Neighbors: A neglected resourse

Chiidrm and Youth Services Review, Vol. 14. pp. 2.53-272. 1991 Printed in the USA. All righta resewed.

01907409192 Copyright Q 1992 Pcrgamon

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Neighbors: A Neglected Resource Eileen Gambrill Gary Paquin University of California at Berkeley Neighbors comprise one potential source of social support. This paper offers an overview of literature concerning the actual and potential role of neighbors in providing support. Literature in social psychology, social skills training as well as research concerning neighbors and neighboring has been neglected in exploring the potential for enhancing this source of social support. A proactive stance toward enhancing neighborly relations is stressed in contrast to a reactive approach in which services are offered following the escalations of conflicts among neighbors. Lack of attention to neighbors as a possible resource, both for prevention of child maltreatment as well as for ameliorative functions is part and parcel of a fragmented approach to child abuse in which community as well as social, political and economic factors related to child maltreatment are neglected (Gambrill, 1983; Pelton, 1989). Many sources suggest the importance of additional attention to neighbors. Neighbors are necessary supports to many single parent families with resource deficits, and to many two-parent families in which both parents work. Childless adults in neighborhoods can themselves benefit from working with children. Parents who abuse or neglect their children are often lonely and isolated (Garbarino & Gilliam, 1980; Polansky, Gaudin, Ammons, & Davis, 1985). They have smaller social networks and less supportive links with neighbors and friends than do other parents (Gaudin 8z Pollane, 1983; Salzinger, Kaflan & Artemyeff, 1983). Neighbors could play a role by directly providing resources, and by relieving daily hassles and crises that influence the quality of family’s interaction. Although neighbors often participate as reporters of child maltreatment, as sporadic providers of emergency care, or even as foster parents, their contributions as providers of social support and informal social control are Requests for reprints should be sent to Eileen Gambrill, School of Social Welfare, Haviland Hall, University of California, Berkeley, Berkeley, California 94720.

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although descriptions of such programs say little about the involvement of typically overlooked. Family based intensive services designed to preserve and strengthen families make use of informal social supports, neighbors (see for example Kinney, Haapala & Booth, 1991; Tracy, Haapala, Kinney, & Pecora, 1991). The involvement of neighbors may be recommended without stressing the need to assess their potential role in a particular community and how the community in which they reside may affect their involvement, Neighbors have three advantages over other kinds of relationships: (1) due to face-to-face contact, a neighbor can respond speedily; (2) neighbors share common governmental resources and can band together when problems occur; (3) face-to-face contact offers opportunities for learning that may not be available from extended kin or friends (Litwak & Szeleny, 1969). (There are also disadvantages. These are discussed later.) The neighborhood was once and still is in many areas, an important part of American life, although it is doubtful that the idyllic small communities that many Americans nostalgically imagine ever existed. Although ties with neighbors have changed with the transient nature of the population, neighbors may still provide an important source of resources and support. Increased involvement of neighbors in programs designed to prevent and ameliorate child maltreatment could have a number of indirect as well as direct benefits to children and their families. Enhancing positive exchanges among neighbors could foster a positive view of a community which in turn may encourage participation in community organizations working for social change. There are trends that portend increased involvement of neighbors in service delivery systems designed to decrease child maltreatment. For example, a bill in the California Legislature (Assembly Bill Number 83 1, 1991), proposes the establishment of Neighborhood Family Service Organizations which will directly serve and involve residents in a number of ways. This paper suggests a proactive approach to encouraging neighboring behaviors that will enhance the well being of children, presents current efforts to involve neighbors, and describes factors that should be considered when attempting to involve neighbors in efforts for the welfare of children. This task is difficult since it must draw from many areas of research including environmental, community, and clinical psychology, urban planning, and community development and organization. Literature in social psychology and social skills training as well as research conceming neighbors and neighboring have often been neglected in exploring the potential for enhancing positive neighboring behavior related to the well being of children. Those who draw on social learning theory often ignore contributions from applied behavior analysis (Florin & Wandersman, 1984; Unger & Wandersman, 1985). Our focus is on the social psych-

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ology of neighboring, the development of a proactive model for neighboring as a social resource, and training for social skills development, and not on neighborhood organization or social action as political behavior for collective ends.

