Online rural destination images: Tourism and rurality

Journal of Destination Marketing & Management ∎ (∎∎∎∎) ∎∎∎–∎∎∎

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Research Paper

Online rural destination images: Tourism and rurality Lingxu Zhou n School of Hotel and Tourism Management, The Hong Kong Polytechnic University, TST East, Kowloon, Hong Kong

art ic l e i nf o

a b s t r a c t

Article history: Received 5 September 2013 Accepted 13 March 2014

This qualitative study investigates the online rural tourism destination image of Wuyuan, Jiangxi, a town said to have “the most beautiful countryside in China.” The study focuses on domestic rural tourism and identifies a set of themes found in the destination image of Wuyuan: resources, rewards, and expectations. Wuyuan's rural destination image is connected to common representations of rurality in tourism and rural imaginaries. Several ideological influences are found in the construction of Chinese rural destination images and imaginaries. Although similar, the Chinese rural image displays slight differences from the global image of idyllic rural life. This study has practical implications for the online marketing of rural areas and microblog marketing. & 2014 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Keywords: China Rurality Rural tourism Destination image Imaginaries

1. Introduction Rural destinations throughout the world have a globalized and idyllic image, which, like the tourist gaze, is subject to mediatization (Bell, 2006; Urry, 2002). Rural tourism, as an important form of the consumption of rural space, allows us to explore the concept of the rural idyll in the context of touristic representations of rurality (Bell, 2006). Destination images can be used to practically link the representations of rurality with rural destination marketing. Online destination images have been intensively researched and are powerful tools for destination management and marketing (Choi et al., 2007; Dwivedi, 2009; Govers & Go, 2005; Stepchenkova & Morrison, 2008); however, online images of rural destinations have been scarcely researched. Although rural tourism is largely domestic, and positioned as a small-scale activity and an alternative to mass tourism, rural destinations are becoming increasingly popular among urban dwellers, and the online marketing and promotion of rural destinations is in urgent need of development. This study examines the image of a specific rural destination in China using information on the Internet to understand rural representations in tourism discourse and the relationship between rural tourism and the rural idyll. Previous studies have examined images of rural destinations from the destination identity perspective, which can be divided into two streams of research – social and cultural representations of the destination (Frost, 2006; Kastenholz, 2010) and rural destination branding (Cai, 2002; Greaves & Skinner, 2010; Lin, Pearson, & Cai, 2011; Wheeler, Frost, & Weiler, 2011) – and from the perspectives of tourist behavior and the market segmentation of rural tourism (Chen

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& Kerstetter, 1999; Loureiro & González, 2008). The destination identity perspectives are the main foci of this research. A destination image has expressive and representative power that is more important than tourism aims or the destination itself, but this image has to be anchored in a true destination identity (Govers, Go, & Kumar, 2007). A transferrable feature of rural tourism is the idea of the rural idyll, which is more seductive than actual rurality; the particular identity of a destination is largely based on localized features of rurality (Boyne & Hall, 2004; Lin et al., 2011; Woods, 2011). Therefore, it is possible to organically combine the two streams of destination identity research in the examination of a rural destination's image structure. To construct a destination identity that represents localized features and lifestyles and elicits a holistic image suitable for tourism promotion, it is necessary to understand the role of rurality in rural tourism. Rural tourism and rurality are intertwined. The term “rurality” is used to capture generalized rural features; these features are then reproduced for tourist consumption (Lane, 1994). This study suggests that essential to this consumption is the “imagined rural idyll.” The concept of rurality indicates that the rural is an imaginative place with a significant range of cultural meanings (Cloke, 2006; Woods, 2011, p. 92). Furthermore, tourism has the capacity to revitalize the culture and heritage of rural communities, and represent local people, societies, and lifestyles (Garrod, Wornell, & Youell, 2006). Therefore, the role of tourism in making, promoting, and representing rurality needs to be further understood (Pritchard & Morgan, 2001). An online destination image can reflect the tourism-influenced representations of a destination (Choi et al., 2007). Royo-Vela (2009) recommends that the measurement of destination images be used as a management tool for rural-cultural tourism. Rural destinations should make proactive and collaborative marketing efforts and should seek intermediaries to promote their tourism

http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jdmm.2014.03.002 2212-571X/& 2014 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Please cite this article as: Zhou, L. Online rural destination images: Tourism and rurality. Journal of Destination Marketing & Management (2014), http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jdmm.2014.03.002i

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product (Cai, 2002; Forstner, 2004). However, rural areas are often slower to adopt the Internet as a marketing and promoting channel (Beldona & Cai, 2006; Boyne & Hall, 2004). An online destination image is an important component of the reputation and success of a destination, due to the effect of digital (electronic) word-of-mouth; information displayed on the Internet can be generated from different sources, viewed by potential tourists, and can influence their intention to visit (Cai, Feng, & Breiter, 2004; Reza Jalilvand et al., 2012; Sigala, 2007, 2011). By developing their use of information technology, rural destinations have the potential to promote tourism through various online platforms. This study is situated in the rural tourism context and the online environment in China. Rural tourism in China has developed rapidly over the last two decades, and has faced many problems and challenges (Su, 2011). Tourism providers in China have adopted online marketing efficiently (Feng, Morrison, & Ismail, 2004); social media sites such as Youku and Sina Weibo have become popular for destination marketing organizations (DMOs) and tourism businesses. The thriving online information channels ensure the dynamism of destination images constructed on Chinese websites. This study uses the so-called “most beautiful countryside in China,” Wuyuan, as a successful rural tourism case to explore representations of rurality in tourism and the use of rural destination images online. Two specific research questions are asked. First, how is Wuyuan represented and imagined in tourism related online discourse? Second, to what extent is rurality and rural ideology reflected in this image?

2. Literature review 2.1. Destination image formation and identity Destination images have been researched for more than four decades. There has been tremendous conceptual development on the nature and formation of destination images, although the lack of a theoretical foundation for this concept has been criticized (Gartner, 1994; Echtner & Ritchie, 1993; Tasci & Gartner, 2007; Tasci, Gartner, & Cavusgil, 2007; Ryan & Cave, 2005; Martin del Bosque, 2008; del Bosque & Martin, 2008). In a holistic review of destination image research, Tasci et al. (2007) states, 'destination image is an interactive system of thoughts, opinions, feelings, visualizations, and intentions toward a destination.' (p. 200). The interactive system they developed to illustrate the components of a destination image is shown in Fig. 1. Their summary shows that a destination image is a complex entity with multiple attributes that can be viewed from the perspectives of destination organizations, local residents, anonymous agents, and tourists, and from its effect on consumer behavior before, during, and after their visits (Tasci & Gartner, 2007). Regarding destination image formation, the intrinsic components of destination image and the extrinsic factors of information sources, tourist motivation, and demographic characteristics all play a role (Beerli & Martin, 2004). Travel constraints (Chen, Chen, & Okumus, 2012), political events and activities (Gartner & Shen, 1992), and festivals and mega events (Boo & Busser, 2006; Lee, Lee, & Lee, 2005) also influence destination image formation. Multiple information sources are needed to form positive cognitive and affective images (Baloglu & McCleary, 1999). Govers et al. (2007) find that tourism promotion does not play a key role in destination image formation; in fact, other sources such as mass media and books have more significant effects. Apparently, in the digital age, the use of the Internet and mobile phones by destination marketers attracts more visitors. By integrating destination branding and image, Qu, Kim, and Im (2011) identify the effect of different destination image components on destination image formation.

Fig. 1. Interactive system of image components (Tasci et al. (2007, p. 200).

