- Email: [email protected]
Off-reservation boarding high schools teachers: How are they perceived by former American Indian students?
Off-Reservation Boarding High Schools Teachers: How Are They Perceived By Former American Indian Students?
BEN CHAVIS* University of Arizona
This study focuses on American Indian adults who attended 4 all-Indian off-reservation boarding high schools located in the Southwest and run by the Bureau of Indian Affairs (B.1.A). A century after openning these off-reservation boarding schools, the B.I.A. shifted its emphasis to closing them. Because of the emphasis placed on closing off-reservation high schools, I was interested in obtaining former American Indian students’ perspectives of teacher-student relationships in these off-reservation boarding high schools. I interviewed American Indians asking them to recall their perceptions of former teachers in the off-reservation boarding high schools. This paper focuses on two questions: What were these American Indians’ recollections of the teacher-student relationships they had with their former teachers in the boarding school setting? Was the process of assimilation fostered within the context of the all-Indian boarding schools?
The United States population consists of a diverse ethnic population, many of whose ancestors immigrated to this country from different parts of the world in search of various lifestyles and career opportunities. Upon their arrival, immigrants were encouraged to learn English, which would allow them to participate in the economic system and assimilate into the dominant society. This has been called the “melting pot” theory: immigrants blending into the dominant culture. This was the case for the Irish immigrants in the 1820’s, Italian immigrants in the 1880’s, Jewish immigrants in the *Direct all correspondence to: Ben Chavis, College of Education, Telephone: (520) 743-077 1.
University
The Social Science Journal, Volume 36, Number 1, pages 33-45. Copyright 0 1999 by JAI Press Inc. All rights of reproduction in any form reserved. ISSN: 0362-3319.
of Arizona,
Tucson,
AZ 85721.
34
THE
SOCIAL
SCIENCE
JOURNAL
Vol. 36/No. l/1999
1920’s and almost 5 million Africans brought to the United States against their will as slaves through 1863 (Sowell, 1994). This theory of assimilation was also applied to American Indians, who are native to this country. While the assimilation of American Indians was implemented through various methods, the off-reservation Indian boarding school was one of the most common mechanisms. This research is presented in four parts beginning with: (a) a background history of American Indian boarding schools; (b) the methodology used for data collection for this study; (c) presentation of the interview responses collected from American Indian students who attended off-reservation boarding high schools; and (d) conclusions based on the data presented. The following review of the literature provides readers a background history of American Indian boarding schools. A case study of a female Pima Indian who attended an off-reservation boarding school follows the review to enhance the readers’ understanding of the role that off-reservation schools played in the life of this student.
BACKGROUND HISTORY OF AMERICAN INDIAN BOARDING SCHOOLS According to the 1990 census, American Indians represent less than 1% of the U.S. population (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1990). Many of them continue to live on reservations; however, gradually more are appearing in urban areas each decade. In the later part of the Nineteenth Century, thousands of American Indian children were sent to off-reservation boarding schools located hundreds or thousands of miles away from their reservations. There have been numerous publications which suggest this was done to assimilate American Indian into mainstream society (Szasz, 1978). Off-reservation boarding schools actually began as an experiment by Lieutenant Richard Henry Pratt in 1878. Pratt took a group of 17 American Indian adults who were captured as prisoners of war during the Indian campaigns in the West and taken to Fort Merian, Florida where they held as captives. After observing their abilities as craftsmen and artists, Pratt worked to establish a school environment where American Indians could develop their skills. Shortly thereafter, he recruited another 40 males and nine female Indian students from the Dakota Territory to attend Hampton Institute. The success of American Indian students at Hampton Institute encouraged Lieutenant Pratt to establish a boarding school designed specifically for American Indians and place it under the Bureau of Indian Affairs (Holm, 1985). In 1879, Pratt solicited approval to use old army barracks in Carlisle, Pennsylvania for educational purposes and opened the Carlisle Indian School. Reyhner (1989) has stated that Pratt’s philosophy was, “To civilize the Indian, get him into civilization. To keep him civilized, let him stay.” Many of the students were sent to the boarding schools by their families because the families believed that the boarding schools would provide their children with education, food, clothing and knowledge that they then could contribute to their tribe on their return home. The Carlisle Indian School was closed in 1918 because Pratt’s method of assimilating American Indian students through off-reservation boarding schools was perceived as outdated. During the next 25 years, a new emphasis was placed on locating the
Off-Reservation
Boarding High School Teachers
35
boarding schools on Indian reservations. In reference to reducing the emphasis on offreservation boarding schools, Adams (1946) stated: The non-reservation boarding schools can no longer be criticized, as formerly, for taking the Indian away from his people, since about half are now located in Indian communities, and not one of them is any great distance from an Indian environment (p.80).
From 1933 to 1944 John Collier served as Commissioner of Indian Affairs during the administration of Franklin D. Roosevelt. The Collier administration represented a unique change for American Indians, particularly in relation to education. The emphasis shifted from off-reservation boarding schools to community schools because it was believed that American Indians should be educated in their own communities and that American Indian culture should be incorporated into the classroom curriculum. With the arrival of a new decade in 1950 came a different philosophy of the Federal Government in working with American Indians. The government emphasized terminating its relationship with American Indian tribes. This time frame might be called the “Raw Deal” period for American Indians. Through the policy of termination, the government wanted to relieve itself of responsibilities that had previously been agreed upon in various treaties with American Indian tribes. The B.I.A., however, did not immediately discontinue its practice of assimilating American Indians through off reservation boarding schools. By 1952, the Bureau of Indian Affairs was still operating 93 boarding schools, enrolling a total of 19,495 Indian pupils (Fischbcher, 1967). At this time, there was also a shift in the Federal Government’s philosophy to encourage American Indians to attend public school. Senese (199 1) made reference to: The growing emphasis on public school education for partially assimilated children and strenuous vocational, English competency training in the resurgent boarding school programs. The Education Division desires for the day school and cross-culturatiilingual education become faint echoes of an era whose time had passed (p. 94).
The strategy may have changed somewhat for American Indians; however, the ideology of encouraging them to emulate White Americans continued to be reinforced. The 1950’s represented a trying time for American Indian people. At the same time, facing adversity was nothing new. As the decade came to a close, American Indian people had witnessed the devastating impact of the government’s termination policy in its responsibility to Indian people. In the 1960’s, the number of American Indian students attending public schools continued to increase. Fischbacher (1967) has noted: By 1965, the Bureau was maintaining census records on Indian children attending public schools in only 18 states where the Federal Government still exercised some direct responsibility for Indian education. In these states, 82,302 Indian pupils, or 55% percent of all the Indian children of school age, were enrolled in public schools
36
THE
SOCIAL
SCIENCE
JOURNAL
Vol. 36/No. 111999
in 1965. Of these, over one-third were being educated at no cost to the Federal Government (p. 205).
Throughout the federal government’s involvement with American Indians, the relationship between the two could be referred to as a dichotomy. This is also true in regards to off-reservation boarding schools. The federal government’s emphasis during the past two decades is closing these schools against the wishes of American Indians.
