Operating in global educational contact zones: How pedagogical adaptation to local contexts may result in the renegotiation of the professional identities of English language teachers

Teaching and Teacher Education 37 (2014) 33e43

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Operating in global educational contact zones: How pedagogical adaptation to local contexts may result in the renegotiation of the professional identities of English language teachers James Scotland*,1 Foundation Program, Qatar University, P.O. Box 2713, Doha, Qatar

h i g h l i g h t s
Use of unfamiliar pedagogies may substantively change a teachers’ professional identity.
Through restricting the use of certain pedagogies, institutions can affect a teacher’s professional identity.
Professional identities are idiosyncratic and are renegotiated in personal ways.

a r t i c l e i n f o

a b s t r a c t

Article history: Received 3 February 2013 Received in revised form 11 September 2013 Accepted 18 September 2013

This article explores how the professional identities of ten experienced English language teachers were affected as their pedagogies adapted to operating in a major government institution of higher education in Qatar. Exploratory research was employed. A logical chain of evidence was established in order to analyze qualitative data which was generated by open-ended questionnaires. The results indicate that institutionally imposed pedagogical adaptation may result in a renegotiation of professional identity for some teachers. Additionally, teachers experience identity renegotiation in very personal ways. Ó 2013 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Keywords: Professional identity Exploratory research Global contact zones Pedagogical adaptation

1. Introduction Professional identity is a key component of professionalism. Most attempted explanations of professionalism contain the core elements of: disciplinary-based knowledge, ethical principles, time and place specific work practices, practitioner autonomy, a commitment to clients’ needs, supportive collaborative cultures, and a strong sense of professional identity (Day, 1999, 2002; Hargreaves & Goodson, 1996; Hoyle, 1982; Leung, 2009). Professional identity is at the core of the teaching profession. The concept of identity provides a framework for teachers to construct their own ideas on ‘how to be’, ‘how to act’, and ‘how to understand’ their work and their place in society (Sachs, 2005, p.15). Teachers who have a good understanding of who they are can

* Tel.: þ974 3363 9672. E-mail address: [email protected]. 1 Permanent address. 17 Hudson Close, Old Hall, Warrington, Cheshire, England WA5 9PY, UK. 0742-051X/$ e see front matter Ó 2013 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.tate.2013.09.002

better understand themselves in relation to their practice, and better understand their practice in relation to themselves. Knowledge of one’s self is a crucial component in the way that teachers construct their identity and relate this identity to the nature of their work (Kelchtermans & Vandenberghe, 1994). Beijaard, Meijer, and Verloop (2004, p.108) explain that concepts of self strongly determine teachers’: pedagogy, professional development, and attitudes towards educational change. Thus, it can be argued that learning to teach is primarily a process of identity construction (Nguyen, 2008). A better understanding of who language teachers are enables a better understanding of language teaching and learning (Varghese, Morgan, Johnston, & Johnson, 2005, p.22). However, the vast majority of research into how professional identities are renegotiated has investigated the professional identity of teachers who are situated in Western mainstream education. The findings of this research are difficult to apply to the lives of teachers who work in environments which contain non-Western social, cultural, governmental, and institutional discourses. Specifically, little research has been conducted into the ongoing construction of the professional identities of English language teachers.

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This study explores how being exposed to non-Western discourse systems can result in a renegotiation of professional identity for English language teachers. This article will: outline the concept of identity, explore how professional identity is constructed at the nexus of three key areas (institutional and personal environments, individual agency, and discourse communities), describe global educational contact zones, and discuss the ways in which pedagogical adaptation may result in a renegotiation of professional identity. Then, this article will investigate how the pedagogical use of controversial issues by ten English language teachers at a major government institution of higher education in Qatar may have changed over the duration of two years and the implications of any change on their professional identity. 1.1. Identity Identity is a complex and dynamic construct. Initially, it was thought that individuals created defining, distinct, and individual systems of identity which remained constant over time. Earlier sociolinguists portrayed the concept of ‘self’ as a “singular, unified, stable essence that was minimally affected by context or biography” (Day, Kington, Stobart, & Sammons, 2006, p.602). Cooley (1902) introduced a reflexive aspect to the concept of ‘self’ by linking its development to subjectively interpreted feedback from others. Mead (1934) then argued that social interactions and the attitudes of others towards an individual influenced how an individual perceives him/herself. Thus, the importance of social experience in the formation of identity was recognized. Goffman (1959) added a multifaceted aspect to identity by arguing that people drew upon a number of selves when adapting to different situations. Ball (1972) advanced this theory by separating situated identity, which is situationally dependent, from substantive identity, which is more stable and more strongly connected to core perceptions of self. Wenger (1998, p.149) identifies five core ways in which we individually define ourselves: how we experience and reify ourselves in relation to others (negotiated experience), the influence of the familiar and unfamiliar (community membership), where we have been and where we are going (learning trajectory), reconciliation of new aspects of identity with existing aspects (nexus of multi-membership), and local negotiation of belonging to broader discourses (a relation between the local and the global). Within Wenger’s five aspects is an acknowledgement of the social, cultural, and political aspects of identity formation and an acknowledgement of the relationship between identity and professional practice. Identity is a complex construct. The concept of identity has evolved from initially being thought of as a fixed and stable entity, to being thought of as fragmented, dynamic, and temporal construct which is socially: situated, contingent, and constructed. Identity formation is a relational phenomenon; it is an ongoing process which involves the continuous reinterpretation of lived experiences as people connect and interact with meanings of identity which have previously been self ascribed. Identity is not something which people have; it is something which people use to justify, explain, and make sense of themselves in relation to other people and their context (MacLure, 1993). 1.2. Professional identity An orthodox definition of professional identity would be: a set of ascribed attributes which differentiate one group from another (Sachs, 2001, p.153). However, professional identity is a multifaceted and dynamic construct. Consequently, reaching a full understanding of professional identity is challenging. The scope of