They find that a unique image and the cognitive dimension make a significant contribution to overall destination image formation. The cognitive-affective construct has been widely applied in destination image studies (Baloglu & Brinberg, 1997; Baloglu & McCleary, 1999; del Bosque & Martin, 2008; Gartner, 1994; Kim & Yoon, 2003; Lin, Morais, Kerstetter & Hou, 2007; Pike & Ryan, 2004). According to Martın and del Bosque (2008), the cognitive dimension (beliefs) of a destination image is related to the destination's attributes, whereas the affective dimension (feelings) is related to the emotions the destination evokes in an individual. The conative dimension refers to the actions of a tourist that are based on the cognitive and affective images he or she has formed (Gartner, 1994). The cognitive-affective-conative model of destination image has been recently confirmed by a quantified empirical analysis (Agapito, Oom do Valle, & da Costa Mendes, 2013). That study suggests that both the affect and cognition of a destination can lead to a positive intention to visit, and therefore affective components should be developed in destination images, as a cognitive image will have a greater effect on the conative dimension if there is an affective mediator (Agapitoet al., 2013). The cognitive and affective dimensions of a destination image also coincide with the taxonomy proposed by Echtner and Ritchie (1993), which provides insights into measuring the attribute/ holistic, psychological/functional, and unique/common aspects of destination images. Destination attributes, such as functional (tangible) attributes and psychological (abstract) attributes, have an effect on cognition (Martın & del Bosque, 2008). Another commonly used categorization of destination images is according to the aspects of the projected image and perceived image. The former is constructed by the destination and the latter is perceived by a tourist (Beerli & Martin, 2004). The projected image of a destination, along with its unique elements, contributes significantly to a destination's brand and brand identity from the supply side (Konecnik & Go, 2007; Qu et al., 2011). The trend to integrate destination image with destination identity or personality and destination branding grounds the concept in traditional brand personality theories, and expands the concept to the representation, generation, and (re)production of cultural identity (Govers & Go, 2004; Hosany, Ekinci, & Uysal, 2006; Lin et al., 2011). Destination image research is largely situated in the international context. In particular, similar cultural values have been identified as strongly influencing cognitive destination images (Martin & del Bosque, 2008). Presumably domestic tourists have better cognition of a domestic destination than an international destination, due to the effects of cultural distance (Kastenholz, 2010; MacKay & Fesenmaier, 2000). Despite its placement in a

Please cite this article as: Zhou, L. Online rural destination images: Tourism and rurality. Journal of Destination Marketing & Management (2014), http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jdmm.2014.03.002i

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mature field of research, the nature of destination images remains undetermined; it is relativistic due to the subjectivity of the interactions among places, objects, and individuals (Gallarza, ́ 2002). Tourists' perceptions of a destination can Saura, & Garcıa, come from completely different sources (de Jager, 2010), and can be incongruent pre- and post-visit (Lee, Kang, Reisinger, & Kim, 2012). Indeed, destination image is a broad concept with many links to other concepts that can contribute to tourism and destination management. Thus, the formation of a destination image is not a linear process, and the complexity of this process needs to be captured in all its diverse aspects, not only tested using standardized statistical models (Ryan & Cave, 2005). A review of destination image research for specific contexts shows that destination images of rural destinations have scarcely appeared in the tourism literature (Cai, 2002; Royo-Vela, 2009). Williams (2001) identifies a shift in the destination image of wine tourism from wine production to experiential and esthetic products associated with rural landscapes. Especially in the context of China, the rural is undergoing transformation through modernization. The rural destination image is not static, but fluid. Rural representations of destination images are interesting subjects to examine from a theoretical lens, and offer practical and constructive support to rural tourism (Greaves & Skinner, 2010). The destination image of a rural area can be an example of how destinations explicitly define themselves through text, image, and discourse. It allows potential tourists to anticipate their tourism experience through socio-cultural and economic representations of a destination.

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become more complex and easily accessible; it is triggering new conceptualizations and theories of destination image (Govers, 2003). Online destination image is also examined from the perspectives of destination identity and cultural representation. Hashim, Murphy, and Hashim (2007) analyze the online image of Malaysia as a Muslim destination, and they have discovered minimal representation of the Malaysian religious imagery. In the religion tourism case, DMOs focus on uncontroversial cultural values, and the use of internet to market religious destinations needs to be enhanced. Huang and Lee (2009) examine travel websites of Washington DC to build up the destination image of the capital city. Strong political and patriotic themes in the capital city's online destination image are identified, concluding that national pride and identity is embedded in the city's image and its tourism promotion. As a summary, online destination image tends to be dichotomized: either from the destination's perspective or that of the tourists. Research focuses on the projected image of a destination distinguishes the differences projected by different information sources (Choi et al., 2007; Govers & Go, 2004), while from the consumer's perspective, the source of information used to construct destination image is less disperse, thus providing more practical value in terms of managing tourist experience and destination marketing. Alternative from the binary streams, research aiming at destination identity and representation may purposely dilute the boundary, as reviewed in the following section. 2.3. Destination representation, imagery, and discourse

2.2. Online destination image This study views the Internet as a viable platform to construct a destination's image, it is therefore necessary to review relevant studies conducted on online destination image formation. Empirical studies so far mostly target at specific destinations, and perspectives from the projected and perceived image of the destinations are adopted (Choi et al., 2007; Govers & Go, 2004; Frias, Rodriguez, & Castañeda, 2008; Xiao & Zhao, 2009). In the case of online destination image of Dubai, Govers and Go (2004) conduct a website content analysis through a projected image perspective. Their study pinpoints that different tourism providers project different sources and aspects of destination identity, private organizations tend to focus on specific product and activity while official DMOs aim at the overall projection of destination image in terms of culture and heritage. Similarly, in the study of Macau's destination online image, Choi et al. (2007) find that different sources of the online information about a destination provide different representations. Research more specifically conducted on tourism websites shows inadequate representations of a destination's projected image and space for updates on website content if better marketing outcomes are desired (Stepchenkova & Morrison, 2008; Xiao & Zhao, 2009). The multiplicity of sources needs to be considered when using online information to examine destination image. Examined from the consumers' perspectives, India's online image consists mainly of its natural resources, culture, history, and art (Dwivedi, 2009). It is suggested that online information shows perceived image of consumers as well as the image constructed and shared by consumers. Therefore, positive and negative aspects of tourists' travel experiences can be easily identified and management improvements can be devised from customers' dissatisfaction. Frias et al. (2008) compare pre-visit destination image of tourists with their behavior of using online information and travel agency information. They have found that using both online and travel agency information worsens the previsit image of a destination. Because of the development of information technology, the resources of destination image have

Marketing value is only part of the interpretation and representation of a destination's image. As Pritchard and Morgan (2001) state, representations of a destination image are not value-free; they do not merely reflect the marketers' or planners' purposive responses to the tourist market, but also reveal the larger sociocultural and political ideology of a place. Moreover, the symbolic production of a destination's tourism icons often involves politics, as the construction of a destination image is also the (de) construction of a place's identity (Holinshead, 2009). Henderson (2008) examines the representation of Islam in the official promotional content of Islamic countries and identifies controversial images of the religion. In a word, a destination image can reflect the social constructions of the place as a tourism destination. As Govers and Go's (2004) work on the deconstruction of destination images indicates, destination images can represent cultural identities, but can also generate and produce cultural identities, cross-cultural identities, and perceptual gaps related to the destination. National culture and identity is also commonly used in product and destination branding (Hashimoto & Telfer, 2006). China's image as a destination is largely associated with its cultural representation to the West, which has been presented along many dimensions, including travel articles written in English (Xiao & Mair, 2006), an international promotional video (Yan & Santos, 2009), and even search engine results (Pan & Li, 2011). The complex and dynamic image of China's oriental culture and the eagerness to market China to Western countries has been researched and discussed. But domestic Chinese cultural values and the Chinese perception of rurality have not been explored in tourism studies. Previous studies have been based on the cultural distance between China and the West, although China, as the country with the largest population in the world, has a strong domestic tourism market. Imagery is a useful tool for examining the representation of a place (Chon, 1990; Choi et al., 2007; Yan & Santos, 2009). Visual elements such as photography are a significant part of projecting a strong destination image (MacKay & Couldwell, 2004; MacKay &