A CASE STUDY
OF THE BOARDING SCHOOL EXPERIENCE
The following story is the experience of an American Indian student who, in the mid 1970’s, attended an off-reservation boarding high school. Chickie was a Wyear-old Pima Indian from the Gila River Indian Reservation in southern Arizona. She was the youngest of four children and had never lived away from home. After experiencing some problems in the public school system, she decided to discuss the idea of attending an off-reservation boarding high school with her parents. Initially, her parents were reluctant to agree with the idea because it was difficult for them to accept their youngest daughter leaving home. However, after giving the proposal some thought, they decided that it probably was for the best since she was considering dropping out of the local public school. That August, Chickie departed for Inter-Mountain High School in Brigham City, Utah. Once she arrived at the off-reservation boarding high school, Chickie checked in and was assigned a Navajo roommate from Durango, Colorado. After a few days on campus, the American Indian students had an opportunity to register for their courses. Unlike the public high school that Chickie had previously attended, the boarding school consisted entirely of American Indians. Cahn has pointed out, “Indian students at Chilocco (an off-reservation boarding school) know, despite alleged abuse and its faults, the school is preferable to the total isolation, the prejudice and humiliation, and the degrading condescension which they met in public schools” (p.15). Chickie decided that she had made a good choice to attend the boarding school and felt as though life at the boarding school provided her with a unique learning experience. She was meeting new friends and enjoying high school for the first time. In addition to attending classes, Chickie was assigned extra work responsibilities, including work detail in the dorms. This experience made time pass more quickly, while giving her a sense of pride and accomplishment. During her senior year at Intermountain High School, Chickie met Gene, a Seminole Indian from the Big Cypress Indian Reservation in Florida. The couple got married after completing their senior year. Gene enrolled in a vocational trade school in Utah while Chickie worked at a local economic development agency which focused on American Indian issues. A year later they moved to Florida and lived on the Big Cyprus Indian Reservation. Chickie was employed by the tribe, and Gene worked for a local business. In the latter part of the 1970’s, Chickie’s father became sick and passed away. It was at this time that they decided to move with their four- year-old-son to Arizona and live with Chickie’s mother, Leona. The couple felt that living with his grandmother would
Off-Reservation
Boarding High School Teachers
37
be an excellent experience for their son. Leona had been reared to be a strong Pima woman. As an elder, she was extremely involved with the local churches, community activities, and numerous local, state, and national committees which dealt with American Indian Senior Citizens (Gray Eagles). In addition, Leona served on the Gila River Tribal council. Upon returning to the reservation, Chickie worked for a local education agency, got involved in community service, and had three more children. Gene worked as a mechanic with a local auto dealership. In the spring of 1987, the author of this research lived with Leona, Chickie, Gene and their children on the Gila River Indian Reservation. The evenings were often spent discussing family history, tribal stories, community issues and the couple’s experience in the off-reservation boarding high school. The conversations about boarding schools often focused on the lifestyle within the boarding schools, sports, curriculum or student organizations. Leona would share what it was like for her as a child in the 1930’s attending an off-reservation boarding school and many times Chickie and Gene shared their experiences as well. Despite the fact that Chickie and Leona attended different off reservation boarding schools five decades apart, their experiences were similar. Chickie often stated: We had some good times in school and got to meet other Indians from all over the United States. I didn’t realize there were so many different Indian tribes. The most difficult part was not being able to see my family.
Leona, Chicki and Gene felt the intertribal relationships which occurred in the boarding school reinforced the student’s identity as an American Indian. After encountering American Indians who shared with me of their positive experiences in the off-reservation boarding high schools, I became interested in how wide spread these attitudes were among American Indians who had attended these schools, thus, motivating me to pursue this research.
METHODOLOGY This study focuses on American Indians who attended between 1976 to 1986 one of four off-reservation boarding high schools located in the Southwestern United States-Intermountain Indian High School, Phoenix Indian High School, Sherman Indian High School or Stewart Indian High School. The purpose of the investigation was to collect information regarding these American Indians’ perceptions of the teacher/student relationships they experienced while attending these schools. The tribal names (eg, Navajo, Hopi, etc.) were used rather than the term “participants” to provide a less sterile, more personal humanistic perspective. An interesting aspect of this investigation would have been to compare the perceptions of the American Indians in this study with a similar groups attending comparable schools. Unfortunately, I am unaware of another high school student population which has historically been subjected to similar circumstances.’ The data were collected and organized into two sections. The first section deals with demographics, age, gender, level of education, employment of the participants, and cultural participation. The second section is divided into four tables based on the final
38
THE SOCIAL SCIENCE JOURNAL Vol. 36iNo. l/1999
ten questions. (See tables for questions) The first table focuses on the teachers’ awareness of the students’ American Indian background and “as a person” (Questions 1 and 2); the second focuses on the teachers’ acceptance of student’s American Indian heritage and “as a person” (Questions 3 and 4); the third focuses on teachers’ awareness of students’ interests (Questions 5, 6, and 7); and the fourth focuses on the opportunities for students to make choices regarding their education and the learning that was provided by teachers (Questions 8, 9 and 10).
BACKGROUND OF AMERICAN INDIANS INTERVIEWED TheAmerican Indians who were interviewed represented sixteen different tribes originating from the Southwestern United States. They were between the ages of 26 and 37. Sixty percent of the participants were female and 40% male. On the average, these American Indians had attended BIA schools for at least six years and public schools for five years. Enrollments for the boarding schools these participants attended ranged from 400 to 1200 American Indian students. Sixty-nine percent of those interviewed indicated that they had made the decision themselves to attend off-reservation boarding schools in order to get away from home. Sixty-four percent completed high school and 16% attended college or vocational school after leaving the boarding schools. Eighty-five percent of those interviewed had parents residing on reservations. Seventy-two percent eventually returned to the reservations to live after departing from the boarding schools. Eighty-two percent stated that they spoke their tribal language and 93% continued to participate in their tribal culture (ceremonies, church, all-Indian rodeos, pow wows, etc.) after leaving the boarding school. Sixty-eight percent of the participants were presently employed. REPORT OF TEACHER-STUDENT RELATIONSHIPS AND ASSIMILATION As discussed earlier, the final ten questions of the survey instrument provided information on teacher-student relationships. The American Indian’s responses are presented in four sections: (a) teachers’ awareness of the American Indian students, (b) teachers’ acceptance of American Indian students, (c) teachers’ awareness of students’ interests, and (d) teachers providing opportunities for students to make choices.
Teachers’ Awareness of American Indian Students The majority of American Indians of this study, 81.7%, stated that teachers were aware of their American Indian background. It is interesting to note that the participants were equally split on their perceptions of whether or not teachers were aware of them as a person. A Navajo Indian from New Mexico indicated the following regarding teachers’ awareness of the students’ American Indian background (see Table 1, Question #l):
Off-ReservationBoardingHigh School Teachers Table 1.