this paper does not allow a comprehensive examination of professional identity. However, I will explore how professional identity is constructed at the nexus of three key areas: institutional and personal environments, individual agency, and discourse communities. 1.2.1. Institutional and personal environments Institutions influence teachers’ professional identity as teachers’ professional lives are embedded within the institutions which employ them. There are several ways in which schools may influence teachers’ professional identity. Firstly, the culture of the school (internal dynamics and organization) may impact upon teachers’ construction of their professional identities (Beijaard, 1995). Coldron and Smith (1999, p.717) argue that due to institutional culture, customs and habits may insidiously become part of a teacher’s practice. Flores and Day (2006) investigated how the identity of 14 newly qualified teachers was affected by their institution. They found that socialization into school culture and a change in professional identity occurred as school norms and values were adopted. Secondly, subject and pedagogical knowledge are strongly connected to identity formation. Three types of knowledge that may influence teachers’ identity include: subject matter, pedagogical, and didactical (Beijaard, Verloop, & Vermunt, 2000). Thirdly, adding additional professional duties may change existing aspects of professional identity. Haworth (2008, p.425) highlights how encountering EAL students appeared to alter aspects of New Zealand class teachers’ professional identity; tensions were created which shaped professional identities by affecting: teachers’ perceptions of self-efficacy, selection of teaching roles, relations with support teachers, and professional development priorities. Institutions play a key role in professional identity construction. Traditionally, teachers’ professional identities have been considered as being forged and negotiated within the boundary of schools or institutions. However, acknowledging personal environments recognizes the social embeddedness of professional identities. Professional identities are mediated through personal lives. Personal constructs and meanings are developed, and relationships are made sense of through a subjective emotional world (Day, 2002, p.685). Every aspect of teaching has a personal dimension, including: interaction with students and colleagues, day-to-day decisions, character of classroom presence, conceptions of learning, interpretations of curricula, and responses to school policies (Coldron & Smith, 1999, p.718). Interestingly, Sikes (1992) found that “teachers of similar age and sex share similar experiences, perceptions, attitudes, satisfactions, frustrations and concerns” (p.40), and that their motivation and commitment follow predictable patterns over time. However, MacLure (1993), in her study of 69 teachers from England, found that although influential, gross characteristics of context (employment prospects or reputation of the school) were not predictive of individual teachers’ attitudes, expressions or practice. Thus, MacLure (1993, p.314) cautions against generalizations, arguing that stratifying factors such as age, subject affiliation or seniority take on different meanings for different teachers. The construction of professional identity involves bringing together the personal and professional dimensions of teachers’ lives. For teachers, the boundaries between personal and professional lives are often deeply interwoven. This is because “teaching demands significant personal investment” (Day et al., 2006, p.603). Nias (1989) investigated the identity of primary school teachers in England in 1980s. She found that early career teachers’ personal ‘selves’ were relatively independent of their teacher ‘selves’. However, their personal ‘selves’ were often incorporated into their

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professional ‘selves’ when these teachers moved into their second decade of teaching. Institutional and personal environments are both highly influential in shaping teacher identity. 1.2.2. Agency Teachers are active agents who individually construct their own unique professional identity. Stronach, Corbin, McNamara, Stark, and Warne (2002, p.111) argue that traditional academic storytelling has constructed professionalism emblematically through the use of simple analytical polarities, for example, stages of development or typologies of role. Reductive typologies fail to fully appreciate that identity is individually constructed. A distancing from a structurally deterministic view of identity acknowledges that individuals are intentional beings; they have agency. Agency is one’s ability to pursue goals that one values (Archer, 1996, 2000). Frazer and Lacey (1994) elaborate, The social subject is not a theoretical cluster of variables (age, race, sex, class, educational attainment), or an irreducible and unified ego of the Cartesian type, or an epiphenomenon of structures and forces . [T]his analysis makes of human beings actors or doers, not behavers. (p.269) Identity is inextricably linked to agency. Agency is involved in the maintaining, shaping, and resolving of the tensions within identity construction and needs to be considered when teachers are forced to manage critical incidents, threatening trends and reconcile contradictions and tensions within their professional identities (Day et al., 2006, p.611). Each teacher adopts professional characteristics (knowledge and attitudes) in a different way because they attach differing values to them (Beijaard et al., 2004, p.122). Teachers’ professional identity is personally shaped and constructed; it is not generically bestowed. 1.2.3. Discourses Teacher identity is individually unique and directly influenced by institutional and personal environments. However, broader more indirect forces are also at play as professional identity is socially, culturally, and politically informed, affirmed, and influenced. The concept of discourses is useful in exploring these influences as it allows for contradiction without incoherence. Discourses are frameworks for thought and action that groups of individuals refer to in order to meaningfully communicate with each other (Miller-Marsh, 2002, p.456). Specific groups of people sanction patterns of thinking, speaking, acting, and interacting that are historically, culturally, politically, and socially generated (Burman, 1994; Fairclough, 1989; Gee, 1996); thus, discourses are ideological. Bakhtin (1981, 1986) argues that language is heteroglossic; it is composed of multiple discourses which emanate from specific social groups, professional groups, etc. Macro-level discourses include the broader discourses of society, culture, government, and institutions. Additionally, specific disciplines tend to have their own specific teaching cultures. Examples of English language teaching discourses include: types of English (ESP/EAP), pedagogy (CLT/ audio-lingual), qualifications (Masters/CELTA), professional organizations (TESOL/IATEFL), and research interests (professionalism/ SLA). Discourses play a crucial role in formation and maintenance of professional identity formation as individuals can be defined by the groups to which they belong. Competing discourses coexist and are in constant competition within the speech of individuals (Bakhtin, 1981, 1986); thus, they may contradict each other. For example, Johnston (1997) found that 17 Polish EFL teachers “told their life stories within a complex discursive context in which many occupational, socioeconomic, and cultural discourses competed for dominance” (p.691). Johnston