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Fesenmaier, 1997). In addition to imagery, discourse in the forms of texts, media projections, and brochures can also represent a destination's resources, attractions, and identity (Figueiredo & Raschi, 2012; Hunter, 2012; Jenkins, 2003; Nelson, 2005). The relationships between imagery, discourse, and cultural representations have been analyzed from various perspectives. Mellinger (1994) analyzes historical photographic postcards of African Americans and identifies a strong racist element. By critically analyzing tourism discourse, Stamou and Paraskevopoulos (2004) note that a dualism of tourism and environmentalism exists in ecotourism. Analyses of the symbols and discourse of rural representations have identified the cultural discourse that creates a mythical and idyllic countryside (Hopkins, 2003; Figueiredo & Raschi, 2012). Imaginative elements largely consist of the interpretation of tourism imaginaries and are related to the ideological representation of the content (Salazar, 2011). It is generally acknowledged that places in tourism have both real and imagined components (Hughes, 1995). Salazar (2011) describes tourism imaginaries as offering stereotypical perceptions with Eurocentric views, exaggerating the differences among populations, cultures, and continents and neglecting the commonalities that we all share. Chronis (2012) develops a theory of tourism imaginaries based on a heritage site in the US and he defines tourism imaginary as a 'value-laden, emotion-conferring collective narrative construction that is associated with and enacted in a particular place through tourism' (p. 1809). Narrative and material are the two major sources used to construct tourism imaginaries, and they make four configurations: narrative disposition, emplaced enactments, moral valuation, and emotional connection (Chronis, 2012). In the case of heritage tourism, tourism imaginaries lead to ideological reinforcement of the present through storytelling about the past (Chronis, 2012). Although previous studies have abstractly and vaguely implied that tourism destinations have both real and imagined aspects, it is a big theoretical step to conceptualize tourism imaginaries as a universal concept that can be applied to all types of tourism destinations. When considering a destination as a tourism imaginary, the tourists' image of the place is an important component. Images and discourse, including narratives, symbols, and material representations, reflect how an imaginary is communicated. Therefore, a destination image can be viewed as a mental projection of a tourism imaginary. In the case of rural destinations, tourism imaginaries can be constructed from rural narratives and rural material life. Examining a destination image through the lens of tourism imaginaries helps to identify the true representations of rurality in tourism and the ideology that tourism imaginaries induce through rural tourism. 2.4. Rurality and rural tourism Rurality is a central idea in the production of rural tourism and in motivating tourists to visit a rural destination (Majewski, 2010). Rural areas are often stereotypically categorized as homogenous, conservative, and change-resistant (Champion & Hugo, 2004). In the era of globalization and modernization, the rural is part of the process of shifting ideology and identity and its functional role is being transformed from a nucleus for production to a stage of consumption (Woods, 2011). According to Halfacree (2006a), a rural space has three components: rural locality (landscape, natural environment), representations of the rural (socio-economic, political, and cultural features), and everyday lives of the rural population. For mass tourists and modern agriculturalists, rurality is often materialized and exploited rather than viewed as a source of spirituality (Halfacree, 2006b). The imaginative and idyllic rurality can be treated as a tourism imaginary that influences tourism consumption and touristic commodification (Crouch, 2006).

Commodification and authenticity are paired and contradictory concepts that describe the contested nature of tourism as both consumption and preservation (Edensor, 2007). The commodification of rural space is an unavoidable aspect of rural consumption. It is often for the purpose of tourism and leisure (Crouch, 2006), and carried out as part of the commercialization of local resources, image, and local identity (Kneafsey, 2001). The rural space can also be divided according to Goffman's notion of “front region” and “back region” (1959, cited in MacCannell, 1973). The front region is constructed for tourism performances and is related to cultural erosion and other negative effects of tourism, whereas the back region is the reality of the destination. Both the front and back regions exist in a tourism location, consistent with the notion of “performance” and “gaze” in studies of tourist experiences (Ryan & Cave, 2005). The term “rural gaze” can be used to describe the relationship between rurality and tourism and other exploitive economic activities, similar to the use of “tourist gaze” (Urry, 2002; Urry and Larsen, 2011). But tourists not only gaze on the place of interest, they also simultaneously receive the ideological influences projected by the tourism imaginaries. Studies of the motivations for rural tourism suggest that closeness to nature is the most important attraction (Fleischer & Pizam, 1997). Rural culture and lifestyle, escape from everyday life, and quality of time spent with or visiting family and friends are also determinants for participating in rural tourism activities (Molera & Albaladejo, 2007; Park & Yoon, 2009). Sharpley and Jepson (2011) propose that a spiritual dimension may be part of the rural tourist experience that consists of emotional fulfillment and uplifting experiences. This point can be associated with tranquility as a valuable outcome of rural tourism experiences (Barke, 2004). In summary, rurality and rural tourism are interconnected. The image of the rural is symbolized and idealized by tourism in various forms (Edensor, 2007). In the marketing and branding of rural destinations, specific products of rural areas, such as rural gastronomy, can represent a rural identity and brand (Boyne & Hall, 2004). In Western countries, a crucial component of rurality is the rural idyll, which can take the form of the “farmscape,” the “wildscape,” or the “adventurescape.” The three forms combine the notions of natural wonders, romanticism, authenticity, and nostalgia (Bell, 2006). The concept of the rural idyll can be found in different historical periods (Mingay, 1989), and at different national and local scales that influence local lifestyle experiences (Cloke & Milbourne, 1992). The rural idyll is created and represented in artistic and media discourses such as novels, paintings, music, movies, and TV dramas. The production of a tourism version of the rural idyll in the UK is largely a construction of famous British TV series (Edensor, 2007). Australian movies have been identified as having similar effects (Beeton, 2004). The offering of scenic tours, nature-related and engaging rural tourism activities, and outdoor adventures seems to be follow a common pattern in Western countries. However, the tourist idyll does not originate solely from the rural idyll or the mediatization of destinations, but also from the tourist's previous knowledge, expectations, and fantasies (Bell, 2006). As investigated by Figueiredo and Raschi (2012), rural tourism entrepreneurs play an important role in commodifying rurality. Thus rural tourism imaginary might be constructed by combining material rurality and the rural culture and lifestyle with the imagined rural idyll.