Individual
39
Student
Perceptions
of Teacher
Awareness Strongly
Strong/y Question 1. Were teachers
Agree
Undecided
Disagree
Disagree
44.2
37.5
3.8
10.5
4
17.6
25.5
12.7
34.3
9.8
aware
of your American Indian
Agree
background?
2. Were your teachers aware of you a5 a person?
Most of my teachers knew something about my tribe. I was surprised at how many of them had been to the reservation. Some knew about places I had never been on the rez. When they talked about my home and people it made me feel good. They also knew something about me as a person.
In regard to teachers perceiving the students as a person (see Table 1, Question # 2) a San Carlos Apache/Papago Indian from Arizona stated: It is hard to understand some teachers. A teacher in the public school became upset with me and said, “I thought you Indians were taught to respect your elders; why don’t you show me any respect?’ She didn’t realize that our Indian elders show respect to us. Teachers there [in public school] already had their minds set on what type of student I was before they even got to know me. In the boarding schools you are with all Indian students and that makes a difference.
The American Indians in this study indicated that most teachers were aware of their American Indian background. This awaren&s, however, was not translated when students were asked if their teacher was aware of them “as a person.” A better question may have been “Were teachers provided an opportunity to know the students?” The impersonal structure and time constraints of secondary school systems may be blamed for how the students perceived the teachers. Thus, in fairness to those teachers who were dedicated to their profession, a great portion of the blame for lack of individual attention may be attributed to the system. It was difficult for the students to recognize the time constraints possibly resulting in their perception of the teachers as being “impersonal.”
Teachers’ Acceptance of American Indian Students Overwhelmingly, a majority, 78.9%, of the American Indians were in agreement that teachers accepted them as American Indians, while it is interesting to note that 36.6% were unaccepting of them as a person. This second question appears to have been very difficult for them to answer. Their narrative responses provided may share more insight. A Papago Indian2 from Arizona stated (See Table 2, Question #l): Teachers realized we came from different tribes and they accepted that. My Indian background was not an issue, some even told me how fortunate I was to be an
40
THE SOCIAL
Table 2.
Individual
Participants’
Perceptions
SCIENCE JOURNAL
of Teacher Acceptance
Strongly Question
Vol. 36/No.
l/1999
of Students Strongly
Undecided
Disagree
Disagree
Agree
Agree
21.2
57.5
1.9
14.7
3.9
16.3
19.2
27.9
23.1
13.5
1. Did your teachers accept you as an American
Indian?
2. Did your teachers accept you as a person?
Indian and know my culture. That teacher made me feel proud of my Indian heritage.
The comments from the American Indians reinforce that their teachers did accept their Indian heritage and encouraged them to be proud of who they were. In regards to being accepting of the student as a person, a Mescalero Apache Indian from Arizona shared the following (see Table 2, Question # 2): It was funny, we knew what was going on with the teachers; if they got into an argument with another teacher, we knew. When they got reprimanded by the administration, we knew. In most cases when things were going bad for the teachers they would take it out on us.
A White Mountain Apache Indian from Arizona further noted the following of her experiences in public school compared with boarding schools: When I was in the white school [public school], they didn’t seem to think that much of Indians. We were stuck in C and D classes. Some said C meant ‘Colored’ and D meant ‘Dumb.’ When I was going to the White school, the way classes were set up was racist. It’s not a good feeling when all the dark students are placed in the slow classes. My sister had higher test scores than many whites, but we were still in the C and D classes. The Indian schools [boarding schools] were different. The teachers made us feel much better about ourselves. This American Indian is describing racial tracking in the public schools. No doubt,
such a system of education could potentially lead to psychological abuse of students. Some of those interviewed appear to have chosen the boarding schools as an altemative to the negative experience they had in the public schools. It should be noted, however, that prior to the twentieth century, many American Indians in the Southwestem region of the United States did not have the option to attend public schools. Teachers’ Awareness
of Students’
Interests
The majority of those American Indians, 74.1%, interviewed felt that teachers encouraged them to seek new areas of interest, and a significant number, 72.1%, felt they were provided an opportunity to pursue their own interests. Seventy-six point nine percent, 76.9%, clearly indicated that teachers had shared in one or more of their
Off-Reservation
41
Boarding High School Teachers
Table 3. Individual Participants’ Perceptions of Teacher Awareness of Student Interests Strongly
Question
Agree
Agree
Undecided
Disagree
Strong/y Disagree
30.8
43.3
0
15.4
10.6
29.8
43.3
4.8
9.6
13.5
36.5
40.4
0
14.4
a.7
1. Did your teachers encourage you to find new interests? 2. Did your teachers allow you an opportunity to pursue your interests? 3. Did your teachers share with you in one or more of your interests?
interests. A Pima Indian from Arizona related his view in relation to being encouraged to find new interests: Teachers told me, ‘In order to get a job you need a high school degree.’ In order to receive a degree I had to take required courses and teachers made sure those courses were taken. I did get to take courses in Indian studies and auto mechanics. That was what I wanted and my teachers encouraged me to do it.
The responses to question two indicate that they were in agreement with the statement made by the Pima Indian. A Sioux from South Dakota shared the following (see Table 3, Question #Z): Most of the students in the public school I attended were not Indians and there were not any Indian teachers. In the boarding school, all the students were Indian. For me, most of the boarding school teachers were a lot more open about what we could study.
A Havasupai Tribal member from Arizona pointed out that (see Table 3, Question #3): Teachers knew me and my interests. Some were only interested in smart students. Most teachers said that we should work hard and get an education. I think they wanted us to do well.
In Pre-Colonial American schools there was little emphasis placed on the students’ interests. After the American Revolution, education was designed to prepare students to function in a democratic society. In the 20th century, however, schools began to diversify their curriculum. Students were provided more courses from which to choose. This was also the case for American Indian students. In the 1970’s Off Reservation Boarding Schools started implementing a curriculum which reflected American Indian history, tribal culture, and tribal government.
42
THE SOCIAL
Table 4.
SCIENCE JOURNAL
for Students to Make Choices
Strongly Question 1. Did your teachers
Strongly
Agree
Agree
Undecided
Disagree
42.3
36.5
5.8
9.6
5.8
44.2
35.6
3.8
10.6
5.8
39.4
28.8
4.8
11.5
15.4
Disagree
offer
you a chance to choose projects
111999
Individual Participants’ Perceptions of Teachers Providing Opportunities
research
Vol. 36iNo.
for
class work? 2. Were your teachers aware of your ability to make choices? 3. Did your have teachers who seemed to be concerned
about you?
Teachers’ Providing Students an Opportunity to Make Choices Seventy-eight point eight percent of the American Indians interviewed felt that they were given the opportunity to choose their individual course of study, while 79.8% stated that teachers were aware of their ability to make choices. In relation to the final question, 68.2% felt their teachers were concerned about them. A Zuni Indian from New Mexico expressed her feelings, (see Table 4, Question # 1) “Most teachers told us what to write about and didn’t care what activities we were interested in learning.” This attitude was reflected in comments written by a San Carlos Apache Indian from Arizona who noted (see Table 4, Question # 2): The teachers did encourage us to learn a wide range of subjects. There was a teacher called, ‘Ditto Master.’ He didn’t teach much, but he could run off some mean dittos from a notebook, I think most teachers wanted us to know different things.
