indicating that the body was still fleshed at the time they were placed inside the pot. Little is known about the ritual significance of these types of findings, and it is also not known how common this practice still is. More research is needed.
Acknowledgements The author would like to thank Dr. S.R. Loth who helped with the description of artefacts and analysis of remains, W.C. Nienaber and L. Sebola who had the unfortunate task to clean the remains, M. Loots who took the photographs and Dr. P. van Niekerk who helped with the X-rays. Dr. Loth passed away in 2002. The research of M. Steyn is funded by the National Research Foundation of South Africa.
References [1] C.V. Wetli, R. Martinez, Forensic aspects of Santeria, a religious cult of African origin, J. Forensic Sci. 26 (1981) 506–514. [2] J.L. Reyneke, Towery by die Tswana met besondere verwysing na die Kgatla-Bagakgafela, DPhil Dissertation, University of Pretoria, Pretoria, South Africa, 1971. [3] H.A. Stayt, The Bavenda, Oxford University Press, London, 1931. [4] E.J. Krige, The Social System of the Zulu, Shuter & Shooter, Pietermaritzburg, 1936. [5] H.J. Scholtz, V.M. Phillips, G.J. Knobel, Muti or ritual murder, Forensic Sci. Int. 87 (1997) 117–123. [6] H. Ngubane, The predicament of the sinister healer: some observations on ’ritual murder’ and the professional role of the inyanga, in: M. Last, G.L. Chavunduka (Eds.), The Professionalisatoin of African Medicine, Manchester University Press, Manchester, 1986, pp. 189–204. [7] A. de V. Minnaar, D. Offringa, C. Payze, To live in fear: witchburning and medicine murder in Venda, Report to the Human Sciences Research Council, Pretoria, South Africa, 1991. [8] D. Ferembach, I. Schwidetzky, M. Stloukal, Recommendations for age and sex diagnoses of skeletons, J. Hum. Evol. 9 (1980) 517–549. [9] W.M. Krogman, M.Y. I˙s¸can, The Human Skeleton in Forensic Medicine, Charles C. Thomas, Illinois, 1986. [10] H. De Villiers, The Skull of the South African Negro, Witwatersrand University Press, Johannesburg, 1968.
M. Steyn / Forensic Science International 151 (2005) 279–287 [11] M.Y. I˙s¸can, M. Steyn, Craniometric determination of race in South Africans, Int. J. Legal Med. 112 (1999) 91–97. [12] J.K. Lundy, M. Feldesman, Revised equations for estimating living stature from the long bones of the South African Negro, S. Afr. J. Sci. 83 (1987) 54–55.
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[13] H. Ngubane, Body and Mind in Zulu Medicine: An Ethnography of Health and Disease in Nyuswa-Zulu Thought and Practice, Academic Press, London, 1977. [14] M. Steyn, Human pot burial from Greefswald, S. Afr. J. Ethnol. 18 (2) (1995) 87–90.
Case report
Muti murders form South Africa: A case report M. Steyn * Department of Anatomy, University of Pretoria, PO Box 2034, Pretoria 0001, South Africa Received 20 February 2004; received in revised form 7 May 2004; accepted 25 May 2004 Available online 5 April 2005
Abstract In Southern Africa, human body parts are sometimes used for medicinal (muti) purposes. The human body is seen as being very powerful. Although ritual killing for this purpose is not common, some cases have been reported. This paper reports on an unusual muti murder, where the remains of two individuals were found in a medicine man’s house. Three pots were found, two of which were constructed around human skulls. Various objects, such as coins, bullets, stones, human and animal bones were found inside the pots. They were decorated with beadwork, whistles, skin bangles, etc. Osteological analysis revealed that the human remains probably belonged to a young, white adult male individual, and a juvenile individual of Negroid descent. All associated objects probably have ritual significance, and some of these are discussed. # 2005 Elsevier Ireland Ltd. All rights reserved. Keywords: Ritual; Medicine; Osteology; Anthropology
1. Introduction In South Africa, murders to obtain human body parts for medicine (muti) are not common, but they occur from time to time. The use of parts of the human body in ritual practices has also been reported from other parts of the world, for example in relation to Caribbean immigrants to the United States [1]. Sometimes the cases are reported in the public media, but it is seldom that any formal report or scientific paper on these cases appears. Some information originating from ethnographic studies of traditional populations is available, which may help, to some extent, with interpretation of these practices in South Africa [2–4]. Most of the cases in the past involved the killing of children, where the hands and or feet and often the genitalia are used. An example of this was reported by Scholtz et al. [5], where a young boy was killed. Recent reports, however, also included the killing of adults and even the theft of body parts from medical schools, in order to use them for medicinal purposes. * Tel.: +27 12 4203156; fax: +27 12 3192240. E-mail address: [email protected].