Neighbors and Neighborhoods

Shared physical boundaries most commonly identifies neighbors (e.g., neighbors are people who live on either side of a house or apartment or within a block). Definitions given of neighbors in a British survey (n = 1,801) included people who live next door (36% of respondents), people who live in the same street or block of flats (36%), and people who live fairly near by or in the same few streets (22%) (MORI, 1979). Keller (1969) defines a neighbor as an unrelated person living in the same street or block, with whom there is some customary prearranged contact at least once a month. As with any other relationship, the role of a neighbor has prescribed norms about what help can be given or received. Norms related to neighboring behavior reported in a British study (Argyle & Henderson, 1985) include: (1) willingness to help in an emergency; (2) respecting the neighbor’s privacy; (3) being considerate about noise, pets, children, activities; (4) attempting to maintain neighborhood standard of property; and (5) not encroaching over shared boundary. One study of families at risk of having their children removed (n = 45) found reciprocity positively related to receipt of concrete support from members of their social network (Tracy, 1990; Tracy & Whittaker, 1987). Warren (198 1) describes a neighborhood as “the social organization of a population residing in a geographically-approximate locale.” This includes social bonds between members of the designated population as well as links to non-neighbors. He suggests eight dimensions to characterize different kinds of neighborhoods: (1) interactions--how often people see each other; (2) identity--how much people feel they have in common; (3) connections-- how active people are in political organizations and other activities outside of the neighborhood; (4) heterogeneity--number of different lifestyles, people, or social levels; (5) mutual aid-- how willing neighbors are to help each other; (6) privatism--the relative value placed on privacy and on being in touch with neighbors; (7) insulation--willingness to give out information about neighbors to outsiders; and (8) turnover in residents. These characteristics are suggested as a guide to community action. Much child abuse and neglect occurs in “high risk” neighborhoods, which are associated with high mobility and low solidarity. Active skill training and organizing efforts may be needed in such communities.

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People tend to turn to their neighbors for help in matters of minor need (Wellman, 1979). Neighbors typically exchange services of an inexpensive, emergency nature and serve as safety nets when other resources fail. These services include: crime prevention, baby sitting, grocery shopping, information giving, and borrowing of tools and food. Kinds of help by neighbors reported in a British study include: looking after house keys for tradesmen to enter in emergency; looking after pets or plants; helping out with items of food; shopping; giving advice with house repairs or maintenance; helping out during illness; looking after children; helping out when a family member or close friend has died (Argyle & Henderson, 1985). Fischer (1982) found that within the last few months prior to being interviewed, virtually all of his respondents (n = 100) chatted with their neighbors, most had dropped in on or been dropped in on by neighbors and one third borrowed something small from a neighbor. Warren (198 1) reported that 27% of a sample of 2500 respondents sought out a neighbor for help with a concern over a one year period. Neighbors can provide socializing and companionship. By greeting and visiting each other, neighbors build a sense of social belonging and thereby increase their feeling of comfort in their neighborhood. Deep friendship and emotionally sustaining discussions between neighbors can strengthen attachment to and satisfaction with a neighborhood (Fisher, et al., 1977; Unger & Wandersman, 1985). Whether friendships develop between neighbors depends on a number of factors including degree of dependency between neighbors, overlap of interests, availability of alternative relationships, and individual characteristics (Fischer, 1979). The initial exploratory period of friendship between neighbors is often undertaken cautiously, to avoid actions which one does not want to reciprocate (Bott, 1957). Neighbors often turn to each other for help before seeking contact with formal helpers. Warren (1981) found that 51% of the respondents in his study had used a neighbor as a helper, whereas only 6% had called on the help of a social worker, psychologist, or psychiatrist. Single mothers on AFDC often turn to neighbors for help (see for example, Belle, 1982; Danziger, 1986; Sarri, 1988). Neighbors share advice and guidance thereby conveying a set of norms regarding home decoration, entertainment, child care, and voting preferences (Warren, 1981; Unger & Wandersman, 1985). The degree of social control exerted by neighbors depends on a number of factors such as agreement on values, shared interests and resources, a willingness to take action when violations of norms occur, and opportunities to monitor behavior (DuBow & Emmons, 198 1, pp. 176-77). Observation of neighbors’ behavior offers opportunities for “vicarious