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(1997, p.694e695) explains how one participant’s identity contained two competing discourses; a British macro-discourse which values exams as objective measures and a Polish macro-discourse which regards exams as harmful to the practice of language teaching. Johnston’s (1997) findings are evidence of Stronach et al.’s (2002) claim that “professionalism is bound up in the discursive dynamics of professionals attempting to redress the dilemmas of the job within particular cultures” (p.109). Exposure to new discourses may trigger reflections about professional identity. New discourse exposure may originate from being repositioned within pre-existing discourses or being exposed to new discourses. Being repositioned within pre-existing discourse systems may threaten and/or cause the renegotiation of existing professional identities. Sachs (2001) argues that changes in government policy and educational restructuring in Australia have resulted in two dominant and competing discourses (managerialist and teacher driven) that have given rise to two competing professional identities (entrepreneurial and activist). Sachs (2001) argues that Australian teachers’ identities are constantly being constructed and deconstructed as they come to terms with, align themselves, and adopt into their practice aspects of these competing discourses. Additionally, an eight year study by Osborn, Abbot, Broadfoot, Croll, and Pollard (1996) found that the main response of English primary school teachers to reform was sustained adaptation to the new values that were imposed upon them. Being exposed to new discourse systems may cause the renegotiation of existing professional identities. Several studies have investigated how exposure to new discourse communities may affect identity construction. Reynolds (1996) found that within three years of starting teaching, the previously held beliefs of Canadian teachers were being self-questioned as they were exposed to a variety of social and educational structures. Alsup (2006, p.187) found that pre-service teachers’ engagement with new discourses may transform aspects of their identity, including: language, actions, emotions, feelings, ideas, and appearances. Thus, characteristics of discourse communities may be uniquely subsumed into the identity of individuals. Becoming a member of a new discourse community may require modification of professional identity; value systems may need to change. Discourses shape professional identity as all identities are constructed and maintained through discourse. Teachers constantly fashion and refashion their identities through assembling together fragments of the discourses that they are exposed to (Miller-Marsh, 2003, p.8). Thus, most Western trained ESL teachers have acquired fragments of dominant Western discourses which contribute to their professional identity. Teachers’ professional identities are rich, complex, relational, and dynamic. Professional identity is an amalgamation of organizational culture, institutional roles, personal biography, and social influence. As teachers discuss, explain, negotiate, argue, and justify their identities through their experiences within the discourse communities in which they are exposed to, they create a site of agency which contributes to the construction of their professional identity (Clarke, 2009, p.187). The next section will explore global educational contact zones and how institutionally imposed pedagogical changes within these zones may result in a renegotiation of professional identity for English language teachers. 1.3. Global educational contact zones According to Appadurai (1996), people function in systems of multidirectional global cultural flows. Ideas, ideologies, people, goods, images, messages, technologies, and techniques are exchanged in a world that is in motion. Appadurai (1996) proposes