Many of the murders occur in Northern Zululand, Swaziland, Mpumalanga and Venda. Ngubane [6] mentions that in less than 5 year’s time in Swaziland, she heard of some 30 cases of ritual murder, indicating that this is not such a rare practice as one thinks. According to this author ritual killings are usually the work of a group of people. This group is typically a set of people with some common interest in joint advancement, such as business partners. The victim has personal qualities needed by the group for their advancement, and therefore is often somebody close to one of the members of the group. The parts of the body that are needed for the medicine are cut while the victim is still alive, so that the victim cries out in pain, otherwise the medicine does not work well. Death is usually by strangulation. The cry of the victim is supposed to summon the supernatural forces which will work for the good of the group. The ritual is clearly structured, and is not carried out of malice. According to Minnaar et al. [7] these practices may sometimes be seen as to be for the common good of the community, and are therefore not seen as murder. The case that is reported on here is unusual and the first of its kind in modern times. As will be shown, though, it may
0379-0738/$ – see front matter # 2005 Elsevier Ireland Ltd. All rights reserved. doi:10.1016/j.forsciint.2004.05.022
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have very deep and ancient roots. It is very difficult to find information on the ritual meaning of many of the aspects seen in this case, as this is not the kind of information that is willingly offered or form part of the public domain. Many of the conclusions in this regards are therefore speculative, and may only be confirmed or rejected by future research.
2. Background to the case Early in 2000 three pots, obtained from a sangoma/ nyanga/witchdoctor’s house, were delivered to the Department of Anatomy, University of Pretoria by the South African Police Service (Fig. 1). Two of the pots were intact, while the third had been partially broken by the police to expose a human skull. The police were apparently led to the house of this medicine man by a car-hijacker. This hijacker had reportedly been responsible for the abduction of a young man from his driveway, and the theft of his car. Apparently he and his co-workers had delivered the abducted individual to the house of the said sangoma, where the pots and several other objects were later found.
3. Analysis of the case The pots were numbered as Objects A–C, from the smallest to the largest. All three pots were X-rayed, and it was clear that all had human skeletal remains inside—two of them cranial remains. The three pots were emptied by washing out the contents with warm water. The contents were then washed
through a screen and sorted to retrieve all human remains and other recognisable materials. The top parts of the unbroken pots had to be removed in order to accomplish this. One of the pots (Object A) did not contain a skull and was left intact, while the remaining two were cut open with a vibrating bone saw to expose the skulls inside. Bones from the pots were boiled at a low temperature in soapy water for 2 days and defatted by soaking in hypochlorite for 1 day. Samples of the fluid in vessels A and C were also taken. 3.1. Object A This was the smallest of the three pots. It was a round, gourd-shaped vessel which apparently was a kalbassie (seed-like plant material), covered in Pratley epoxy or something similar (Fig. 2). A ping-pong ball on the opening served as a stopper. From this ball a porcupine quill extended into the container. A handle, in the form of a sturdy brown cord, was embedded in the epoxy. The vessel was decorated with beadwork in the form of a beaded mat, which hung around it. This mat measured about 140 mm 105 mm. White beads formed the background upon which were diamond shaped designs in red and yellow. A necklace, consisting of a double string of red and white beads, was found around the neck of the vessel. Two charms, possibly bird talons, hung from this necklace. The vessel sat in a shallow, blue plastic bowl with small handles. The vessel was filled with a viscous, foul-smelling purple fluid containing organic material, including leaves and herbs etc. Eight coins, all of South African origin, were found inside. Also inside was one human tongue, severed in such a
Fig. 1. Three objects/pots found in a witchdoctor’s house. They were numbered from small to large (left to right in the photo) as Objects A–C.
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Fig. 2. Object A: note the shape of the vessel, which was made of a kalbassie. It rested in the plastic bowl to its right, with the beaded mat and necklace around the opening. The porcupine quill with the ping-pong ball served as a stopper. The object in the left lower corner formed the opening.
way that the hyoid bone was attached to the chunk of tissue. Human hand bones, a piece of long bone (presumably from a femur), five pieces of cranium, some unidentifiable bone fragments, an axis, two pieces of an atlas, and parts of orbits
were also found inside. Other unidentifiable pieces of soft tissue were also present. The size of some of these inclusions, especially the orbits, may indicate that they belong to the individual in Object C.