The American Indians interviewed were interested in teachers who provided academic challenges and not just busy work or routine. A Jamiez Pueblo Indian from New Mexico stated (see Table 4, Question # 2), “I liked the teachers who gave us the chance to study different things in school. Some (teachers) encouraged creativity and gave us merits for doing well in class.” The American Indians interviewed indicated they understood what was expected of them and they encountered teachers who were concerned about them. A Ute Indian from Utah stated (see Table 4, Question #3) that she experienced educators who were concerned about her: Ms. Ware and Mr. Vela were excellent teachers who were always concerned for any student in their class. Each one would take time to listen if a student had a problem. There always seemed to be one or two teachers who cared about students in the boarding schools. But, the most important thing was that there were other Indian students to interact with.
Off-Reservation
Boarding
High School Teachers
43
The American Indians interviewed indicated they were given the opportunity to make choices of their own study. An overwhelming number of them indicated that there were teachers who were concerned about them. This research indicates we may need to re-evaluate previous perceptions regarding the experiences of American Indian students who attended off-reservation boarding high schools. No doubt, it can not be denied that various forms of abuse have occurred in some boarding schools; abuses also occur in public schools. In fact, history indicates that no educational system is immune to blame or criticism from the public.
CONCLUSION It is interesting to note the majority of the teachers in the off-reservation boarding schools were not American Indians. Could this be an indication that it was more important for the respondents to be attending a school with American Indian peers instead of American Indian teachers? Many of the American Indians interviewed referred to the public schools as the “White schools” and off-reservation boarding high schools as the “Indian schools.” It appears they are expressing a form of “ownership” regarding the off-reservation boarding high schools. This dichotomy of the two education systems may have also contributed to their perceptions of the teacher/student relations in the two different school settings. Ronnie Lupe, Chairman of the White Mountain Apache Tribe and former student of an off-reservation boarding school, (1990) shared his views regarding the closing of Phoenix Indian High School: Perhaps the white man will finally succeed in closing Phoenix Indian High School, but they can not erase the permanent spiritual impression that our sacred songs and drums from the four sacred directions have made on Phoenix Indian High School. For this is still our land and the grounds of Phoenix Indian High School will echo our sacred ceremonials forever. Perhaps when you return 20 years from now, you’ll still hear the songs and sacred drums of our ceremonial dance. For this is our country, our land. We were here long before anyone else. We, the American Indians of North America, will always be here. No matter what adversities we must face, we will endure and flourish as American Indians. With these thoughts in mind, I extend my congratulations to the 1990 Graduating Class of Phoenix Indian High School on the occasion of the School’s Centennial Anniversary.
Within the context of this quote from his keynote address at the closing of Phoenix Indian High School, Lupe shares his perceptions of the spiritual relationship that American Indian students have had on the off-reservation boarding high school. The information collected from the interviews indicates that the American Indians did indeed participate in the assimilation process in the off-reservation boarding schools. The concept of assimilation can be interpreted from various perspectives. While they were, to an extent, assimilated into the dominant culture, they seem to also have been nestled more firmly into their tribal cultures by this off-reservation boarding high school experience.
44
THE
SOCIAL
SCIENCE
JOURNAL
Vol. 36/No. 111999
The purpose of this research was to provide insight into understanding American Indian participants’ perceptions of the teacher/student relationship in off-reservation boarding high schools they attended. This study did enhance my understanding of American Indians’ experiences in boarding high schools. In addition, this research raised numerous other questions. For example, why were American Indian females who attended off-reservation boarding schools more likely than males to complete high school and be employed? Why did the off-reservation boarding high school teachers appear more aware of the American Indian students as persons than did the public school teachers? Such questions are thought-provoking but difficult to explain. We should, however, attempt to answer them. This research suggests that the teachers in off-reservation boarding high schools appeared to possess certain qualities that the participants perceived as being positive. American Indians interviewed expressed positive experiences in the off-reservation boarding high schools. It appears too simple to suggest that the off-reservation boarding schools were either bud or good. A Washo Indian from Nevada shared the following which summarizes the research conclusions: I was attending Stewart Indian (school) when they closed it down. Then I transferred to P.I. (Phoenix Indian) High School. It was difficult when we heard they were closing the school. It was like losing a part of our family. We didn’t want to lose our schools. Because they meant so much to us. It’s hard for some people to understand the family environment we had together in those boarding schools. I remember the rallies and protest we held to try and keep them open. At the rallies I got a chance to meet other Indians who had gone to the boarding schools. We had some good times in the B.I.A. schools! Acknowledgment: The author wishes to thank Mr. Pete Soto, former education director of the Phoenix, Bureau of Indian Affairs office. In particular, the author thanks Donna Jurich and Jim Vandergriff for editorial assistance and the American Indians who made this research possible over the past 14 years. Many of them have become life long friends.
NOTES 1.
2.
Thomas (1987) has written about how when Japanese Americans were rounded up and placed in internment camps during World War II, their children were required to attend school in the camps. Many of the employees of the internment camps had been employed by the Bureau of Indian Affairs in boarding schools before America’s involvement in the war. However, I did not have enough information to make a comparison. The term Papago, means “Bean People,” and orignated from the Spanish explorers who were impressed by the Papagos diverse use of the mesquite beans. In the later part of the twenth century, the term acquired a negative connotation when Papago were told that they looked like a “beaner” by Mexicans and Whites in southern Arizona. In 1986, the Papago tribal council voted to change their name to Tohono O’Odham which means the “desert people.”
Off-Reservation
Boarding High School Teachers
45
REFERENCES Adams, C. (1946). American Indian Education, Government Schools and Economic Progress. Morningside Heights, NY: King’s Crown Press. Cahn, E. (1970). Our Brother’s Keeper: The Indian In White America. New York, New York: A New Community Press Book. Fischbacher, G. (1967). A study of the role of the federal government in the education of the American Indian. Unpublished dissertation, Arizona State University. Holm, T. (1985). Lecture on Indian Boarding Schools, University of Arizona. Lupe, R. (1990). The Fort Apache Scout. Keynote address at the Phoenix Indian High School Graduation Ceremonies on May 24, 1990, Phoenix, Arizona. Reyhner, J. and J. Eder. (1989) A History ofIndian Education. Billings, MT: Eastern Montana College. Senese,G. (1991). Self-Determination and the Social Education of Native Americans. Westport, CT: Praeger. Sowell, T. (1994). Race and Culture: A World View. New York: Basic Books. Szaz, M. (1978). Education and the American Indian: The Road to Self-Determination Since 1928. University of New Mexico Press. Thomas, J. (1987). Exile Within: The Schooling of Japanese Americans, 1942-45. Harvard University Press. U.S. Bureau of the Census (1990). United States Census ofPopulation, 1990. Washington, DC: U.S. Bureau of the Census.