3. The case study and the Chinese context In 2008, 400 million person trips were made to rural tourism destinations in China and generated a total of 60 billion Chinese yuan (Guo & Han, 2010). In 2012, the number of rural tourism

Please cite this article as: Zhou, L. Online rural destination images: Tourism and rurality. Journal of Destination Marketing & Management (2014), http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jdmm.2014.03.002i

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receipts reached 700 million and the annual total revenue rose to more than 200 billion Chinese yuan (Xinhua Net, 2012). Sightseeing is the major rural tourism activity; rural tourism sites are located near developed urban cities, major resorts, and scenic areas, reflecting market demand (Guo & Han, 2010). As rural tourism in China is predominantly domestic only a few rural tourism destinations have an international reputation, suggesting that the potential niche market exists to attract international tourists to a more genuine China (Li, 2003). Rural tourism development and management has faced many problems, such as the lack of creativity in formulating products and diminishing uniqueness in rurality and deteriorating rural atmosphere (Zou, 2005) incomplete policies and immature management systems (Xu, 2009); and governments losing public trust and ignoring community benefits (Bao & Sun, 2006). Urban areas are the major market for rural destinations (Zou, Ma, Zhang, & Huang, 2006). Rural tourists consider intrinsic rural characteristics as the most attractive features of rural tourism and they prefer to purchase souvenirs with rural features and local specialty foods (Su & Wang, 2007). Peng (2005) identifies the rurality that attracts urban tourists as a non-working space, he emphasizes that only the beautiful, unique, and exotic rural image is attractive. The late sociologist and anthropologist Fei Xiaotong wrote about Chinese people's rural complex (Fei, 1988, cited in Tong, 2009). He describes the embedded rurality in people's lives and the close relationship between an immigrant and his/her hometown. A more recent study on rural visitor behavior suggests that the Chinese rural complex is a primary motivation for Chinese tourists to visit rural sites (Huang, 2003). Therefore, planning and marketing rural tourism could utilize the “rural complex” to improve outcomes. This phenomenon highlights a Chinese nostalgia that may lead people to seek childhood memories in rural destinations. Rural ideology in China has undergone many changes in the process of economic development. Rurality is expressed in uncertain and conflicting ways in contemporary literature (Meng, 2007). The Chinese countryside served as a strategic place during the war (1937–1949) and has been eulogized by the winning Communist party for contributing to the establishment of the People's Republic of China. However, rurality was seriously attacked during the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976). In contemporary China, the rural areas took the initiative in the restructuring of the economy when China started to open its doors to the world in 1979. However, the social distance and inequality between rural and urban communities have drastically increased due to unbalanced development. In rural areas, the traditional values of neighborhood care and

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family values are being challenged; negative values are being practiced and are threatening rural harmony (He, 2007; Wang, 2012). Rurality is a fluid concept in China, where the rural lifestyle has endured many changes and challenges historically. Tourism development tries to evoke the essence of rurality for reproduction and consumption, but this characteristic of rurality may not be as marketable as the static and persistent rural idyll. This case study chooses Wuyuan (Figs. 2 and 3), a rural destination in central China, because it has successfully developed the brand as “the most beautiful countryside in China” among domestic Chinese tourists. It can be a representative case of the Chinese countryside as a tourist attraction. Wuyuan has been a famous rural tourism destination since the late 1990s. The county is located in Jiangxi province, eastern China, with a population of 340,000 and a history of over a thousand years. For the last decade, Wuyuan has successfully built its brand as “the most beautiful countryside in China” and become a popular domestic rural tourism destination (Yang, 2006). Feng and Sha (2009) have formed a model with weighted factors to quantitatively capture Wuyuan's rural features. According to their study, Wuyuan's rural features contain both practical and idealized characteristics. Wuyuan's well-preserved rurality, expressed in its ancient architecture, natural resources, and agriculture-based lifestyle is undoubtedly vital to its tourism and branding success. This study hopes to examine Wuyuan's image from a qualitative standpoint. It uses Wuyuan's well-known image as a microscope to scrutinize the projections of rural ideology and tourism imaginaries, and to practically examine the promotion of a rural destination image using the Internet.

Fig. 3. Ancient Hui style architecture (photo by author).

Fig. 2. Wuyuan's canola flower fields in spring (photo by author).

Please cite this article as: Zhou, L. Online rural destination images: Tourism and rurality. Journal of Destination Marketing & Management (2014), http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jdmm.2014.03.002i

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Wuyuan is a famous site for photographers, particularly its agricultural flower fields and its remnants of ancient Huizhou culture (1121–1911 A.D.). The visible heritage of the Huizhou landscape and culture-scape strongly reflects and represents the traditional Chinese Han culture. This is significant, as Han is the largest ethnicity in China, out of 56 officially recognized ethnicities. Wuyuan's tourism development is not isolated from the overall tourism planning in Jiangxi province. In recent years, notable efforts have been made by the Jiangxi provincial government to develop tourism and many quality tourist destinations have appeared, including cultural, historical, and natural attractions. Wuyuan is also located adjacent to the Yellow Mountain and many historical villages in Anhui province. The integrated development of tourism in this region is a key factor in Wuyuan's success.

4. Methodology Internet searches are a common data collection method in tourism research. The most commonly used online materials include websites, online reviews, blogs, online forums, and information from social media sites (Jani & Hwang, 2011; Son, 2011; Tse & Zhang, 2013; Xiang & Gretzel, 2010). Travel blogs have been used to examine how travel experiences are used to form destination images (Çakmak & Isaac, 2012). Visual and textual materials are used to identify key components of a destination's projected image (Garrod, 2009; Hunter, 2008), and media and online resources are used to examine destination images created by anonymous sources (Choi et al., 2007; Pike, 2002). A destination image should be projected using different information sources, and tourist journals and blogs can reinforce a destination's image and identity (Beerli & Martin, 2004; Martın & del Bosque, 2008). Therefore, using information provided by different online sources helps to triangulate online representations and to identify various destination image attributes. Websites, online forums, and tourism-related websites are practical and useful sources for discourse and images of rural destinations. The proliferation of social networking sites also allows organizations and individuals to share tourism information online (Xiang & Gretzel, 2010). These social networking sites provide new ways to market destinations and offer diversified platforms to construct destination images (Syed-Ahmad & Murphy, 2010). This study uses a qualitative approach. The choice of websites is based on the domestic nature of rural tourism. As a major rural destination in China, Wuyuan has attracted large numbers of domestic tourists. Two popular Chinese websites, Baidu and Youku, are selected as Baidu is the most popular online search engine in China and Youku is an online video sharing website. A paired keyword search using “Wuyuan” and “Wuyuan travel” in Chinese with a time restriction to 2012 yields up-to-date data. The same keyword search on Youku yields related video streams. Due to the increasing popularity of microblogs in China, a keyword search on the search engine site Baidu automatically carries out a microblog search with the same set of keywords on Sina weibo (a microblog site). Therefore, an independent search of the Sina weibo site is conducted. The microblog search filters include date (monthly in 2012), originality, in the category of “hot” microblogs (popularity) and a limitation to posts created by certified users. As most of the certified users are tourism businesses, destination marketing organizations, and tourism bureaus, the microblog data can better represent a destination image from a tourism perspective. The first 20 microblogs from each month in 2012, are used to represent the most popular microblogs, resulting in 240 microblog posts with texts and photos. Almost all of the microblogs are related to tourism.