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learning” of norms. Merry’s (1984) work on gossip and scandal indicates that the social control function of neighbors can be cruel and may result in collective response against specific individuals labeled as deviant. By and large, those who depend most on neighbors are the elderly, parents, people who do not work, small town dwellers and longtime residents (Fischer, 1979). Some survey data suggest that neighbors are not important to most people. Neighbors comprise a relatively small percentage of non-km networks (13% for people who live in core metropolitan areas and 25% for people who live in semi-rural areas (Fischer, 1982). Reports by caseworkers regarding families at risk of abusing or neglecting their child (n = 130) indicated that in only 8% of examples offered were neighbors involved in offering help and that problems were often created by helpers (e.g., client felt helper was too critical, client disliked helper, conflicts arose) (Ballew, 1985). Neglectful mothers are often seen as deviant by social workers or other helpers and as unlikely to reciprocate help (Polansky, et al., 1985). Research findings are contradictory concerning the relationship between socioeconomic status and aid exchanged among neighbors. Stack (1974) reported considerable helping behaviors exchanged among poor black families. Korte (1983) found that neighbors played a significant role in assistance with child care problems among single parents living in a black lower-class neighborhood in Raleigh. On the other hand, Bulmer (1986) reported that working class areas in Britain were more likely to be “social deserts” in terms of neighborliness (p. 177). Belle (1983) found more dependency between neighbors in poverty, but that persons in poverty areas with more secure economic resources chose to opt out of the system of mutual obligation between neighbors. Fischer (1979; Fischer et al., 1977) found that affluent neighbors tended to have superficial contacts with a large number of neighbors, whereas poorer neighbors had more intense contact with fewer persons. Being married and a parent, along with home ownership, tends to connect people to their community with a resulting increase in neighbor contacts. The help offered is partially based on the proximity of neighbors. An Assessment Framework For Enhancing Positive Neighboring Programs designed to increase neighboring behaviors that will enhance child well being should be based on a contextual assessment in which individual, family, community, and societal factors related to problems are considered. This assessment will be more complicated than one confined solely to individual and family interaction because of the wide context considered. This context includes family members and relatives as well as the nature of the neighborhood (who lives there, the physical arrangements that exist, the daily hassles and crises that affect social interactions and

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political and economic factors related to these events). As each neighborhood differs, the neighboring potential of each differs. Assessment should include identification of behaviors neighbors value and the circumstances in which residents can practice them with positive results. It should also include identification of behaviors and events that may annoy neighbors and interfere with well-being. Research indicates that there is relative independence between positive and negative affect and subjective wellbeing (Diener, 1984). Some research shows that negative interactions weigh especially heavily in influencing personal relationships (Rook, 1984a). This information will be helpful in describing the actual and potential social relationships among individuals in a community. What behaviors could neighbors practice that would enhance child well being? Which ones would residents be willing to offer? What costs if any will be associated with offering (or receiving) these behaviors? A needs assessment may be helpful. What do residents want? Asking residents what they want from their neighbors may result in answers such as “Keep out of my business” or “Stop harassing me,” However, verbal reports may not reflect what will indeed be valued events. That is, reinforcer sampling (offering certain incentives “freely”) may show that they are valued. Assessing Personal Knowledge and Skills