BEN CHAVIS* University of Arizona
This study focuses on American Indian adults who attended 4 all-Indian off-reservation boarding high schools located in the Southwest and run by the Bureau of Indian Affairs (B.1.A). A century after openning these off-reservation boarding schools, the B.I.A. shifted its emphasis to closing them. Because of the emphasis placed on closing off-reservation high schools, I was interested in obtaining former American Indian students’ perspectives of teacher-student relationships in these off-reservation boarding high schools. I interviewed American Indians asking them to recall their perceptions of former teachers in the off-reservation boarding high schools. This paper focuses on two questions: What were these American Indians’ recollections of the teacher-student relationships they had with their former teachers in the boarding school setting? Was the process of assimilation fostered within the context of the all-Indian boarding schools?
The United States population consists of a diverse ethnic population, many of whose ancestors immigrated to this country from different parts of the world in search of various lifestyles and career opportunities. Upon their arrival, immigrants were encouraged to learn English, which would allow them to participate in the economic system and assimilate into the dominant society. This has been called the “melting pot” theory: immigrants blending into the dominant culture. This was the case for the Irish immigrants in the 1820’s, Italian immigrants in the 1880’s, Jewish immigrants in the *Direct all correspondence to: Ben Chavis, College of Education, Telephone: (520) 743-077 1.
University
The Social Science Journal, Volume 36, Number 1, pages 33-45. Copyright 0 1999 by JAI Press Inc. All rights of reproduction in any form reserved. ISSN: 0362-3319.
of Arizona,
Tucson,
AZ 85721.
34
THE
SOCIAL
SCIENCE
JOURNAL
Vol. 36/No. l/1999
1920’s and almost 5 million Africans brought to the United States against their will as slaves through 1863 (Sowell, 1994). This theory of assimilation was also applied to American Indians, who are native to this country. While the assimilation of American Indians was implemented through various methods, the off-reservation Indian boarding school was one of the most common mechanisms. This research is presented in four parts beginning with: (a) a background history of American Indian boarding schools; (b) the methodology used for data collection for this study; (c) presentation of the interview responses collected from American Indian students who attended off-reservation boarding high schools; and (d) conclusions based on the data presented. The following review of the literature provides readers a background history of American Indian boarding schools. A case study of a female Pima Indian who attended an off-reservation boarding school follows the review to enhance the readers’ understanding of the role that off-reservation schools played in the life of this student.
BACKGROUND HISTORY OF AMERICAN INDIAN BOARDING SCHOOLS According to the 1990 census, American Indians represent less than 1% of the U.S. population (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1990). Many of them continue to live on reservations; however, gradually more are appearing in urban areas each decade. In the later part of the Nineteenth Century, thousands of American Indian children were sent to off-reservation boarding schools located hundreds or thousands of miles away from their reservations. There have been numerous publications which suggest this was done to assimilate American Indian into mainstream society (Szasz, 1978). Off-reservation boarding schools actually began as an experiment by Lieutenant Richard Henry Pratt in 1878. Pratt took a group of 17 American Indian adults who were captured as prisoners of war during the Indian campaigns in the West and taken to Fort Merian, Florida where they held as captives. After observing their abilities as craftsmen and artists, Pratt worked to establish a school environment where American Indians could develop their skills. Shortly thereafter, he recruited another 40 males and nine female Indian students from the Dakota Territory to attend Hampton Institute. The success of American Indian students at Hampton Institute encouraged Lieutenant Pratt to establish a boarding school designed specifically for American Indians and place it under the Bureau of Indian Affairs (Holm, 1985). In 1879, Pratt solicited approval to use old army barracks in Carlisle, Pennsylvania for educational purposes and opened the Carlisle Indian School. Reyhner (1989) has stated that Pratt’s philosophy was, “To civilize the Indian, get him into civilization. To keep him civilized, let him stay.” Many of the students were sent to the boarding schools by their families because the families believed that the boarding schools would provide their children with education, food, clothing and knowledge that they then could contribute to their tribe on their return home. The Carlisle Indian School was closed in 1918 because Pratt’s method of assimilating American Indian students through off-reservation boarding schools was perceived as outdated. During the next 25 years, a new emphasis was placed on locating the
Off-Reservation
Boarding High School Teachers
35
boarding schools on Indian reservations. In reference to reducing the emphasis on offreservation boarding schools, Adams (1946) stated: The non-reservation boarding schools can no longer be criticized, as formerly, for taking the Indian away from his people, since about half are now located in Indian communities, and not one of them is any great distance from an Indian environment (p.80).
From 1933 to 1944 John Collier served as Commissioner of Indian Affairs during the administration of Franklin D. Roosevelt. The Collier administration represented a unique change for American Indians, particularly in relation to education. The emphasis shifted from off-reservation boarding schools to community schools because it was believed that American Indians should be educated in their own communities and that American Indian culture should be incorporated into the classroom curriculum. With the arrival of a new decade in 1950 came a different philosophy of the Federal Government in working with American Indians. The government emphasized terminating its relationship with American Indian tribes. This time frame might be called the “Raw Deal” period for American Indians. Through the policy of termination, the government wanted to relieve itself of responsibilities that had previously been agreed upon in various treaties with American Indian tribes. The B.I.A., however, did not immediately discontinue its practice of assimilating American Indians through off reservation boarding schools. By 1952, the Bureau of Indian Affairs was still operating 93 boarding schools, enrolling a total of 19,495 Indian pupils (Fischbcher, 1967). At this time, there was also a shift in the Federal Government’s philosophy to encourage American Indians to attend public school. Senese (199 1) made reference to: The growing emphasis on public school education for partially assimilated children and strenuous vocational, English competency training in the resurgent boarding school programs. The Education Division desires for the day school and cross-culturatiilingual education become faint echoes of an era whose time had passed (p. 94).
The strategy may have changed somewhat for American Indians; however, the ideology of encouraging them to emulate White Americans continued to be reinforced. The 1950’s represented a trying time for American Indian people. At the same time, facing adversity was nothing new. As the decade came to a close, American Indian people had witnessed the devastating impact of the government’s termination policy in its responsibility to Indian people. In the 1960’s, the number of American Indian students attending public schools continued to increase. Fischbacher (1967) has noted: By 1965, the Bureau was maintaining census records on Indian children attending public schools in only 18 states where the Federal Government still exercised some direct responsibility for Indian education. In these states, 82,302 Indian pupils, or 55% percent of all the Indian children of school age, were enrolled in public schools
36
THE
SOCIAL
SCIENCE
JOURNAL
Vol. 36/No. 111999
in 1965. Of these, over one-third were being educated at no cost to the Federal Government (p. 205).
Throughout the federal government’s involvement with American Indians, the relationship between the two could be referred to as a dichotomy. This is also true in regards to off-reservation boarding schools. The federal government’s emphasis during the past two decades is closing these schools against the wishes of American Indians.