Keyword searches using “Wuyuan” and “Wuyuan travel” show identical results in terms of textual web pages and online videos. This overlap indicates the strong tourism focus of Wuyuan as a destination, and tourism providers' online marketing efforts. Data screening criteria for keyword searches on Baidu include content clarity, richness of descriptive information, tourism related, originality, and non-repetitiveness. The search results include 40 articles providing general descriptions of Wuyuan from 10 websites, and five online travel guidebooks for Wuyuan, from five online tourism forums. The limited number of articles in the search results reflects the fact that most of the smaller travel websites copy promotional text from the large websites, limiting original content. Online forums and travel sharing sites such as Mafengwo provide official travel guidebooks based on tourists' postings. These are another type of resource for examining destination images. The results of the video search are more diverse and informal than the results of the webpage search. The selection of videos is based on the same criteria as the article and yields 15 videos with diverse content. The purpose of collecting both textual and visual data is to triangulate the image, and to have a broad range of data from different information sources to form a holistic dataset. This study uses qualitative content analysis for data analysis and interpretation. The data are analyzed using the qualitative analysis software Nvivo 10. The author is a native Chinese, thus was capable to conduct the analysis and interpretation and later translate selected examples from the data. The data are analyzed separately by sources of information, such as articles and guidebooks, official texts and tourist journals, videos, and microblogs, but the findings are reported in an integrative manner. According to Mayring (2000), procedures of qualitative content analysis has two central approaches: inductive category development and deductive category application. This study combines the two approaches in data analysis. The first step is determining on what aspects of the textual and visual communication inferences shall be made, and then devise suitable rules of categorization (Mayring, 2000). This study chooses the socio-cultural background and the situation of information production of tourism discourse as points of inference. In the initial analysis an inductive approach is used in order to identify key categories, questions were asked when coding the data line by line: what is the discourse about; what message is it giving; and how is it presented? Data were grouped into categories and major themes were identified. In the deductive application stage, the categories and themes were linked to the attributes of destination image and the concept of rurality and rural representation.

5. Findings 5.1. Components of Wuyuan's destination image After the screening and initial coding of data, two themes emerge from the formal and informal representations of Wuyuan. The criteria used to group content into formal or informal categories are based on the content and on the linguistic and semiotic features, which are categorized as either elite or grassroot. The three streams of data sources each generate elite and grassroot content. These two groups of data became comparative cases in the exploration of Wuyuan's idyllic image and its reality. The content of microblogs that is not included in the formal/informal categorization is presented separately. There are several interesting findings pertaining particularly to microblogs. The destination image of Wuyuan is formed by the elite content. The central image of Wuyuan as “the most beautiful countryside in China” is assertive and consistent, indicating the successful branding of Wuyuan as a rural tourism destination (Yang, 2006). The content

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of these materials can be categorized as functional and psychological components of the horizontal destination image in Echtner and Ritchie (1993); functional components reveal the cognitive image and psychological components reveal the affective image (Table 1). Table 1 presents the main components of Wuyuan's online destination image, emphasizing on its discourse and linguistic features. Three major themes are derived from Wuyuan's cognitive and affective image: resources, rewards, and expectations. The cognitive image of Wuyuan is a combination of its resources and rewards, and the affective image is built on expectations. Key attributes and content under the three themes are also listed in Table 1. The resources of Wuyuan include the special features of the natural, cultural, and historical characteristics, which are captured with functional rather than psychological descriptions. Rewards, fame, and reputation are a major part of the cognitive image, positioning the destination as worth visiting, profound in culture, history, and well managed. Despite the key attributes listed, Wuyuan's cognitive image online also includes other functional attributes concerning travel itinerary and tourism infrastructure, such as the accommodation capacity, new facilities, and transportation system. Wuyuan's landscape and rural lifestyle are shown to be the essential elements of its cognitive image. Shown in the data, the cognitive and affective components are often intertwined in order to present an integrated image. Examples from the data are translated and presented here to demonstrate common descriptions of Wuyuan's landscape and lifestyle.

Example 1. Wuyuan is called “the most beautiful countryside in China.” It is a Utopian dream: the Matou wall surrounded by cooking smoke from chimneys, abstract lines formed by rice terraces on hills, country boys riding on cows against the sunset, a quiet boat floating on the wild river, flaming maple leaves reflected in a clear mountain stream,… everything makes you feel peace in your heart, like being in another world. 婺源被称为“中国最美的乡村”,向你诠释了什么才是“乌 托邦”式的理想家园 : 被淡淡炊烟笼罩的马头墙、山间梯田抽象的线 条、暮色中骑在牛背上的村童、幽静的孤舟野渡、倒映在清澈山涧里 的火红的枫叶......一切都让人陡然间心静如水, 恍若隔世 (from Mawofeng travel guide). Example 2. Wuyuan in autumn is filled with warm colors. There are golden hayracks under tall red maple trees; flaming red peppers on rooftops of black and white house; several red and yellow fallen leaves floating in green mountain water ponds. Pick a clear and fresh autumn day to glance at the beautiful country scenery of autumn, absorb the seductive feeling of ecstasy and enchantment. 秋天的婺源, 乡村到处是温暖的颜色。高大的红枫下是金黄的柴垛; 白墙黑瓦的房 子顶上晒起火红的辣椒; 大山的碧绿深潭里漂着零星的红黄叶片。随 便拣个秋高气爽的日子, 去看一眼这秋意盎然的乡村美景, 体会一下心 醉神迷的诱人感觉 (from Ctrip.com). The uniqueness of the destination is presented through linguistic and visual features. Language is carefully selected and the visuals are artistic. Linguistically, tailor-made captions such as parallel phrases are functionally used (See Examples 1 and 2).

Table 1 Components of the destination image of Wuyuan. Image

Themes

Cognitive Resources

Rewards

Affective

Expected feeling/ experience

Attributes

Key content

Linguistic features

Linguistic examples

Ecological resources

Natural scenery, Rural landscape, canola flower fields in particular

Chinese four-letter idioms, paralleled phrases, traditional Chinese poems In-depth description

“Home of Scholars and Country of Etiquettes” (书香门第, 礼仪之邦), “Wuyuan has a forestry area of 258 thousand hectare”, “Four-Color Specialty”: Red – Pocket Red Bean; Green – Green Tea; Black – Dragon Tail Ink Stone; White – Jiangwan Pear (四色特产)

Cultural/historical Ancient “Hui” architecture heritage Confucian cultural relics and sites Heritage from the Imperial ages Sites of television shows Agriculture-based Farming and harvesting lifestyle Harmony between human and nature Local specialty Food Folklore souvenirs Artifacts Historical praises Ancient poems and inscription Media praise and Official and non-official credentials titles Tourism success News on tourism development and revenue Tranquility and enjoyment

Harmony and nostalgia

Valuable and worthy experience

Relaxation and peace of mind Slow travel – time stops running Comfort and complacence Childhood memory Distanced home Senses of the rural Innocence and friendliness of the rural Comparison with other destinations Accessibility and value for money

7

Numbers and statistics Emphasis on scarcity Emphasis on visual elements (i.e., color composition)

Traditional Chinese poems “The most”/“one of the most” Title or nicknames

“One of the ten must-visit places in China” “The last Shangri-La in China” “Museum of Ancient Architecture”

Emphasis on fame

“Hometown of Books” (书乡)

Chinese four-letter idioms, paralleled phrases, traditional Chinese poems Metaphorical and persuasive wording

“Play chess and appreciate tea, read poems and make paintings” (品茶对弈, 吟诗作画), “Refreshing and lingering” (心旷神怡, 流连忘返)