To help community residents improve neighboring skills, community workers can first assess residents’ knowledge about and skills in forming and maintaining positive relationships with neighbors. Assessment can also extend to residents’ cognitive, emotional and behavioral excesses and deficits that interfere with acquisition or use of valued neighboring skills. Parents may possess relevant skills but not use these because of interfering factors such as high levels of anxiety or anger, interfering thoughts, Distinguishing between aggressive reactions or lack of opportunities. acquisition and performance problems is a key task in assessment (Gresham, 1988). Cognitive components of skilled behavior include goals and plans, perception and translation of social signals and knowledge of situational requirements (Argyle, Fumham, & Graham, 1981). People are more likely to be effective in social situations if they have appropriate goals and plans. Perception and translation of social signals will influence neighboring behaviors. A view of neighbor reactions as hostile and uncaring will discourage forthcoming reactions and encourage negative behavior. Residents who can accurately identify what behaviors in which situations their neighbors will reinforce, ignore or punish will more successfully attain valued goals than will those who do not have this skill. Overt

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behaviors include both verbal (what is said) and nonverbal (smiles, facial expression, eye contact) components. Other important skills include rewardingness, self-presentation, and ability to take the role of others. Rewardingness (offering positive, friendly reactions) has been found to be especially influential in developing and maintaining pleasant exchanges. Component behaviors include smiling, eye contact, and positive verbal statements (Argyle et al., 1981). Social behavior is situationally specific in terms of what is effective; a behavior that succeeds in achieving a given outcome in one situation may not be successful in another context. What will function as a reinforcer for one person, may not do so for another. Thus each resident may respond to a given behavior differently. Individual reactions will also vary according to views of and use of potential support from neighbors. Studies of neighboring offer some information about behaviors that are valued in different situations. The source of help selected depends on the kind of problem (Korte, 1978). “Access behaviors” are important to identify and increase. These behaviors increase the likelihood of gaining access to reinforcing environments, situations and interactions and provide opportunities for additional skill acquisition and rewards (Hawkins, 1986). Conflict avoidance and resolution skills are also important. People tend to avoid problems that arise with their neighbors (Baumgartner, 1984; Paquin, 1989). Certainly it is best to ignore problems that really don’t matter. However, ignoring a problem when the concern will continue to be bothersome and perhaps escalate in annoyance value is a mistake. Judicious choices of coping strategies will influence outcome. Direct strategies include those in which some action is taken such as, talking to a neighbor, putting up a fence, or directly attempting to alter the environment. Indirect coping strategies include changes in how an event is viewed; no direct action is taken (Lazarus & Launier, 1978; Rapoport, 1982). Area residents can avoid conflicts by taking a proactive stance toward neighboring. Rather than waiting for an annoyance to occur, neighbors can take the initiative and introduce themselves to their neighbors, greet them, offer small favors, and so forth. If this is done, it is important to warn clients that others may still act with what may seem to be little consideration. Effective social behavior requires skill in managing anger and anxiety. Selection of appropriate goals, viewing situations from the other person’s perspective and focusing on common goals will be useful in maintaining constructive levels of arousal (Fisher & Ury, 1980). Goals such as “telling the off” are not likely to result in positive outcomes. Research on anger has shown that such goals not only encourage negative feelings and counter-attacks but, in addition, are not likely to be achieved (Averill, 1982). Some of the rules found to be important in neighbor relations such as “Don’t feel free to take up as much of the other’s time as one desires”

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(Argyle & Henderson, 1985), compel neighborhood residents to consider other people’s perspectives. How people present themselves makes a difference. Fischer (1982) stresses the diversity of subcultures in large urban areas, each of which has a unique style of dress and way of acting. Residents of a neighborhood differ in their beliefs about their neighborhood and in their attachment to it (Unger & Wandersman, 1985). Some have no feeling of community, while others do feel an attachment, These feelings are largely a result of past experiences. Each individual has a unique history in relation to the neighboring behaviors that have been observed, offered, accepted, punished or reinforced. Feelings about a neighborhood change as neighborhoods change. For example, income influences people’s ability to seek personal relationships outside of their immediate locale. A low income may limit the amount of free time available to cultivate relationships. Unattended health problems may sap energy.