A CASE STUDY
OF THE BOARDING SCHOOL EXPERIENCE
The following story is the experience of an American Indian student who, in the mid 1970’s, attended an off-reservation boarding high school. Chickie was a Wyear-old Pima Indian from the Gila River Indian Reservation in southern Arizona. She was the youngest of four children and had never lived away from home. After experiencing some problems in the public school system, she decided to discuss the idea of attending an off-reservation boarding high school with her parents. Initially, her parents were reluctant to agree with the idea because it was difficult for them to accept their youngest daughter leaving home. However, after giving the proposal some thought, they decided that it probably was for the best since she was considering dropping out of the local public school. That August, Chickie departed for Inter-Mountain High School in Brigham City, Utah. Once she arrived at the off-reservation boarding high school, Chickie checked in and was assigned a Navajo roommate from Durango, Colorado. After a few days on campus, the American Indian students had an opportunity to register for their courses. Unlike the public high school that Chickie had previously attended, the boarding school consisted entirely of American Indians. Cahn has pointed out, “Indian students at Chilocco (an off-reservation boarding school) know, despite alleged abuse and its faults, the school is preferable to the total isolation, the prejudice and humiliation, and the degrading condescension which they met in public schools” (p.15). Chickie decided that she had made a good choice to attend the boarding school and felt as though life at the boarding school provided her with a unique learning experience. She was meeting new friends and enjoying high school for the first time. In addition to attending classes, Chickie was assigned extra work responsibilities, including work detail in the dorms. This experience made time pass more quickly, while giving her a sense of pride and accomplishment. During her senior year at Intermountain High School, Chickie met Gene, a Seminole Indian from the Big Cypress Indian Reservation in Florida. The couple got married after completing their senior year. Gene enrolled in a vocational trade school in Utah while Chickie worked at a local economic development agency which focused on American Indian issues. A year later they moved to Florida and lived on the Big Cyprus Indian Reservation. Chickie was employed by the tribe, and Gene worked for a local business. In the latter part of the 1970’s, Chickie’s father became sick and passed away. It was at this time that they decided to move with their four- year-old-son to Arizona and live with Chickie’s mother, Leona. The couple felt that living with his grandmother would
Off-Reservation
Boarding High School Teachers
37
be an excellent experience for their son. Leona had been reared to be a strong Pima woman. As an elder, she was extremely involved with the local churches, community activities, and numerous local, state, and national committees which dealt with American Indian Senior Citizens (Gray Eagles). In addition, Leona served on the Gila River Tribal council. Upon returning to the reservation, Chickie worked for a local education agency, got involved in community service, and had three more children. Gene worked as a mechanic with a local auto dealership. In the spring of 1987, the author of this research lived with Leona, Chickie, Gene and their children on the Gila River Indian Reservation. The evenings were often spent discussing family history, tribal stories, community issues and the couple’s experience in the off-reservation boarding high school. The conversations about boarding schools often focused on the lifestyle within the boarding schools, sports, curriculum or student organizations. Leona would share what it was like for her as a child in the 1930’s attending an off-reservation boarding school and many times Chickie and Gene shared their experiences as well. Despite the fact that Chickie and Leona attended different off reservation boarding schools five decades apart, their experiences were similar. Chickie often stated: We had some good times in school and got to meet other Indians from all over the United States. I didn’t realize there were so many different Indian tribes. The most difficult part was not being able to see my family.
Leona, Chicki and Gene felt the intertribal relationships which occurred in the boarding school reinforced the student’s identity as an American Indian. After encountering American Indians who shared with me of their positive experiences in the off-reservation boarding high schools, I became interested in how wide spread these attitudes were among American Indians who had attended these schools, thus, motivating me to pursue this research.
METHODOLOGY This study focuses on American Indians who attended between 1976 to 1986 one of four off-reservation boarding high schools located in the Southwestern United States-Intermountain Indian High School, Phoenix Indian High School, Sherman Indian High School or Stewart Indian High School. The purpose of the investigation was to collect information regarding these American Indians’ perceptions of the teacher/student relationships they experienced while attending these schools. The tribal names (eg, Navajo, Hopi, etc.) were used rather than the term “participants” to provide a less sterile, more personal humanistic perspective. An interesting aspect of this investigation would have been to compare the perceptions of the American Indians in this study with a similar groups attending comparable schools. Unfortunately, I am unaware of another high school student population which has historically been subjected to similar circumstances.’ The data were collected and organized into two sections. The first section deals with demographics, age, gender, level of education, employment of the participants, and cultural participation. The second section is divided into four tables based on the final
38
THE SOCIAL SCIENCE JOURNAL Vol. 36iNo. l/1999
ten questions. (See tables for questions) The first table focuses on the teachers’ awareness of the students’ American Indian background and “as a person” (Questions 1 and 2); the second focuses on the teachers’ acceptance of student’s American Indian heritage and “as a person” (Questions 3 and 4); the third focuses on teachers’ awareness of students’ interests (Questions 5, 6, and 7); and the fourth focuses on the opportunities for students to make choices regarding their education and the learning that was provided by teachers (Questions 8, 9 and 10).
BACKGROUND OF AMERICAN INDIANS INTERVIEWED TheAmerican Indians who were interviewed represented sixteen different tribes originating from the Southwestern United States. They were between the ages of 26 and 37. Sixty percent of the participants were female and 40% male. On the average, these American Indians had attended BIA schools for at least six years and public schools for five years. Enrollments for the boarding schools these participants attended ranged from 400 to 1200 American Indian students. Sixty-nine percent of those interviewed indicated that they had made the decision themselves to attend off-reservation boarding schools in order to get away from home. Sixty-four percent completed high school and 16% attended college or vocational school after leaving the boarding schools. Eighty-five percent of those interviewed had parents residing on reservations. Seventy-two percent eventually returned to the reservations to live after departing from the boarding schools. Eighty-two percent stated that they spoke their tribal language and 93% continued to participate in their tribal culture (ceremonies, church, all-Indian rodeos, pow wows, etc.) after leaving the boarding school. Sixty-eight percent of the participants were presently employed. REPORT OF TEACHER-STUDENT RELATIONSHIPS AND ASSIMILATION As discussed earlier, the final ten questions of the survey instrument provided information on teacher-student relationships. The American Indian’s responses are presented in four sections: (a) teachers’ awareness of the American Indian students, (b) teachers’ acceptance of American Indian students, (c) teachers’ awareness of students’ interests, and (d) teachers providing opportunities for students to make choices.
Teachers’ Awareness of American Indian Students The majority of American Indians of this study, 81.7%, stated that teachers were aware of their American Indian background. It is interesting to note that the participants were equally split on their perceptions of whether or not teachers were aware of them as a person. A Navajo Indian from New Mexico indicated the following regarding teachers’ awareness of the students’ American Indian background (see Table 1, Question #l):
Off-ReservationBoardingHigh School Teachers Table 1.