Fig. 3. Beaded mats found with Object B.
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3.2. Object B This object was larger than Object A, but smaller than Object C. It had roughly the same shape as Objects A and C, and was also covered in the same kind of epoxy. It had been partially opened by the police, and a human skull was visible inside. A cloth band was embedded in the epoxy to form a handle. A single row of red beads was visible on the inside of the opening at the neck of the vessel. Two flat, beaded ‘‘mats’’, similar to the one on Object A, were found with this pot (Fig. 3). Apparently these are very old beads that are no longer commercially available (Terblanche, pers. commun.). The two mats were secured together, around the pot, with a large safety pin. A necklace-like object was draped around the pot. It consisted of three strings of beads, which culminated in two round, white beaded objects. The strings were held together by a white button (Fig. 4). The beads are arranged in repeating groups of six red, six blue, six red, six blue. A metal whistle on a silver metal chain, together with a small key, were also found draped around the pot. Around the opening of the pot, at the neck, was a leather bangle-like object of crocodile skin, and another made of (possibly human) skin. This object was brown in colour, but a fresh, lighter-coloured piece of skin, about 3 cm in length, was recently sewn over it (Fig. 5). A piece of animal tail came with the pot. The opening of the pot was apparently constructed from a small bottle. A metal rod, the end of which was flattened, was present in the opening of the pot and extended into it. A feather, probably from a chicken, was stuck into the handle of the rod. The whole pot was standing in the flat-bottomed lid of a Pyrex dish.
This vessel, too, was filled with a viscous, foul-smelling fluid containing organic material. The following objects were found inside the pot: two 0.357 mm unspent cartridges, one presumably 9 mm shell, a large number of coins from Botswana, Zimbabwe, South Africa and Swaziland, eight white stones, a hedgehog quill and six human teeth (one upper lateral incisor, two lower central incisors, two lower premolars, one lower third molar). Also found were a left ulna, four long bone fragments, one and a half cervical vertebra, one metacarpal, two phalanges, an os triquetrum and os scaphoideum (hand bones), four unidentifiable bone fragments, a distal ulna, a piece of skull, one finger/toe nail and two animal vertebrae, one of which probably belonged to a fish. The pot was constructed around a human skull. The skull was crudely trimmed with a sharp object, to form a roughly symmetrical container (Fig. 6). A thin layer of foam rubber was used to cover irregular parts of the skull before the fibreglass and epoxy were applied. During this process the bones of the face as well as all protruding parts of the skull, such as the mastoids, were removed. The opening where the face had been was situated at the top, serving as the opening of the vessel. 3.3. Object C This was the largest of the three objects, but it was also of the same shape and was covered with the same epoxy resin and fibreglass. Part of a plastic bottle was found at the top of the container, with a yellow plastic screw-on lid. The lid had been pierced by a metal spear point, presumably made from a metal rod. This metal point extended into the vessel. A long
Fig. 4. Necklace found with Object B.
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Fig. 5. Bangles found with Object B. The bangle on the left was probably made from human skin, while that on the right was made from crocodile skin.
chicken feather protruded from the handle. A (human?) skin bangle hung around the neck of the vessel. Below the bangle was a long string of red and white, and black and white beads that had been twisted in half to form a double strand (Fig. 7). The different portions of the string of beads were connected by five large coloured plastic beads. There were several objects suspended from the string of beads, which were held
together by a black button. These included a marula (a type of fruit) pip, a horn (possibly steenbok) made into a whistle, a tusk-like tooth, and human bones including two proximal phalanges and a patella. There were also fragments of what appear to be a human fibula and humerus—the latter was wrapped in black, purple, off-white, orange and black strands of telephone cable. The fibula was wrapped in brown
Fig. 6. The skull around which Object B was made.
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Fig. 7. String of beads/necklace found with Object C.
twine in the same fashion as the humerus. These were probably used as medicine containers. The beaded ornamental wrap on this vessel nearly circumscribed it and was held together with a large safety pin. It consisted of two flat ‘‘mat-like’’ beaded objects, both 200 mm 115 mm in size. White beads formed the background of both mats. One was decorated with six pointed stars in red, blue, green and yellow, the other had zig-zag
lines in a red, purple, orange and green sequence. A red, orange and green cloth strap handle was embedded in the resin (Fig. 1). Like the others, this vessel was filled with a viscous, foulsmelling fluid containing organic material. Inside the pot the following objects were found: a piece of animal tail, two small white stones, an olieboom seed, two sewing needles, two white beads, one 9 mm (?) spent shell, 25 coins, all of
Fig. 8. The skull around which Object C was made.