Assessing Factors that Interfere With Use of Knowledge

and Skills

Residents may have but not use skills that could enhance the well being of children. Assessment should include identification of factors that interfere with their use. Attributional biases about neighbors may interfere with positive exchanges. Beliefs about relying on other people as well as willingness to take advantage of social support can be reviewed by requesting residents to complete a network orientation scale (Vaux, Burda & Stewart, 1986). Willingness to seek help from organizations is related to socioeconomic status; higher status people are less willing, compared to lower-status individuals, to seek this kind of aid (Korte, 1983). The nature of parents’ adult interactions serve as “setting events” for later parent-child aversive exchanges (Wahler, 1980). Identification of the setting events that influence behaviors of concern is a critical part of a behavioral assessment. Stress from whatever source, including unpleasant adult exchanges outside of the home, increase what has been called “overinclusiveness” in parents’ response to their children (Wahler & Hann, 1987). For example, a father may act out his anger toward a relative by yelling at his child for no real reason. Thus a multi-level assessment is critical. Stress increases the likelihood of parents’ making vague summarizing judgements about their child’s behavior which may then influence how they respond to their children. High stress levels may also result in overinclusive summary judgements about neighbors and reactions based on these that create negative encounters. Thus, parents (as well as practitioners) may have to learn to attend to the “larger picture of stimulus determinants” (Wahler & Hann, 1987, p. 73) to respond effectively to neighbors as well as to their

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children. For example, they may have to recognize that their angry feelings toward a neighbor are due to an argument with a husband, not because of an alleged action or inaction on the part of a neighbor (see later section on intervention methods). Aggressive behaviors may interfere with use of effective social skills (Gresham, 1988). Assessing Neighborhooak

The physical arrangements within neighborhoods as well as relationships among residents influence the kinds of exchanges that occur (see for example, Hall, 1968; Korte, 1983). Thus, workers should attend to environmental factors as well as to personal characteristics of neighbors and the match between these in assessing neighboring potential. Neighborhoods differ in the extent to which settings encourage positive exchanges. They also differ in the number of unplanned ad hoc or “found” spaces that could be appropriated for beneficial use (see for example Rivlin & Imbimbo, 1989). They differ in the number of environmental pollutants such as smog and noise as well as the nature of intrusions into the neighborhood from outside. For example, strangers coming into a neighborhood, such as drug dealers, affect the quality of life within a locale. Physical characteristics of neighborhoods influence the exchanges that take place and the quality of care provided to different features of a neighborhood (Home1 & Bums, 1989). What neighborhood problems exist? What are outstanding physical features? Who lives there? How ethnically diverse is the neighborhood? What are strengths and resources of the neighborhood? Neighbors may take up helper roles because of perceived local or ethnic traditions and feelings of social responsibility or reciprocity (Froland, Pancoust, Chapman & Kimboko, 1981; Unger & Wandersman, 1985). Froland, et al. (1981) suggest that the degree of neighborhood homogeneity in terms of race, ethnicity, income, and the presence of gathering places increase the likelihood of the emergence of such helpers. Length of stay in residence, having children, and neighborhood homogeneity influence the mutual aid function of neighborly relations as do external threats such as difficulties with governmental bodies, disruptive gangs of teenagers or non-resident parking (Fischer, 1982). As a neighborhood becomes more heterogeneous in terms of ethnicity and/or class, there may be less sense of community and neighboring behaviors. As poverty and crime in a neighborhood increase, there may be a decrease in neighboring. Helpful questions to ask in relation to environmental factors include the following: (I) What contexts are available that encourage helpful neighboring behaviors? (2) What new contexts could be created? (3) What environmental obstacles exist to the formation and maintenance of positive neighboring behaviors and how could these be removed or muted? (4) What