Individual
39
Student
Perceptions
of Teacher
Awareness Strongly
Strong/y Question 1. Were teachers
Agree
Undecided
Disagree
Disagree
44.2
37.5
3.8
10.5
4
17.6
25.5
12.7
34.3
9.8
aware
of your American Indian
Agree
background?
2. Were your teachers aware of you a5 a person?
Most of my teachers knew something about my tribe. I was surprised at how many of them had been to the reservation. Some knew about places I had never been on the rez. When they talked about my home and people it made me feel good. They also knew something about me as a person.
In regard to teachers perceiving the students as a person (see Table 1, Question # 2) a San Carlos Apache/Papago Indian from Arizona stated: It is hard to understand some teachers. A teacher in the public school became upset with me and said, “I thought you Indians were taught to respect your elders; why don’t you show me any respect?’ She didn’t realize that our Indian elders show respect to us. Teachers there [in public school] already had their minds set on what type of student I was before they even got to know me. In the boarding schools you are with all Indian students and that makes a difference.
The American Indians in this study indicated that most teachers were aware of their American Indian background. This awaren&s, however, was not translated when students were asked if their teacher was aware of them “as a person.” A better question may have been “Were teachers provided an opportunity to know the students?” The impersonal structure and time constraints of secondary school systems may be blamed for how the students perceived the teachers. Thus, in fairness to those teachers who were dedicated to their profession, a great portion of the blame for lack of individual attention may be attributed to the system. It was difficult for the students to recognize the time constraints possibly resulting in their perception of the teachers as being “impersonal.”
Teachers’ Acceptance of American Indian Students Overwhelmingly, a majority, 78.9%, of the American Indians were in agreement that teachers accepted them as American Indians, while it is interesting to note that 36.6% were unaccepting of them as a person. This second question appears to have been very difficult for them to answer. Their narrative responses provided may share more insight. A Papago Indian2 from Arizona stated (See Table 2, Question #l): Teachers realized we came from different tribes and they accepted that. My Indian background was not an issue, some even told me how fortunate I was to be an
40
THE SOCIAL
Table 2.
Individual
Participants’
Perceptions
SCIENCE JOURNAL
of Teacher Acceptance
Strongly Question
Vol. 36/No.
l/1999
of Students Strongly
Undecided
Disagree
Disagree
Agree
Agree
21.2
57.5
1.9
14.7
3.9
16.3
19.2
27.9
23.1
13.5
1. Did your teachers accept you as an American
Indian?
2. Did your teachers accept you as a person?
Indian and know my culture. That teacher made me feel proud of my Indian heritage.
The comments from the American Indians reinforce that their teachers did accept their Indian heritage and encouraged them to be proud of who they were. In regards to being accepting of the student as a person, a Mescalero Apache Indian from Arizona shared the following (see Table 2, Question # 2): It was funny, we knew what was going on with the teachers; if they got into an argument with another teacher, we knew. When they got reprimanded by the administration, we knew. In most cases when things were going bad for the teachers they would take it out on us.
A White Mountain Apache Indian from Arizona further noted the following of her experiences in public school compared with boarding schools: When I was in the white school [public school], they didn’t seem to think that much of Indians. We were stuck in C and D classes. Some said C meant ‘Colored’ and D meant ‘Dumb.’ When I was going to the White school, the way classes were set up was racist. It’s not a good feeling when all the dark students are placed in the slow classes. My sister had higher test scores than many whites, but we were still in the C and D classes. The Indian schools [boarding schools] were different. The teachers made us feel much better about ourselves. This American Indian is describing racial tracking in the public schools. No doubt,
such a system of education could potentially lead to psychological abuse of students. Some of those interviewed appear to have chosen the boarding schools as an altemative to the negative experience they had in the public schools. It should be noted, however, that prior to the twentieth century, many American Indians in the Southwestem region of the United States did not have the option to attend public schools. Teachers’ Awareness
of Students’
Interests
The majority of those American Indians, 74.1%, interviewed felt that teachers encouraged them to seek new areas of interest, and a significant number, 72.1%, felt they were provided an opportunity to pursue their own interests. Seventy-six point nine percent, 76.9%, clearly indicated that teachers had shared in one or more of their
Off-Reservation
41
Boarding High School Teachers
Table 3. Individual Participants’ Perceptions of Teacher Awareness of Student Interests Strongly
Question
Agree
Agree
Undecided
Disagree
Strong/y Disagree
30.8
43.3
0
15.4
10.6
29.8
43.3
4.8
9.6
13.5
36.5
40.4
0
14.4
a.7
1. Did your teachers encourage you to find new interests? 2. Did your teachers allow you an opportunity to pursue your interests? 3. Did your teachers share with you in one or more of your interests?
interests. A Pima Indian from Arizona related his view in relation to being encouraged to find new interests: Teachers told me, ‘In order to get a job you need a high school degree.’ In order to receive a degree I had to take required courses and teachers made sure those courses were taken. I did get to take courses in Indian studies and auto mechanics. That was what I wanted and my teachers encouraged me to do it.
The responses to question two indicate that they were in agreement with the statement made by the Pima Indian. A Sioux from South Dakota shared the following (see Table 3, Question #Z): Most of the students in the public school I attended were not Indians and there were not any Indian teachers. In the boarding school, all the students were Indian. For me, most of the boarding school teachers were a lot more open about what we could study.
A Havasupai Tribal member from Arizona pointed out that (see Table 3, Question #3): Teachers knew me and my interests. Some were only interested in smart students. Most teachers said that we should work hard and get an education. I think they wanted us to do well.
In Pre-Colonial American schools there was little emphasis placed on the students’ interests. After the American Revolution, education was designed to prepare students to function in a democratic society. In the 20th century, however, schools began to diversify their curriculum. Students were provided more courses from which to choose. This was also the case for American Indian students. In the 1970’s Off Reservation Boarding Schools started implementing a curriculum which reflected American Indian history, tribal culture, and tribal government.
42
THE SOCIAL
Table 4.
SCIENCE JOURNAL
for Students to Make Choices
Strongly Question 1. Did your teachers
Strongly
Agree
Agree
Undecided
Disagree
42.3
36.5
5.8
9.6
5.8
44.2
35.6
3.8
10.6
5.8
39.4
28.8
4.8
11.5
15.4
Disagree
offer
you a chance to choose projects
111999
Individual Participants’ Perceptions of Teachers Providing Opportunities
research
Vol. 36iNo.
for
class work? 2. Were your teachers aware of your ability to make choices? 3. Did your have teachers who seemed to be concerned
about you?
Teachers’ Providing Students an Opportunity to Make Choices Seventy-eight point eight percent of the American Indians interviewed felt that they were given the opportunity to choose their individual course of study, while 79.8% stated that teachers were aware of their ability to make choices. In relation to the final question, 68.2% felt their teachers were concerned about them. A Zuni Indian from New Mexico expressed her feelings, (see Table 4, Question # 1) “Most teachers told us what to write about and didn’t care what activities we were interested in learning.” This attitude was reflected in comments written by a San Carlos Apache Indian from Arizona who noted (see Table 4, Question # 2): The teachers did encourage us to learn a wide range of subjects. There was a teacher called, ‘Ditto Master.’ He didn’t teach much, but he could run off some mean dittos from a notebook, I think most teachers wanted us to know different things.