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five dimensions of globalized cultural flow, of primary relevance here is the ethnoscapes dimension. By ethnoscape I mean the landscape of persons who constitute the shifting world in which we live: tourists, immigrants, refugees, exiles, guest workers, and other moving groups and persons constitute an essential feature of the world, and appear to affect the politics of and between nations to a hitherto unprecedented degree. (Appadurai, 1996, p.33) One way in which ethnoscapes take form is as global contact zones. Global contact zones are sites where cultures meet and interact. They are nodal points in the meeting of societal, cultural, governmental, and institutional discourses. These contact zones are spatial, temporal locations that are constituted relationally and that have developed through the historical process of displacement (Clifford, 1997, p.7). Historical influences include: colonization, the global economy, the global spread of English, and demands for peripheral countries to have access to English and Western knowledge on their own terms (Canagarajah, 1999). Within these contact zones people with different cultural identities “meet, clash, and grapple with each other, often in highly asymmetrical relations of domination and subordination” (Pratt, 1992, p.4). Global educational contact zones are sites where teachers and students with disparate cultural background and identities meet and interact. Singh and Doherty (2004, p.11) identify that ESL, EAP, and foundation preparatory programs can be theorized as global educational contact zones as they are contact sites of internationalized education between two different cultures. Through pedagogic interactions, teachers and students are active agents in the everyday production and maintenance of these zones. Global educational contact zones may result in cultural hybridization. Teachers who work in another country are usually immersed in unfamiliar discourses and ideologies; thus, cultural exchange and transculturation become possible. For example, Shi (2009) examined the perceptions of good teaching of twelve expatriate teachers working in Chinese universities. Shi (2009) suggests that teaching in global contact zones can be a process of integrating local pedagogical practices with existing Western pedagogy. This transculturation represents “a dyadic relationship, a mutual entanglement of cultural practices and modes of representing cultural identity” (Singh & Doherty, 2004, p.12). This takes conceptions of ESL cultural interaction beyond dichotomous homogenization and active local resistance to Western ideologies and develops Appadurai’s (1996) concept of ethnoscapes and multidirectional global cultural flows. Within global educational contact zones, expatriate English teachers may experience identity renegotiation. Broader intercultural experiences can disturb core elements of identity for expatriate TESOL teachers (Neilsen, 2011, p.24). Neilsen, Gitsaki, and Honan (2007) collected in-depth interviews with nine English language teachers who had lived overseas in a range of countries. Their analysis reveals that expatiate English language teaching creates situations where teachers are continually encouraged to adapt and reinvent their teaching identities (Neilsen et al., 2007, p.11). A key question here is how are these identities adapted and reinvented? Specifically, does integrating local pedagogical practices with existing Western pedagogy result in a renegotiation of professional identity? 1.4. Pedagogy and identity Pedagogy usually refers to an undifferentiated set of practices, methods, and processes which result in the transmission and acquisition of knowledge and skills. However, similarly to

discourses, pedagogies are historically, culturally, politically, and socially generated frameworks for thought and action. Therefore, the concept of pedagogy can operate at a higher level by referring to varying sets of rules, principles, and devices which generate differing sorts of practices and produce different sorts of identities (Bernstein & Solomon, 1999, p.267). Of interest here is the relationship between pedagogy and identity. Participation within a discourse community exposes participants to the ideologies and practices of this community (Wenger, 1998). The pedagogy which teachers employ is closely connected to the ideologies of the discourse communities with which they identify themselves with. Ideologies are an inherent part of teachers’ pedagogical practice. This is because ways of acting and thinking are patterned into practices and sets of practices (Coldron & Smith, 1999, p.713). Regarding ESL, Western pedagogies are based on Western ideology. For example, the influences of the ‘communicative approach’ include: Austin’s (1962) speech act theory (which considers how language users perform speech acts), Hymes’ (1972) theory of communicative competence (which incorporates interactional and sociocultural norms), and Halliday’s (1973) functional perspective (which highlights meaning potential). Neilsen (2009, p.50) identifies that the communicative approach assumes a Western position of asking and answering questions and filling gaps in conversations. This approach may not align with the discourse rules in other speech communities. For example, in China it is common to ask direct questions, in Malaysia silence is an acceptable part of conversation, and in Japan questions of clarification may signify disapproval. Ouyang (2000) gives an anthropological case study of a local Chinese teacher who tried to implement the communicative approach but was constrained by local socio-cultural forces. English language teaching pedagogy is connected to issues of power and politics as education is a key site of cultural reproduction. Cummins (2001, p.18) argues that embedded implicitly within classroom interactions is an image of society that students will graduate into. Pedagogic modalities are realizations of symbolic control; they are involved in cultural production and reproduction (Bernstein & Solomon, 1999, p.269). Therefore, teachers’ practical knowledge may not be considered unencumbered by authoritative discourse as it represents particular ideological interests, orientations, communities and meanings, and inherently deploys relations of power (Britzman, 1994, p.72). Identity and action are conditioned by the operations of power in society and shaped by the social forms produced by that power (Bourdieu, 1984; Foucault, 1981). In practice, this results in specific pedagogies being advocated or restricted by dominant cultural groups. Sanctioning English language teaching pedagogy which is modelled on Western ideologies promotes a belief in the superiority and universal applicability of imported Western practices (Rubdy, 2009, p.159). This superiority and applicability usually comes at the expense of local discourses as students often align themselves with favoured discourses (Canagarajah, 2004, p.118). A key challenge for peripheral countries is how to reconcile the competing demands of local, regional, national, and religious identities with the homogenizing power of English (Canagarajah, 1999). Rubdy (2009, p.169) argues that pedagogy which is prescribed to the periphery from the Western centre needs to be adapted to local socio-cultural realities. English language teaching pedagogy needs to be decentered; it needs to adopt a local approach. Many periphery countries modify the Western English language teaching pedagogy which they import. Canagarajah (1999) reports how Tamil students appropriated English, using it on their own terms for their own needs. Vaish (2008) identifies that Indian students have been educated in Hindi and English through culturally situated pedagogies. Clarke (2007) observed that in the