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setting events encourage or discourage behaviors of interest? A number of sources describe guidelines for assessing neighborh~s (see for example, Jason, Felner, Moritsugu, & Farber, 1983; Warren & Warren, 1977). Intervention Options An evaluation of environmental and personal resources within a given neighborho~ will indica~ the potenti~ for neighbo~ng behaviors benefitting children’s welfare. This will suggest incentives that are available to encourage positive neighboring (such as an interest in helping others, common concerns, feelings of pride in a neighborhood, and a decrease in neighborhood dangers and/or annoyances). This will also indicate obstacles that neighbors must overcome and the most promising format for inte~ention. Meth~s include training neighbors as paraprofessionals, focusing directly on increasing social competencies of residents, forming neighborhood block organizations and other community development strategies as well as a variety of indirect methods. Practitioners should select programs that are acceptable to clients and which focus on behaviors that make a difference to clients (they are socially valid) (Wolf, 1978). Neighbors as Paraprofessionals

Clinicians often take advantage of community self-help networks by developing contacts with “natural neighbors,” by involving neighbors in working toward common community concerns and by training neighbors as paraprofessionals (Whittaker, Garbarino & Associates, 1983). Collins and Pancoast (1976) highlight the role of “natural neighbors” who use their ties with local residents to match people with similar interests and facilitate joint activities to meet shared needs. Several programs have attempts to teach skills in a peer or paraprofession~ format. Fawcett and his colleagues (1976) developed a low-cost community education system to increase self-help and mutual assistance skills among residents in lowincome communities (see also Fawcett & Fletcher, 1977; Mathews & Fawcett, 1977). They designed learning units and trained low-income residents who worked at a neighborhood service center to administer standardized liming units to their peers. Skill areas include: “how to handle legal aid referrals” and “how to handle emergency medical requests.” This program was effective in training low-income community residents to serve as proctors for a community education system. No data regarding the training of neighbors was provided. Furthermore, it appeared that the training was designed to involve residents in a service center rather than address neigh~r-to-neighbor community exchanges.

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Rural indigenous trainers such as ministers, housewives, hairdressers, merchants, teachers, and local service workers were involved in the Community Helpers Project (D’Augelli, Valiance, Danish, Young & Gerdes, 1981). Community practitioners trained participants in three phases covering 46 hours. Helping skills included non-verbal attending, use of verbal responses, and understanding communication. Life development skills focused on facilitating assessment of goals, decision-making, and assessment of risk of change. Crisis resolution skills included establishing a helping relationship, assessing precipitating factors and prior coping, and developing a problem-solving strategy. Following training, pairs of trainers co-lead small group sessions for local residents. Only anecdotal data were offered to indicate that the training was successful. Social Skills Training and Education

Abusive parents often lack important social skills in making friends and securing needed help with their children. Competency training is one way to prevent problems and empower clients. Helping parents acquire skills for eliciting and maintaining supportive contacts with neighbors is part of a service program Jones (1985) offers. Drawing from literature about personal relationships and social skills training workers can develop programs to increase neighboring behaviors for the welfare of children. These programs can help residents avoid and resolve neighbor conflicts and establish relationships conducive to cooperative exchanges. Researchers and practitioners have created and evaluated social skills training programs for a wide range of populations and situations (L’Abate & Milan, 1985) to enhance effective social behavior. The research literature has shown the importance of clear description of component skills required for success in a given situation as well as model presentation and practice of new skills. Training should be individually tailored to each person’s unique entry level skills and factors that may interfere with acquisition and use of effective skills, Repeated practice opportunities followed by feedback are important to develop mastery and to enhance comfort with new skills. Richey, Love11 and Ried (1990) pilot tested an interpersonal skill training program designed to enhance friendship skills among women at risk for child maltreatment. The program emphasized increasing positive contacts with friends. Results suggest that this program was effective (see also Love11 & Hawkins, 1988). Programs should include a planned approach to the generalization and maintenance of new skills (Stokes & Osnes, 1989). Studies highlight the situational nature of effective social behavior: that skills developed in one situation may not necessarily be used in others and that training in one kind of skills (e.g., refusing unwanted requests) may not result in enhancement of other kinds of reactions. Arrangement of