The American Indians interviewed were interested in teachers who provided academic challenges and not just busy work or routine. A Jamiez Pueblo Indian from New Mexico stated (see Table 4, Question # 2), “I liked the teachers who gave us the chance to study different things in school. Some (teachers) encouraged creativity and gave us merits for doing well in class.” The American Indians interviewed indicated they understood what was expected of them and they encountered teachers who were concerned about them. A Ute Indian from Utah stated (see Table 4, Question #3) that she experienced educators who were concerned about her: Ms. Ware and Mr. Vela were excellent teachers who were always concerned for any student in their class. Each one would take time to listen if a student had a problem. There always seemed to be one or two teachers who cared about students in the boarding schools. But, the most important thing was that there were other Indian students to interact with.
Off-Reservation
Boarding
High School Teachers
43
The American Indians interviewed indicated they were given the opportunity to make choices of their own study. An overwhelming number of them indicated that there were teachers who were concerned about them. This research indicates we may need to re-evaluate previous perceptions regarding the experiences of American Indian students who attended off-reservation boarding high schools. No doubt, it can not be denied that various forms of abuse have occurred in some boarding schools; abuses also occur in public schools. In fact, history indicates that no educational system is immune to blame or criticism from the public.
CONCLUSION It is interesting to note the majority of the teachers in the off-reservation boarding schools were not American Indians. Could this be an indication that it was more important for the respondents to be attending a school with American Indian peers instead of American Indian teachers? Many of the American Indians interviewed referred to the public schools as the “White schools” and off-reservation boarding high schools as the “Indian schools.” It appears they are expressing a form of “ownership” regarding the off-reservation boarding high schools. This dichotomy of the two education systems may have also contributed to their perceptions of the teacher/student relations in the two different school settings. Ronnie Lupe, Chairman of the White Mountain Apache Tribe and former student of an off-reservation boarding school, (1990) shared his views regarding the closing of Phoenix Indian High School: Perhaps the white man will finally succeed in closing Phoenix Indian High School, but they can not erase the permanent spiritual impression that our sacred songs and drums from the four sacred directions have made on Phoenix Indian High School. For this is still our land and the grounds of Phoenix Indian High School will echo our sacred ceremonials forever. Perhaps when you return 20 years from now, you’ll still hear the songs and sacred drums of our ceremonial dance. For this is our country, our land. We were here long before anyone else. We, the American Indians of North America, will always be here. No matter what adversities we must face, we will endure and flourish as American Indians. With these thoughts in mind, I extend my congratulations to the 1990 Graduating Class of Phoenix Indian High School on the occasion of the School’s Centennial Anniversary.
Within the context of this quote from his keynote address at the closing of Phoenix Indian High School, Lupe shares his perceptions of the spiritual relationship that American Indian students have had on the off-reservation boarding high school. The information collected from the interviews indicates that the American Indians did indeed participate in the assimilation process in the off-reservation boarding schools. The concept of assimilation can be interpreted from various perspectives. While they were, to an extent, assimilated into the dominant culture, they seem to also have been nestled more firmly into their tribal cultures by this off-reservation boarding high school experience.
44
THE
SOCIAL
SCIENCE
JOURNAL
Vol. 36/No. 111999
The purpose of this research was to provide insight into understanding American Indian participants’ perceptions of the teacher/student relationship in off-reservation boarding high schools they attended. This study did enhance my understanding of American Indians’ experiences in boarding high schools. In addition, this research raised numerous other questions. For example, why were American Indian females who attended off-reservation boarding schools more likely than males to complete high school and be employed? Why did the off-reservation boarding high school teachers appear more aware of the American Indian students as persons than did the public school teachers? Such questions are thought-provoking but difficult to explain. We should, however, attempt to answer them. This research suggests that the teachers in off-reservation boarding high schools appeared to possess certain qualities that the participants perceived as being positive. American Indians interviewed expressed positive experiences in the off-reservation boarding high schools. It appears too simple to suggest that the off-reservation boarding schools were either bud or good. A Washo Indian from Nevada shared the following which summarizes the research conclusions: I was attending Stewart Indian (school) when they closed it down. Then I transferred to P.I. (Phoenix Indian) High School. It was difficult when we heard they were closing the school. It was like losing a part of our family. We didn’t want to lose our schools. Because they meant so much to us. It’s hard for some people to understand the family environment we had together in those boarding schools. I remember the rallies and protest we held to try and keep them open. At the rallies I got a chance to meet other Indians who had gone to the boarding schools. We had some good times in the B.I.A. schools! Acknowledgment: The author wishes to thank Mr. Pete Soto, former education director of the Phoenix, Bureau of Indian Affairs office. In particular, the author thanks Donna Jurich and Jim Vandergriff for editorial assistance and the American Indians who made this research possible over the past 14 years. Many of them have become life long friends.
NOTES 1.
2.
Thomas (1987) has written about how when Japanese Americans were rounded up and placed in internment camps during World War II, their children were required to attend school in the camps. Many of the employees of the internment camps had been employed by the Bureau of Indian Affairs in boarding schools before America’s involvement in the war. However, I did not have enough information to make a comparison. The term Papago, means “Bean People,” and orignated from the Spanish explorers who were impressed by the Papagos diverse use of the mesquite beans. In the later part of the twenth century, the term acquired a negative connotation when Papago were told that they looked like a “beaner” by Mexicans and Whites in southern Arizona. In 1986, the Papago tribal council voted to change their name to Tohono O’Odham which means the “desert people.”
Off-Reservation
Boarding High School Teachers
45
REFERENCES Adams, C. (1946). American Indian Education, Government Schools and Economic Progress. Morningside Heights, NY: King’s Crown Press. Cahn, E. (1970). Our Brother’s Keeper: The Indian In White America. New York, New York: A New Community Press Book. Fischbacher, G. (1967). A study of the role of the federal government in the education of the American Indian. Unpublished dissertation, Arizona State University. Holm, T. (1985). Lecture on Indian Boarding Schools, University of Arizona. Lupe, R. (1990). The Fort Apache Scout. Keynote address at the Phoenix Indian High School Graduation Ceremonies on May 24, 1990, Phoenix, Arizona. Reyhner, J. and J. Eder. (1989) A History ofIndian Education. Billings, MT: Eastern Montana College. Senese,G. (1991). Self-Determination and the Social Education of Native Americans. Westport, CT: Praeger. Sowell, T. (1994). Race and Culture: A World View. New York: Basic Books. Szaz, M. (1978). Education and the American Indian: The Road to Self-Determination Since 1928. University of New Mexico Press. Thomas, J. (1987). Exile Within: The Schooling of Japanese Americans, 1942-45. Harvard University Press. U.S. Bureau of the Census (1990). United States Census ofPopulation, 1990. Washington, DC: U.S. Bureau of the Census.