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UAE trainee language teachers expressed views that using local cultural practices and materials alongside popular English language teaching resources may result in the increased status of local culture. Additionally, teachers may independently modify their pedagogy. Prowse and Goddard (2010) observed that Western trained teachers working in Qatar independently adapted their pedagogy due to their perceptions of their students’ culture. However, modification of Western pedagogy may create identity problems for Western trained teachers. Notions about acceptable pedagogy are central to a teacher’s belief system as they act as a filter and guide action (Haworth, 2008, p.413). If teachers are forced to adopt specific pedagogies, then they are forced to adopt specific ideologies. For example, Singh and Doherty (2004) observed that EAP/foundation teachers in Australia experienced moral dilemmas that were “created between their professional ethic of cultural respect and the curricula of linguistic orientation to Western higher education” (p.9). Adoption of new ideologies may result in a renegotiation of professional identity. There have been several studies that have investigated how pedagogical change has resulted in professional identity being renegotiated. Adapting to a new professional community may result in the renegotiation of professional identity. Kostogriz and Peeler (2004, p.10) found that the professional identity of a small group of migrant teachers in Victorian (Australia) schools was riven with uncertainty. Becoming familiar with different practices and being conceived as culturally different destabilized their authority as a teacher. As they struggled to become full members of a professional community, their sense of professional identity was questioned. Studying new pedagogical theory may result in the renegotiation of professional identity. In Iran, Abednia (2012) examined how a critical EFL teacher education course influenced the professional identity of seven Iranian EFL teachers. Renegotiation was observed in three areas: a shift to critical autonomy, a shift to a critical and transformative approach, and a shift to an educational view of English language teaching. Additionally, Abednia (2012) makes the link between identity and pedagogy. A follow up study is planned in order to determine whether the changes in identity resulted in actual changes in classroom practice. The pedagogy which English language teachers employs is a constituent of their professional identity. Exposure to new pedagogies and their inherent ideologies may result in the renegotiation of professional identity. Thus, working in an unfamiliar global educational contact zone, may force pedagogical adaptation upon English language teachers, resulting in a renegotiation of their professional identity. 1.5. My experience In the fall of 2010, eleven other teachers and I began work at a major government institution of higher education in Qatar. As part of our probation, we underwent a lesson observation. For my observation lesson, I wrote a fake BBC news article which explained that Blackberry phones would be banned by the Qatari government due to terrorism concerns. As at the time the majority of students owned Blackberry phones, I felt that the topic was relevant and interesting. I have used controversial issues successfully in the past in South Korea, Canada, and Turkey. The shock factor often ignites students’ interest. As expected, the students were very interested in the Blackberry text. During the observation’s feedback stage, one of the assessors questioned why I had used the Blackberry text. He explained that the falseness of the text could have been misunderstood. His concern was that perhaps the students may have reported back to their families that the Qatari government was going to ban

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Blackberry phones due to terrorism concerns. If the students or their parents had complained, then there may have been serious ramifications. The assessor, who had worked at the institution for over six years, advised me to refrain from using any topic which may be deemed controversial, including any aspect of my personal life. He explained that using controversial issues may expose my students to potentially offensive ideas and concepts. I had misunderstood the requirements of my new employment. Subsequently, I adapted my pedagogy; I started to use more culturally appropriate topics. For this study, a culturally appropriate topic is operationalized as a topic which does not directly challenge learners’ political, religious, and social ideologies. Culturally appropriate topics avoid giving offence and are matched to the sensitivities of the context in which they are used. Tomlinson (2001) argues that “provocative texts which stimulate an affective response are more likely to facilitate learning than neutral texts which do not” (p.68). For example, the Brazilian educationalist Paulo Freire used controversial topics in his literacy programs in the 1960s in order to affectively engage learners (Crotty, 1998). Although teaching Brazilian peasants to become literate in Portuguese in the 1970s is not the same as teaching English in Qatar in the 2010s, the underlying theory is still the same. Controversial topics have been found to increase levels of motivation and stimulate deeper cognitive engagement, resulting in higher levels of linguistic achievement. However after two years of teaching in Qatar, I feel that my teaching has not suffered due to a lack of controversial issues. I am still able to generate interest in my lessons using more culturally appropriate topics. Additionally, I feel that the burden of subversively exposing my students to my Western ideology has been somewhat lifted. If I ever work at an institution where the use of controversial issues is allowed, then I will continue to refrain from using them. My pedagogy has been significantly changed. The lesson observation cycle was a ‘moment of disruption’ (Neilsen, 2011, p.2). It resulted in a significant change in how I view my role as a teacher. Working at a major government institution of higher education in Qatar has significantly changed my professional identity. Eleven other teachers started employment at the same time as I. I will investigate if working at a major government institution of higher education in Qatar has required these other teachers to pedagogically adapt their use of controversial issues, and if any adaptation has impacted on their professional identity. The study investigates the following research questions,
Has operating in the global educational contact zones of a major government institution of higher education in Qatar forced pedagogical adaptation upon English language teachers?
If so, has this pedagogical adaptation resulted in a change in professional identity? 2. Methodology The topic of this study was determined by a context-bound realization; working at a major government institution of higher education in Qatar has noticeably changed my professional identity. Because this study investigates and reflects on my own practice in a deliberate and systematic way, it employs the research design of Exploratory Research. Regarding classroom language teaching, Exploratory Research (a form of Practitioner Research) seeks to enable practitioners to deeply develop and express their understandings of life in their classrooms as well as their own human situation (Allwright, 2003, 2005). Exploratory Research aims to understand situated educational reality by using a phenomenological approach which has ethnographic characteristics (Perpignan, 2003, p.260).