Imagination

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As shown in Table 1, the descriptions largely use metaphors, traditional Chinese idioms, and poems. These approaches are congruent with Wuyuan's deep culture and its association with traditional literature. Landscape and scenery are depicted as “beautiful paintings,” “harmonious Chinese ancient painting,” “idyllic painting of the peaceful countryside,” with appealing combinations of harmonious colors: green mountains, running creeks, yellow canola flowers, golden fields, and black and white ancient houses. Visually, Wuyuan is labeled as a “photographer's paradise,” “out of the world,” “Shangri-La,” “hideaway,” and “heavenly place.” Interestingly, human and living animals are not very visible in the official tourism imagery and discourse, although local people appear to be a significant source of information and a large part of tourists' recollections in their journals. A frequently cited Chinese traditional poem is provided as an example of the picturesque Wuyuan with traces of human living instead of actual human beings (Example 3). Example 3. High and low houses along ancient trees 古树高低屋 Near and far hills in sunset 斜阳远近山 A foggy ribbon around the tree top 林梢烟似带 A water ring around the village 村外水如环 The rural idyll in the West includes the “farmscape,” the “wildscape,” and the “adventurescape” (Bell, 2006). The Chinese rural ideal is different. In the cognitive destination image of Wuyuan, features of the farmscape and the wildscape are found, but not the adventurescape. It has a significant emphasis on the rural lifestyle, rural culture, and historical heritage (Fig. 4). China has a long history, which produces a tremendous amount of intangible and tangible cultural heritage. In fact, in the historical context, the rural is not static at all. Many of Wuyuan's historical and cultural resources show a prosperous rural history; this perspective explains the differences between Western rurality and the current Chinese rurality, which dates back to previous dynasties. Until the contemporary period, the countryside has produced, created, and provided both materially and spiritually for the majority of the country. Fig. 4 illustrates the connections between Wuyuan's tourism and its history using the categorization of Wuyuan's historical and cultural resources retrieved from promotional materials. It demonstrates the major historical attractions in Wuyuan on a timeline. Wuyuan County was established in the Tang dynasty, around 729 A.D. Most of the historical resources branded and developed for tourism come from the Tang and Song dynasties, which are the most dynamic dynasties in Chinese history. This explains why the image of rurality is presented in a static manner. Although some aspects of rural living may date back for centuries, the Chinese countryside has been rapidly reformed and changed, especially in the last few decades. In other words, the destination image is selective, purposive, and market-driven.

The affective image of Wuyuan centers on the theme of expectation. Key attributes include tranquility and enjoyment, harmony and nostalgia, and valuable and worthy experience. Generally, to meet tourists' expectations of a rural destination, Wuyuan is shown to be conservative and remote. At the same time, the tourists are told that “time stops running” in Wuyuan, creating an idealized expectation. Potentially, a valuable experience of tranquility and nostalgia is promoted. Tourism imagery and discourse describe Wuyuan as a utopia, presenting the countryside as isolated from its urban counterpart. Tranquility is a major component of the affective image of Wuyuan; the quiet, innocent, and peaceful countryside could not be more attractive to the fast-paced and impetuous urban market. Nostalgia is more commonly expressed by the tourists themselves than in destination-related tourism sources. From tourist journals and microblogs, tourist experiences are generally positive and nostalgic; the recollections are centered on romantic themes. Tourists relate their experience to childhood memories, and a collective memory of the rural past (Examples 4 and 5). Nostalgia is related to the feeling of authenticity. Example 4. If you want to experience the lives of Wuyuan people, you can stay in a farm home; when you wake up every morning, you can pick fresh fruits and vegetables and wash them by the river, and chat with the women who are washing clothes by the river at the same time; after lunch, you can sit in the sun and do some handwork with the grandma next door, you can make pickles or sew shoe soles; in the evening, if you would like to drink, your host might offer his homemade fruit wine and have a few drinks with you, and tell you the old tales of Wuyuan's past. 如果想体验一下婺源山区人们的生活, 你可以找一个农家住下, 每天清晨起床, 在自家的菜园里摘一篮蔬果, 在溪边洗净, 顺便和一旁洗衣服的大嫂唠唠家常; 午后, 你可以陪老奶 奶在巷子口晒晒太阳, 一起做一些零碎的手工, 比如腌咸菜、绣鞋垫等; 晚上, 如果你的酒量够好, 可以和男主人一起小酌几杯, 品尝一下自酿 的果酒, 一边听他讲婺源那过去的故事 (from Mawofeng travel guide). Example 5. Of all the colors of Yan Cun (a village in Wuyuan), the most breathtaking to me are graphite and dark black. If these two colors are missing, Yan Cun may lose its attractiveness. Stone-paved lanes, graphite bricks and doors, dark black house roofs, white walls, does time freeze or flee? It is time that gives Yan Cun its light and color today. Someone has said, coming to Yan Cun is like returning to your childhood home, warm and calm, I think this deja vu generates and spreads on the rows of spotted gray walls. 在延村所有的颜色中, 最摄我心魄的是青灰、黛黑, 如果没有这两种色彩, 延村一定会失色不 少。石板小巷、青砖门罩、黛色屋瓦、灰白墙头, 是凝固的时间还是 流逝的时间? 如果没有时间从中作祟, 延村就没有今天的光泽和美 感。有人说, 来到延村, 就好像回到儿时的家, 温暖而从容, 我想这种似 曾相识的感觉就是从那一排排斑痕点点的灰墙上漫延开来的 (from lvyou.baidu.com). In summary, Wuyuan's elite destination image has both cognitive and affective dimensions that resonate with the components of idyllic rurality. The rural tourism brand of Wuyuan has been successfully created and built using a variety of linguistic and

Fig. 4. Timeline of Wuyuan's historical attractions.

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visual strategies on different online information channels. The Internet offers virtual front-stage scenes and back-stage scenes of real life. The destination image is presented on the front-stage, providing a standardized and repetitive image, with a strong emphasis on “performance” and “gaze” (Ryan & Cave, 2005; Fairweather & Swaffield, 2001).

5.2. Tourism and rural imaginaries Another group of data uses a grassroot style of presentation. These data are informally generated by different social groups such as travel agencies, souvenir sellers, wedding planners, photographers, and other unidentified sources. This group uses online channels for diverse purposes, such as recollection and sharing on social media, and product promotion. The grassroot content is more scattered than the formal data and difficult to attach any meaning to, but it can be compared to the formal destination image according to the identified attributes. Compared to the romantic image of Wuyuan in the formal data category, videos without visual effects present an ordinary and mundane rural place. The mundane rural world is portrayed in news reports and narratives of daily lives, which provide views on local politics, development, and social problems. These mundane images of Wuyuan diverge from the tourism destination image. One visual discrepancy is that while the destination image of Wuyuan constitutes astonishing and calm scenes of canola flowers growing on laddered fields, the reality is that field banks can be jammed with tourists, and photographers often have to try hard to eliminate tourists from the pictures. Commercialization has become a major issue and independent tourists have gradually been attracted to outskirt areas and less developed villages. News reports show a few government initiatives to develop some villages for tourism, and undeveloped villages are taking the opportunity to act on their own and charge tourists. One village sought community-based tourism development but encountered many challenges. The effects of government-led development, which lead to discrepancies in villages’ revenue across the county, remain in the background of the destination's image. Overcommercialization of some of the developed attractions also influence tourist's decision-making. Tourists have responded to the expansion of tourism with statements like “Let's go there before tourism takes over/destroys it,” and “The attractions that charge a ticket fee are not worth going to anymore.” Commercialization and tourism development also influence local people's lives. Rural areas are usually more vulnerable to changes; tourism has definitely changed many lives in Wuyuan. Stories are told about the waves of tourism. There are TV reports of local children who became tour guides to support their schooling and villagers who transformed their homes into tourist accommodations. In fact, the friendliness and good hearts of Wuyuan's local people are praised in tourist journals, but negative experiences of tourist traps are also mentioned. These experiences evoke thoughts and reflections on the dramatic changes tourism development has brought. One blogger wrote the following. I appreciate the economic progress Wuyuan's countryside has made, how people are getting rich. But I dislike how it also brings the impetuous and excessive pursuit of economic benefit; personally I have fully experienced it…. I have seen photographs from other bloggers, they are nice, Wuyuan is a place with such a beautiful countryside, but I don't want Wuyuan to be mentioned simply as a tourist attraction. 我很欣赏婺源农村在经济上的进步, 人们的逐渐富裕。但是反感由此而带来的人心的浮躁和过分追逐 利益。这些我是深有体会的。...看过很多博友拍的婺源, 都很好, 婺 源也是一个乡野风光很动人的地方, 但是不想说到婺源就简单说成 一个旅游景点 (from wuyuan168.com)