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South African origin, and a tampon. Human remains found inside the pot included one upper left central incisor, meninges, unidentifiable organic matter with seeds/plants attached, a left first rib, a left clavicle, one thoracic vertebra, a piece of the coracoid process of a scapula, a small piece of a vertebra, a left radius (complete), two pieces of a large long bone, the distal portion of a right fibula, a lunate (hand bone), two portions of a radius cut in the middle, and 12 pieces of unidentifiable bone. The pot was similarly constructed to Object B—it was formed around a modified human skull. No foam rubber layer was present, and some soft tissue was still visible around the skull. The anterior part of the skull was cut/sawed off to create an opening for the pot (Fig. 8). The cut is vertical and smooth, and located about 3 cm anterior to the coronoid suture, thus removing the whole face. The pot was standing in a yellow, white and black enamel plate.
4. Osteological analysis The skull around which Object B was constructed was relatively small with prominent bossing, indicating a juvenile or female. It was, however, very difficult to establish the sex of the individual because the face and mastoids were removed, leaving very little to analyse. The synchondrosis sphenooccipitalis was open, but some sections of the sagittal suture were starting to close. The distal epiphysis of the ulna in this vessel was still completely unfused, indicating an individual younger than 19 years [8,9]. It matched the radius found in Object C. Estimation of race was very difficult, due to the paucity of available parameters. The low, long configuration of the vault, however, pointed to a person of Negroid origin [10]. Multiple discriminant function formulae were developed, using previously collected craniometric data from South Africans [11]. This data set contains cranial measurements of 196 black and white males and females from South Africa. The formulae were developed from the measurements that could be taken from this particular skull, using a direct approach. These measurements were cranial breadth, maximum frontal breadth, basion-bregma height, minimum frontal breadth, biasterionic breadth, and foramen magnum length and breadth. Two formulae were developed—one for males and one for females, since the sex of this individual was not clear. The results indicated a Negroid/black individual, regardless of the sex. In these formulae values smaller than the sectioning point indicated a person of Negroid descent, and higher Caucasoid descent. When the measurement values were entered into the male formula, the score came out as 0.797, which is less than the sectioning point of 0.009145 (accuracy 79.5% for whites, 77.8% for blacks). When entered in the female formula, the value was 0.780334, again smaller than the sectioning point of 0.020285 (accuracy 87.2% for whites, 75.6% for blacks).
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When the length of the radius (228 mm) was used, an antemortem stature of about 152 cm was obtained if the individual was female, and 155 cm if the individual was male. For this purpose the formulae of Lundy and Feldesman [12] for South African Blacks were used. In summary it seemed as if the skull and the smaller, subadult long bones may have belonged together. The fact that some cranial suture closure was visible in the presence of incompletely fused epiphyses, may indicate that some of the sutures closed prematurely, which is not uncommon. This individual was thus young, probably 16 2 years of age, and of Negroid descent. The delicateness of the bones may indicate a female, but this could not be determined with any degree of certainty. The skull in Object B was clearly that of a male, as could be seen from the large mastoids which protruded beyond the base of the skull. It also had robust muscular attachments, especially in the occipital area [9]. All cranial sutures were open, with the exception of the synchondrosis sphenooccipitalis which was closed. These features indicated a young adult individual. The high, rounded skull is typical of an individual of Caucasoid origin. This was tested by means of a multiple discriminant analysis, similar to what was done for the skull in Object B. Cranial breadth, basion-bregma height, biauricular breadth, maximum frontal breadth, biasterionic breadth, and foramen magnum breadth and length were used, and a formula for males was developed. A discriminant score of 3.76 was obtained (sectioning point 0.02107; higher value indicates a white individual, lower a black individual), thus clearly indicating a white individual. With these parameters, 75% of South African white individuals in the test sample were correctly assigned. The radii in Object C were obviously from two different individuals—one was considerably larger than the other, which also had epiphyseal lines still visible. The larger radius most probably belonged to the adult male in Object C, while the other one probably belonged to the skull in Object B. The visible epiphyseal line on the smaller radius indicated a juvenile. This radius matched the ulna found in Object B. The medial epiphysis of the clavicle found in Object C was still unfused, also indicating a subadult (probably belonged to Object B), while the fibula had a closed epiphysis and may have belonged to the adult in Object C.