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2.1. Context As a result of industrialization, urbanization, modernization, and globalization Qatar has recently undergone a period of rapid development. This development has affected almost every aspect of Qatari society including its education system. In 2001, Qatar initiated educational reform designed to better align the educational system with the country’s changing economic, social, and political ambitions (Brewer et al., 2007). One way in which many Arab countries have aspired to achieve modernization and growth is through: importing Western curricula, employing English speaking faculty and staff, and mandating the use of English as a medium of instruction (Ahmed, 2010, p.4). As a result of recent educational reform, English is now an integral part of the Qatari education system. English is widely used within the institution in which I work. English is a mandatory part of the core curriculum for all undergraduate students. Additionally, courses in science, engineering, and pharmacy are only taught in English. Consequently, a minimum level of English is needed in order to enrol in these departments. An English foundation program is also available. Qatar is concerned about the preservation of its culture and identity. Qatari society is based on Islamic values. The institution has student learning outcomes which support Islamic ideology. For example, the core curriculum contains the following learning outcome, At the end of the Core Curriculum Program, the student should be able to: appreciate the Islamic values and morals in a way that prepares him/her to accept others. The institution does not promote Islamic ideology by officially advocating specific English language teaching pedagogy. However, in my experience, students and their parents exercise a large amount of control over the English language teaching curricula through their resistance and complaints. Consequently, Western English language pedagogy is unofficially modified for the Qatari context. One way that this is done is through avoiding controversial topics. The vast majority of English teachers at the institution refrain from using culturally sensitive topics. Topics which may be considered controversial include: sex, relationships, homosexuality, politics, terrorism, religion, and evolution theory. Materials which contain potentially sensitive topics are omitted from the curriculum; text book units are skipped and in-house created materials are devoid of any potential controversy. Additionally, controversial topics are eschewed in class. In order to provide linguistic context, controversial issues are replaced with more culturally sensitive topics. This approach is in line with other tertiary level institutions which are based in Qatar. For example, Prowse and Goddard (2010, p.41) investigated pedagogical adaptation by Western trained teachers who worked at a Doha located campus of a Canadian college. They reported that instructors were concerned that some topics may offend and alienate some students. Although there was no official policy, throughout Prowse and Goddard’s (2010) study controversial issues were never observed being discussed at the Qatar based campus. All English teachers at the institution are non-Qatari. Additionally, the course books used are written and published by Western based companies. Consequently, English lessons at the institution constitute global educational contact zones which are situated within an Arabic context. 2.2. Participants This study involved a purposeful sample of ten teachers. Eight were male; two were female. Their nationalities were Albanian,

American, Australian, British, Egyptian, Pakistani, Sudanese, and Turkish. All teachers were: between the ages of 28 and 45, well educated (holding a minimum qualification of a Master’s Degree of Education or TESOL), and had worked in countries other than their own. Although some of the teachers had previously taught in Gulf region before, none of the teachers had previously worked in Qatar. Thus, none had previously been exposed to the specific discourses of Qatari society or our institution. All teachers started employment at the same time and went through the same induction process; they had all been exposed to the same institutional culture for the same duration. 2.3. Data collection An open-ended questionnaire (Appendix A) was chosen as the method of data collection. The questions addressed possible changes in participants’ pedagogical use of controversial issues and how these changes may have affected participants’ professional identity. Participants were encouraged to expand on their views as much as possible. Open-ended questionnaires were used for several reasons. Firstly, open-ended questionnaires allowed participants to give rich, deep, authentic, and candid personal data about their professional identity (Cohen, Manion, & Morrison, 2007, p.330). Secondly, in order to encourage as many teachers as possible to participate in the study the data collection method needed to be unthreatening. Open-ended questionnaires give participants a high level of control over which thoughts they shared and the language used to share them. Thirdly, the asynchronous nature of the questionnaire gave the participants an opportunity to reflect on and develop their own understandings of their professional identity. 2.4. Procedures followed The purpose of the research and the participants’ rights (e.g. no entity will be given access to their data and having the right to know how the data would be reported prior to publication) were explained to each teacher in a face-to-face meeting. Written consent to use their data within a published article was obtained. Once the questionnaires were emailed out, participants were given a completion time of one week. Ten out of a potential eleven teachers chose to participate in the study, a participation rate of over 90%. In order to ensure confidentiality, male pseudonyms were given to all participants. In order to add another layer of confidentiality, these pseudonyms were not matched with specific individual data (age, nationality, religion, gender, experience, or qualifications). All participants were given the opportunity to member check this paper. All participants utilized this opportunity, resulting in no changes. 2.5. Data analysis In order to generate meaning from the data, I attempted to establish a logical chain of evidence (Miles & Huberman, 1984, p.227). Specific yes/no questions, based upon this study’s two research questions, were asked of the data. These questions were carefully sequenced in order to build a causal chain for each participant. I sought to establish that,
Pedagogical adaptation has taken place since working in a Qatari context.
This pedagogical adaptation has caused a change in professional identity. Table 1 shows the questions that were asked of the data and the answers generated.

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Table 1 An overview of the findings. Name

Had the participant previously taught in a global educational contact zone which was situated within an Arabic context?

Had controversial issues previously been a part of the participant’s teaching?

Has the participant changed to more culturally appropriate topics since working in a Qatari context?