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reminders and reinforcers for behaviors of value will encourage continued use of new behaviors. The prevalence of over-inclusive summary judgements about significant others on the part of troubled parents may require special training in helping parents to describe more clearly the referents for their vague descriptions of others. Research has uncovered relationships between mothers’ report expansiveness (providing greater detail) and their more creative solutions to hypothetical child-rearing problems (Wahler & Harm, 1984). Intervention efforts may include both educational and skill training within either individual and/or group formats. Educational programs might include offering information about helpful neighboring skills together with examples of their use in achieving objectives of interest to residents. The influence of modeling in altering behavior should be used to maximum advantage. Monthly newsletters could be mailed to residents. Exploratory research suggests that this procedure increased effective parenting skills of teenage parents (Cudaback, Darden, Nelson, O’Brien, Pinsky & Wiggins,, 1985). Wandersman, Andrews, Riddle, and Fawcett (1983) have experimented with the use of bibliographic approaches to increasing successful block organizations. Such efforts may or may not be related to Residents can better understand urban specific community concerns. For example, environments by participating in educational programs. workers have used these programs with newly arrived Indo-Chinese “Knowledge concerning the ways in which the environment refugees. relates to human functioning can be used to teach people how to create, select and transcend environments, that is, to enhance environmental competence” (Wandersman, et al, 1983, p. 122). A group setting offers many advantages including helping to maintain reciprocity in the exchange of resources. Normalization of concerns is a powerful aspect of sharing problems. A group formed in Raleigh in a black lower-class neighborhood met once a month for both social and service aims (Korte, 1983). This group identified neighbors in need of services and assumed responsibility for offering assistance. Recipients of services could offer one of many services the club valued. Collins and Pancoast (1976) suggest that community workers can enlist residents who are “natural helpers” to encourage other residents’ participation in programs and in other activities (see also Froland, et al., 1981). The objectives of training should be individually tailored to each person’s unique concerns as an incentive to encourage participation. Training addressed to common concerns could follow this initial training. Information about social support should underpin training programs to enhance neighboring skills. The Support Development Groups designed by Gottlieb and Todd (1979) recommends that workers provide information about social support, develop network maps of relationships, and

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discuss social support issues (see also Gottlieb, 1985). Groups could focus on an individual’s network of neighbors and extend to include programs designed to enhance relationship skills, such as initiating and maintaining positive exchanges. Froland et al. (1981) describes guidelines for exploring network pathways. Richey, Love11and Reid (1991) introduced participants to a relationship road map. Suggesting the limits of “listening,” Warren’s (198 1) study indicates that although listening was the most typical helping behavior exchanged among neighbors, more active behaviors of providing information, insight or other help were more important. Practitioners should not overlook the potentially useful role of a neighborhood “ombudsperson.” Residents with natural talents in this area could use their skills to help neighbors resolve annoyances at an early point. Programs designed to enhance neighboring skills characteristically lack careful task analysis (identification of what behaviors are required in specific situations through collection of data in real-life settings). The designers of these programs often base them on training programs for human service workers, but without investigating the impact of this different interpersonal context. Only one study involved a task analysis in which behaviors were selected based on observation in real-life settings (Fawcett & Fletcher, 1977). The social composition and ways of life in a neighborhood are important to consider in planning programs to alter residents’ behavior (Bulmer, 1986). Neighborhood Centers

Block Organizations,

Community

Development,

Service

Another option for increasing helpful neighboring behaviors and kindling a sense of community is the development of neighborhood block organizations designed to enhance support systems, to address neighborhood problems such as crime and to increase the overall quality of a neighborhood (Prestby, Wandersman, Florin, Rich & Chavis, 1990). Such organizations have been successful in preserving neighborhoods, removing tax assessments, increasing safety and decreasing crime. Participation in block organizations appears to increase in interaction with neighbors (Unger & Wandersman, 1983; Chavis & Wandersman, 1990). Creation of Neighborhood Family Service organizations could provide both direct and indirect methods to harness neighbors’ potential (Assembly Bill, 831, 1991). Context should be provided to encourage desired behaviors. Churches and other community structures may provide the space for relevant activities. There is an extensive literature on community and neighborhood organizations that workers can draw from (see for example Henderson & Thomas, 1980; Warren & Warren, 1977).