9

These days, the Internet provides more information channels more conveniently than ever, and tourists can anticipate their experiences by retrieving the information; however, the dominant image provided through online discourse about a sophisticated destination is divergent from its reality. A destination image is related to tourism imaginaries. Drawing from Chronis's (2012) conceptualization of tourism imaginaries, rural imaginaries constructed in tourism are constructs based on narratives about the rural and the material offerings of the rural, including its natural scenery, culture, and lifestyle. The emotions attached to these constructs are nostalgia, tranquility, and mixed feelings towards tourism development. But it is difficult to understand from the current data how these rural imaginaries influence ideological changes. However, it is certain that rural tourism conveys messages of a peaceful and harmonious lifestyle and cultural conservation in the Chinese countryside. 5.3. Macro examination of microblogs No previous study in China has used microblog content to examine a destination image. Microblogs with tourism content are often part of broader online marketing strategies. More than one-third of the original microblogs posted about Wuyuan are created by tourism organizations and businesses, such as online/ offline travel agencies, destination accommodations, destination organizations, and travel magazines. Tourists and tourism related businesses such as photography groups, calligraphy groups, gardening companies, wedding organizers, driving clubs, and so forth also post many microblogs about Wuyuan. Most of the identifiable creators of microblogs on Wuyuan are not from Wuyuan. Because only a few local businesses and the destination organization are certified users, many were eliminated by the certified user criterion used in collecting the data. Therefore, the microblog data do not represent local lives very well. The contents of the posts are used to identify individual users. Tourism organizations/businesses and tourism related organizations/businesses post destination related content for promotional, recollection, and information-sharing purposes, but individuals and non-tourism businesses also post microblogs about Wuyuan as a rural tourism destination. This phenomenon indicates that tourism is gaining popularity among Chinese people as a leisure and lifestyle choice. The content of microblog posts is largely tourism related and constructs a destination image consistent with the one presented above. Table 2 indicates the sources of the microblogs and the content. Microblog content is categorized as bundled destination promotion, recollection/review, single destination promotion/introduction, event promotion (group tours, activities, and other events), and local product. Some of the tourist recollection/review, event promotion, and local products posts have very specific information, whereas bundled destination promotion and destination introduction posts are primarily general descriptions. The most popular style identified in the microblogs is the bundled destination promotion. Microblogs in China, like Twitter in the West, strongly influence the spread of information and e-word-of-mouth (Reza Jalilvand et al., 2012). Therefore, having more reposts indicates that more people have viewed a post. The number of reposts is used to indicate the marketing value of a microblog. Six microblog posts in the sample have over 100 reposts, but most of the microblog posts have no reposts. Significantly, photos are attached to almost all of the microblogs. Example 6 is the content of the most reposted microblog, which has more than 700 reposts. However, original literary production is also popular. All of the creators have a large number of followers, but certified individuals, not tourism organizations or businesses, created the top two posts. It is evident that individuals and microblog celebrities have a bigger influence than

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Table 2 Microblog distribution. Content

Creator Tourism organization/ business

Total Microblogs Bundled destination promotion Single destination promotion/ introduction Recollection/review Event promotion Local product Other

240 (100%) 85 (35.4%) 98 (40.8%) 57 (23.8%) 62 (25.8%) 23 (9.6%) 56 13 7 4

(23.3%) (5.4%) (3.0%) (1.7%)

None 3 (1.2%) 2 (0.8%) None

Individual blogger (incl.tourist)

Tourism related organization/business

Non-tourism business

Other (unidentified)

80 (33.3%) 24 (10.0%) 9 (3.8%)

47 (19.6%) 15 (6.3%) 18 (7.5%)

24 (10.0%) 2 (0.8%) 12 (5.0%)

4 (1.7%) None None

46 (19.2%) 2 (0.8%) 1 (0.5%) None

10 (4.2%) 2 (0.8%) 2 (0.8%) None

None 8 (3.4%) 2 (0.8%) None

None None None 4 (1.7%)

Table 3 Categorization of lists/titles by emphasis. List/Title

Emphasis

“The ten best places in China to see canola flower fields” “The eight best places in China to visit in spring” “The best rice terraces in China” “Museum of Ancient Architecture” “Hometown of Books” “Hometown of Tea”

Outstanding resources

“Eight towns a girl must visit at least once in a lifetime” “White-collar's favorite travel destinations” “Best places to visit with lover and close friends” “Arty youth's favorite travel destinations” “Best bird watching destinations in China” “Six Chinese towns for vacationing” “Photographer's Paradise”

Potential market

“Eight towns one should visit at least once in a lifetime” “Ten out-of-the-world views you can't miss” “The most charming eight towns in China” “The last Shangri-La in China”

Authenticity/Estheticism

“Nine must-visit small towns for lovers and close friends” “Seven romantic destinations in China” “Ten romantic destinations for couples”

Romanticism

organizations or businesses in the microblog environment in China. Moreover, the redirection to other users and links to other websites does not necessarily guarantee a higher amount of reposts. Example 6. The arty youth (Wenyi Qingnian) group's ten most prefered destinations. 1. Yangshuo: With all that moves your heart. 2. Lijiang: Come here and escape from what tires you. 3. Dali: Romance is in the air. 4. Fenghuang: The place to daydream. 5. Lugu Lake: Mysterious. 6. West Lake: Poetic South-river. 7. Sanya: Sun, Sand, and Sea 8. Gulangyu: Only Gulangyu makes you truly artistic (Wenyi) 9. Wuyuan: The most beautiful countryside 10. Lhasa: Where your soul rests. 文艺青年最爱的十大旅行地: 1阳朔: 具备一切心动的 因素; 2丽江: 累了, 就到这里逃离; 3大理: 风花雪月, 浪漫何求; 4凤凰: 适合发呆; 5泸沽湖: 神秘; 6西湖: 诗意江南; 7三亚: 阳光、沙滩、海浪; 8鼓浪屿: 不去鼓浪屿, 文艺也枉然; 9婺源: 最美乡村; 10西藏: 心灵栖 息的地方 (from microbloggger Yang) Due to the word limit of microblogs (140 characters), texts are more focused and purposive. Lists or bundles of destinations are efficient ways to use the limited space to market the same type of destinations. Example 6 shows a blog for a segment of the Wuyuan market: the young artistic group. Many tourist towns in China have a bourgeois atmosphere that attracts this group and some of the destinations in the above list are examples of this. But most

of rural China remains conservative, unlike some rural areas in Western countries that are radical or building a rural utopia (Browne, 2011). Wuyuan has appeared in many of these lists which tend to rank destinations and use words like “the best” or “most.” They do not appear in any articles from travel websites since they are not authorized. However, they are anonymously created for the purpose of microblog marketing. Although the origin of these lists is in doubt, they can effectively promote less famous destinations by bundling them with more famous ones and thus presenting a holistic destination image for a certain type of destination. The phenomenon of bundled destination promotion also reflects the reward emphasis in destination images, therefore, the lists are categorized along with the common titles of Wuyuan and presented in Table 3. These categories of emphasis can provide marketing implications to the destination. Microblogs and other social networking websites can be used for tourism destination management and promotion. Destination packages and lists seem to be an effective strategy in microblog marketing. Microblog content not only provides representations of a single destination, through the various user group generated content, but also reflects the needs and current ideology of youth in China. 81.68% of microblog users are between 10 and 39 years old, about 92.2% have a low income (under RMB5000–USD770 per month), and the largest user group is students (Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, 2013). Tourism can be a luxury. The popularity

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of tourism related content reflects the thirst to travel, to get away, and to escape. The destination lists are not practical destination references or travel suggestions. What users seek in these destinations and their elaborate descriptions are expectations, fantasies, and images. Wuyuan is only one of the destinations that satisfy people's expectations using online discourse.