Philip

Yes

Extremely selective use

Meriwether Adam Harry Daniel Patrick Jack Martin Matt Dennis

No Yes Yes No No No No No No

Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes

No (controversial issues were not initially part of pedagogy) No (changed before) No (changed before) No (changed before) Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes

3. Findings Three clear groups of teachers emerged from the data analysis. The first group stopped using controversial issues before they started working in a Qatari context; they did not need to adapt their pedagogy or renegotiate their professional identity. The second group of teachers changed to more culturally appropriate topics due to working in a Qatari context. However, they did not consciously experience a renegotiation of their professional identity. The third group of teachers also switched to using more culturally appropriate topics. These teachers did experience a renegotiation of their professional identity. In order to build an explanatory narrative for each group, the answers which participants gave on their questionnaires are examined in more depth. 3.1. Group 1 e no pedagogical adaptation and no renegotiation of professional identity Philip, Meriwether, Adam, and Harry have never used controversial issues in their teaching in Qatar; thus, no pedagogical adaptation was required. Phillip and Meriwether generally avoid controversial issues because they are not convinced of their pedagogical value. As a professional, I also think that it is not important to be engaged in discussing controversies more than focusing on some useful content items in the classroom. (Phillip) Adam and Harry had previously encountered problems when teaching in Arabic global educational contact zones. These problems resulted in a significant pedagogical change in how they use controversial issues within an Arabic context. Adam describes a previous problematic scenario, In my early experience teaching in the gulf [sic], it was confusing and seemed a problematic area. I can’t forget one incident when I suggested a controversial topic for a writing activity assuming it was a hot topic. However, I faced a major rejection and a refusal to discuss this topic. For these three teachers, using controversial issues in an Arabic context was not a part of their teaching before they started working at Qatar. Consequently, they experienced no pedagogical adaptation and no subsequent identity change.

Does the participant believe that their professional identity has significantly changed since working in a Qatari context?

Has the participant experienced a possible permanent change in their pedagogical use of controversial issues since working in a Qatari context? No

No

No No No No No No Yes Yes Yes

No No No No No No Yes Yes Yes

3.2. Group 2 e pedagogical adaptation not resulting in a renegotiation of professional identity For Daniel, Patrick, and Jack, pedagogical adaptation has not resulted in a renegotiation of their professional identity. These teachers had all experienced previous success in other contexts with controversial issues and strongly believe in their pedagogical value. Talking about his previous employment, Daniel explains, Controversial issues worked really well in my writing class, because they gave the students an opportunity to stand for something they feel strongly about. To be able to do so, they needed to think critically, provide logical arguments with solid support, and of course treat the other side respectfully. Both my students and I had a great time during those discussions. Also, those discussions increased the students’ motivation to produce a well-written paper. However, the use of controversial issues in a Qatari context was problematic. Your honest opinion on certain topics may not be received well. Therefore, by bringing a controversial issue to the classroom, you could make someone upset. Even worse, this could cost you your job. Therefore, I stay away from certain topics. (Daniel) These teachers were successfully able to adapt their pedagogy by replacing controversial topics with culturally acceptable topics. However, successful pedagogical adaptation did not result in the abandonment of core beliefs or the subscription to a new value system. Pedagogical adaptation simply involved complying with new expectations. A closer look at Patrick highlights this. The hegemonic relationship between the West and the East also showed up in my teaching prior to working in Qatar. We would discuss issues that ranged from the invasion of Iraq to the cultural hegemony of the West. I would always ensure that the students understood the connection between language and larger socio-political and cultural issues. (Patrick) Patrick understands that language is saturated with the ideology of the discourses from which it emanates (Bakhtin, 1981, 1986). The restriction in the use of controversial issues has impacted on his options when raising his students’ critical awareness of the ideological qualities of language. However, Patrick compromises by

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attempting to continue to adhere to his beliefs while fulfilling his students’ expectations. As you can see, while I have learned to keep certain controversial issues out of my classrooms, I was able to introduce controversial issues so long they do not clash with students’ core identities (religion, nationality, gender, sexual orientation, or culture). (Patrick) Pedagogical adaptation did not significantly impact on Patrick’s professional identity or his pedagogy; he expects to resume his previous use of controversial issues once he enters a context in which their use is accepted. Patrick has not abandoned the discourses to which he subscribes. Instead, he exercises his agency in an attempt to manage contradictions and tensions within his professional life (Day et al., 2006). All three of these teachers viewed pedagogical adaption as something which they can benefit from. I believe that my experience at Qatar University added to my professional experience. I learned about the culture of my students and how to incorporate it in my teaching. I also benefited from my encounters with the students in terms of adapting my teaching styles and strategies to suit their learning preferences. (Patrick) Daniel, Patrick, and Jack all believe that their professional identity has not significantly changed over the two years; instead, it has temporarily adapted to a new working environment. I wouldn’t say that my identity as a professional has changed. I’m still who I am. It’s just that I’m flexible and I deliver what I’m expected to deliver. That’s part of being professional, I believe. (Daniel) The implication is that their professional identity will adapt just as easily to their next global educational contact zone. 3.3. Group 3 e pedagogical adaptation resulting in a renegotiation professional identity For Martin, Matt, and Dennis pedagogical adaptation has resulted in a renegotiation of their professional identity. These teachers have all experienced previous success with controversial issues and strongly believe(d) in their pedagogical value. However, these teachers all experienced problems with their use in Qatar, resulting in a switch to topics which were deemed more culturally appropriate. Yet, unlike the second group of teachers, pedagogical adaptation initiated a new sequence of identity renegotiation. Before working in Qatar, Martin believed in the pedagogical value of controversial issues. However after using topics which are more culturally appropriate, a change in these beliefs occurred. I do not really see that controversial issues have a place in the language classroom. While many instructors believe that they help to engage learners and elicit responses, I actually now feel the opposite can be true. (Martin) Martin explains the accompanying pedagogical change. I feel I am generally more sensitive to the feelings of my learners, and I do not believe there is a benefit in ‘pushing’ them to think about and discuss their views on issues they do not feel comfortable doing so. I definitely feel much more able to effectively teach mixed nationality groups which consist of some Middle Eastern Muslim students. Martin believes that this change is permanent. After working in a Qatari context for two years, Martin has gone from firmly believing in the pedagogical value of controversial issues to