5. Discussion Three containers/objects containing human remains were present, representing the remains of two individuals. The cranium in Object B probably belonged to a 16 2-year old black individual of uncertain sex, while the cranium in Object C belonged to a young adult male of Caucasoid origin. The demographic characteristics of the skull associated with Object C fitted the description of the missing
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individual, and his identity was later confirmed through DNA analysis. Bones of both individuals were found in all three pots. No cause of death, e.g. gunshot wounds, could be detected. Other than the cut marks on the bones that probably resulted from the mutilation of the remains, no signs of trauma could be observed. According to discussions with a cultural anthropologist (P. Terblanche) these objects, especially the beadwork, show similarities with Tsonga cultural goods. The medicine prepared by this Sangoma was most often used by hijackers, for protection. All the objects found associated with the pots thus have special meaning in this context. Although ethnological texts may provide some insight into this behaviour, it is difficult to make conclusions because different ethnic groups may be involved, and practices may change over time. Although speculative, it may be suggested that the tongue, for example, serves to protect the client from people betraying him, the bullets will protect him from the bullets of the police, etc. According to Reyneke [2] a Tswana medicine man may wear whistles around his neck, as blowing on them may protect him—this may explain the presence of the whistles in this case. This author also mentions that crocodiles are very powerful, and their flesh or skin may be used for its ‘‘coolness’’. A crocodile is seen as cool as it lives in water. The coins inside the pots did not serve as payment, but were most probably donated by the customers. The sangoma would probably ask each client to put something of himself inside the pot—the easiest would be coins. This would then enhance the power of the medicine. Judging by the number of coins from neighbouring countries, the sangoma had a wide client basis. Progression of the magic was also evident—first only a pot made of plant material, then a pot made out of a probably dried skull, and then an actual killing to make another pot out of a fresh skull. According to Ngubane [13], colour plays an important role in the symbolism associated with the treatment in Zulu people. The important colours are black, red, and white. Black and red are equivocal—they stand for good and bad, while white represents what is good. Whenever red or black is used, it must always be followed by white, but white can be used alone. This corresponds with the beadwork seen in Fig. 7. Red and black are used to expel bad things from the body, and to strengthen the body against future attacks. White is used to regain good health. Reyneke [2] studied sorcery among the Tswana and reported that they regarded humans as the strongest medicine of all. Humans have more power than any animal, and therefore, logically, the human body is the strongest and most powerful of all medicines [4]. Human skulls are said to have special value. In pre-modern days, after a war, body parts of the enemy’s bodies were eaten in order to enforce their power over them. Body parts were also used in rain making ceremonies. The victims were selected depending on
their specific characteristics—bones of males are better than those of females, or a white person may be selected because the medicine will work faster if it comes from a white. Some examples of human bones in pots can be found in the South African archaeological record, also enforcing the fact that this practice goes back a long time in history, and clearly has a significant ritual meaning. One example is a pot, with a complete skull, mandible and three cervical vertebrae that was found near the Mapungubwe Iron Age site [14]. This site dates to AD 1000–1300. The bones were still articulated, indicating that the body was still fleshed at the time they were placed inside the pot. Little is known about the ritual significance of these types of findings, and it is also not known how common this practice still is. More research is needed.
Acknowledgements The author would like to thank Dr. S.R. Loth who helped with the description of artefacts and analysis of remains, W.C. Nienaber and L. Sebola who had the unfortunate task to clean the remains, M. Loots who took the photographs and Dr. P. van Niekerk who helped with the X-rays. Dr. Loth passed away in 2002. The research of M. Steyn is funded by the National Research Foundation of South Africa.
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M. Steyn / Forensic Science International 151 (2005) 279–287 [11] M.Y. I˙s¸can, M. Steyn, Craniometric determination of race in South Africans, Int. J. Legal Med. 112 (1999) 91–97. [12] J.K. Lundy, M. Feldesman, Revised equations for estimating living stature from the long bones of the South African Negro, S. Afr. J. Sci. 83 (1987) 54–55.
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[13] H. Ngubane, Body and Mind in Zulu Medicine: An Ethnography of Health and Disease in Nyuswa-Zulu Thought and Practice, Academic Press, London, 1977. [14] M. Steyn, Human pot burial from Greefswald, S. Afr. J. Ethnol. 18 (2) (1995) 87–90.