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Indirect Methods Focusing directly on enhancing neighboring behaviors related to child welfare may not be the most effective option. Residents may be reluctant to participate in groups designed explicitly for this purpose. Minkler (1985) presents an example of an innovative indirect approach to increasing social support. Workers offered elderly residents of single room occupancy hotels blood pressure checks in the hotel lobby in which they lived. The interaction that occurred around the check station resulted in the formation of a social support group. Community practitioners have often neglected environmental approaches to prevention and habilitation, including building networks via shared activities and restructuring social settings (Rook, 1984b; Wandersman, et al., 1983).

Obstacles to and Potential Disadvantages Proactive Neighboring Programs

of

There are a number of obstacles to a proactive stance toward neighboring. These include ambivalence about offering, asking for, and receiving help; personal beliefs about change; limited resources and high stress levels; and environmental obstacles such as high crime rates, heterogeneity of residents, and poverty. The greater the diversity of the community, the more difficult it may be to discover common interests and norms of behavior that transcend differences. Establishing norms of positive neighboring will be more difficult in neighborhoods in which residents frequently turn over than in more stable communities. The relationship between child maltreatment and class structure, racism and sexism limits how much enhancing neighboring behaviors can benefit a community. Culturally sensitive ecological assessment and intervention methods will have to replace obsolescent individually-based practice paradigms. Workers must be careful to avoid overloading already stressed families. A thorough assessment to identify a neighborhood’s material and supportive resources and to establish methods of avoiding and resolving disputes will be helpful. There is an extensive literature on the use of mediation boards (e.g., Tomasic, 1982). Ideally social workers would also function as “an early warning” system which would alert agency administration to possible negative effects of proposed changes (Levi & Anderson, 1975). A number of authors have raised concerns about the possible negative effects of professionals’ involvement in natural social communities. The advantages of neighboring strategies over professional help are their concrete, practical, experienced-based, common sense-oriented, spontaneous, and caring aspects (Bulmer, 1986, p. 43). Care must be taken to

Neighbors: A Neglected Resource augment these aspects of help among neighbors, not train them out. Some studies have reported negative effects of professional involvement in volunteer programs (Wolf, 1985). A task analysis identifying specific neighboring behaviors within a community and the development of training programs based on these findings will help prevent “professionalization” of neighboring. Policy makers could view increased helping among neighbors as an excuse to make further cuts in statutory service programs. The ideologies of self-help and social support could serve to preserve unfortunate conditions by “blaming the victim” (Ryan, 1976). However, strengthening residents’ ability to act as a community to seek and keep its resources might guard against this danger. This will require developing and maintaining necessary skills (Stokes & Osnes, 1989). Summary In a time of dwindling resources and increasing need, taking advantage of all possibilities for enhancing the welfare of children is crucial. Neighbors provide an unexplored option. Research shows that although the quality of relationships with neighbors influence the well being of children, residents and professionals often do not use neighbors as resources. Neighbors have unique advantages in terms of their proximity and shared interests. Neighbors could provide child care, meals in time of illness, models of effective parenting behaviors, and emotional and social support, A systematic approach to encouraging positive neighboring behaviors will require careful planning including a task analysis of what particular behaviors residents can exchange and to what effect. What obstacles exist and how can these be overcome? Possible challenges are many, especially for low income clients. These include high crime rates, run-down buildings, limited resources, high stress levels, and other residents who know neither how to make friends nor how to provide neighbors with needed support. Practitioners can look to a variety of different fields including clinical, community and environmental psychology, social psychology, social skills training, applied behavior analysis, and community organization and development for guidelines that can be drawn on to overcome personal and community obstacles. Effective practice will require thorough grounding in an empirically based contextual approach which considers individuals, family, community and societal causes of personal and social problems. Encouraging residents to take the initiative in offering positive neighboring behaviors will help to avoid and resolve disputes, increase community cohesiveness, decrease feelings of isolation and helplessness,

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and decrease dependence on formal helping sources. Community residents could also learn to collectively seek additional resources and fend off encroachments on the quality of their neighborhoods. These outcomes could only improve the quality of life for children and families.

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