6. Discussion Although the concept of a destination image is part of psychological and branding theories, it is useful for examining the representations of rurality from sociological and human geography perspectives. This study considers the affective and cognitive components of destination images and its factual and imaginary dimensions. Expectations are an important aspect of the affective component of destination images. In tourism discourses, expectations and anticipation is aroused through imagination, which has long been embedded in the tourism culture (Skinner & Theodossopoulos, 2011). In this study, the tourism imagination is based on an urban-centric and market-oriented view, which isolates and romanticizes the rural. The representation of rural destinations is influenced by both tourists’ and local people's expectations. Similar to the post-colonial self-orientalism identified in an international promotional video of China (Yan & Santos, 2009), Wuyuan is self-portrayed as old, traditional, and change-resistant. A destination's image is based on the cultural and natural features of the destination as filtered through tourists' expectations and imagination. There is a dynamic tension between tourists' imagination and tourism destinations. In tourism, the tourist gaze establishes a power relationship between the “gazer” and the “gazee” (Urry, 1992). The tourists' consumption of and interaction with rurality are dependent on offering rural areas that match tourists' expectations. Tourism is a visual activity (Scarles, 2009). The word “sightseeing” represents a shift towards a visualization of travel that began about 300 years ago (Adler, 1989), and visual images and content are dominant in tourism experiences ranging from tourism brochures to tourist photography. The tourists' gaze on the rural imposes the value of maintaining and negotiating rural landscapes, especially the “spectacularization” of rural landscapes (Daugstad, 2008). Unlike the Norwegian rural described by Daugstad (2008), the shift from “spectacularization” to a “multisensing” rural experience is not observed in the Chinese case. The rural is limited to the presentation of spectacular visual scenes, and the two dominant types of tourist gaze in rural tourism in China are the romantic gaze and the collective gaze (Cao, 2010). Tourists tend to view rural scenery and landscape as romantic and isolated, whereas rural culture and festivals are more likely to be experienced collectively to create a celebratory atmosphere. The online image of Wuyuan reflects the romantic gaze, with only limited content reflecting the collective gaze. Rural imaginaries coexist with the rural gaze. The tourism imaginaries seen in this case study are different from Chronis' original conceptualizations (2012). He categorizes the stages of tourism imaginaries as commercial staging, refiguration, and ideological reinforcement. In this study of rural destination image and rurality, the tourism imaginaries are based on the idea of idyllic rurality, which is then refigured into nostalgia, tranquility, authenticity, and romanticism. It is unclear whether rural imaginaries lead to ideological reinforcement. There are some ideological reflections in the emotional constructs of rural imaginaries, from the perspectives of the tourists, the destination society, and Chinese culture in general. For example, the destination image often idealizes the destination for marketing purposes and tends

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to be evasive about negative issues (Santos, 2004). Wuyuan's connection with celebrities, renowned names and stories, and significant historical events are underlined in the reward theme of the destination image. Historically controversial stories, however, do not appear at all. This phenomenon can also be explained by China's collective Confucian culture and the practice of saving face, which reveals only the positive aspects of a place or an individual. In terms of the tourist market, the “rural complex” is wellentrenched, as people seek nostalgic rural experiences. Rural localities include landscapes, cultural and historical sites, and practical events that are related to rural society and people's lives. However the romantic, nostalgic, and authentic rural tourism destination is constructed by selecting marketable localities that present a rural idyll, which is the essence of rural imaginaries. Consequently, rural destinations are represented by both their actual and idyllic characteristics, together with a pragmatic but imaginative tourism culture. These representations reveal an intertwined and paired rurality that is unchanged and changed, quiet and noisy, and extraordinary and ordinary. It is worth noting what is left out of these images and representations. The cultural representations are positively related to the friendliness and hospitality of local people, which appears significantly in the informal representations, but not in formal promotional materials. Local people, local lifestyle, and the existential experience of visiting the rural (Sharpley, 2008) are not represented in the online destination image. Food and other local specialty products appear to be significant attributes in the destination's image, but they are not representative in the destination's overall image and identity. This result is consistent with previous studies (Lin et al., 2011).

7. Conclusions This study is a qualitative case study of an online destination image. The attributes of the destination image are identified and connections are made to the concept of rurality and tourism imaginaries. The image of rurality, as represented in tourism imagery and discourse, appears to be ideally positive and marketoriented. The research findings add weight to the concept of the globalized rural idyll, which includes natural wonders, romanticism, authenticity, and nostalgia as core elements (Bell, 2006), and reintroduce the concept of the rural gaze in tourism studies (Abram, 2003). To an extent, the findings can be generalized and applied to other geographical contexts of rural/cultural tourism. The theoretical contribution of this study lies in qualitatively examining a destination image and offering an integrative and interdisciplinary perspective on destination identity and representation. It also contributes to the literature on tourism imaginaries and provides unique interpretations of rurality within the tourism field. This is also the first study to use microblogs to examine the representation of a destination on social networking sites. The findings have implications for marketing and management professionals, as the Internet's marketing function should not be neglected and issues in destination management appear in online information sharing. Wuyuan's tourist activities are described in many places; locality driven and interactive activities are rare. The horizontal image of Wuyuan offers a wide range of general resources and activities rather than activities aimed at niche markets. Compared to the economic approaches taken by rural tourism developers in developed countries, innovation and creativity are fairly weak in the Chinese rural tourism. Specific, diverse, and creative destination descriptions are needed. Rural landscapes, lifestyles, history, and culture need to be creatively represented using methods that do not rest solely on visual components, which may cause esthetic fatigue. The discrepancy between the formal and informal representations of

Please cite this article as: Zhou, L. Online rural destination images: Tourism and rurality. Journal of Destination Marketing & Management (2014), http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jdmm.2014.03.002i

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Wuyuan not only indicates a gap in rural imaginaries, but also suggests new ways of managing tourist experiences and the effect of tourism on local residents. The destination image, from a marketing perspective, seems to be congruent with the destination's identity. But destination marketers need to carefully design the image to best represent residents' and visitors' experience (Hunter, 2012). The successful destination image of the Chinese countryside needs to be maintained through strategic planning of tourist activities and visitor management on site.

8. Limitations This study has several limitations. Focusing on one destination restricts the generalizability of the study's results. However, the use of multiple sources of online data ensures that the results are transferable. Future studies can examine multiple rural destinations and compare rural areas in different continents. Future research focusing on representations of rurality from the perspectives of local people, tourism organizations, and tourists and similar research from other geographical locations are recommended. This study only collected data in Chinese and from Chinese websites. Rural tourism in China is largely domestic (Su, 2011), however, Chinese rural areas have the potential to attract more international tourists if appropriately developed and managed, inviting future research on the Chinese rural destination image from an international perspective. Future research should also include more social networking sites.

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