believing that they have no place in the English language classroom. He has incorporated ideology from a new discourse community into his identity by amalgamating the use of more culturally appropriate topics into his own pedagogy. Martin has refashioned his identity by incorporating a fragment of a new discourse system (Miller-Marsh, 2003). This supports Clarke’s (2009, p.194e195) claim that pedagogical certainties may be transformed by encounters with others and by exploration of the ideas of others. As a result of this transculturation, Martin believes that he has become a better teacher. For Martin, institutional culture, customs, and habits have not insidiously become part of his practice as Coldron and Smith (1999, p.717) suggest may happen. Instead, he is making a conscious choice to change his pedagogy based on his classroom experience. Matt believes that teaching does not occur in a vacuum and that what happens in the classroom should be connected to the world outside. Being unable to make use of controversial issues in class makes my teaching more predictable and more detached from reality. In the end, language teaching is not going through some activities in the book. It is about reality, which students face but are hesitant in talking about. (Matt) A restriction in the material available to Matt has resulted in the emergence of identity which is more suited to the culture of the institution in which he teaches. I often feel I have to act in the class, monitor what I am saying so that students will not feel hurt or insulted. This makes me feel I am developing another personality within myself, one that suits the way I present reality to the students here in the institution where I am teaching. (Matt) It is unclear whether this newly emerged identity will become a permanent part of Matt’s professional identity. Dennis believes that part of learning another language is learning about the culture which it emanated from. Dennis uses controversial issues to expose students to Western culture. Reduced student exposure to controversial issues limits the topics which students could think critically about and limits students’ exposure to Western culture. For Dennis, pedagogical adaptation has been a difficult and painful process. It has made Dennis question his core tenets of what it means to be a teacher. I used to subscribe to the idea that teaching language was naturally linked with teaching the culture of the people who speak that language, that my job as an English teacher was to teach my students about not only grammar and vocabulary but also Western culture and ideas (not in a subversive way but in an informative, descriptive way). I thought it was essential to explain why language is used in a certain way rather than simply stating that it is. (Dennis) Dennis was able to successfully adapt his use of controversial issues, but this adaptation forced upon him a change in his identity. I don’t know if I want to be a teacher anymore after this experience. I don’t necessarily think of myself as a teacher in the same way that I did before. (Dennis) Both Matt and Dennis believe that their role as teachers involves more than teaching discrete linguistic items. Matt believes that language should be connected to reality, and Dennis believes that language should be linked to the culture from which it emanates. These deep beliefs about the roles of language teachers have contributed to a framework with which they constructed their own ideas on ‘how to be’, ‘how to act’, and ‘how to understand’ their work as educators (Sachs, 2005). A forced change in ‘how they should be’ and ‘how they should act’ resulted in a renegotiation of

J. Scotland / Teaching and Teacher Education 37 (2014) 33e43

their frameworks and a renegotiation in how they understand their work. In other words, for Matt and Dennis pedagogical adaptation threatened the values that their existing professional identity and pedagogical practice was based upon. Thus, after working at a major government institution of higher education in Qatar for two years, identities have emerged that they were not comfortable with. Both Matt and Dennis expressed concerns about how their identity had changed. Although both teachers have agency in their identity construction, their comments express a sense of powerlessness. The pedagogical demands of the institution have shaped their identities in undesired ways. This suggests that imposing pedagogical practices onto teachers may be a way of controlling and manipulating their identity. 4. Discussion In this study operating in global educational contact zones which are situated in a Qatari government institution of higher education required ten experienced teachers to use pedagogy which is ideologically aligned with an unfamiliar discourse system. For some of these teachers, this resulted in a renegotiation of their professional identity. The findings of this study suggest that there is a relationship between professional identity and pedagogy, and a key factor in professional identity construction is how individual sites of agency mediate interaction between institutional discourses and a teacher’s existing identity. 4.1. Pedagogy and identity There is a relationship between professional identity and pedagogy. Embedded within any pedagogy are inherent ideologies. When teachers use specific practices they appear to, often unconsciously, subscribe to their underlying ideologies. In this study, six teachers needed to adapt their pedagogy by replacing controversial issues with more culturally sensitive topics. For three teachers, flexibility and adaptability are core traits of their identity; therefore, their pedagogical adaptation was not permanent and a subsequent renegotiation of their professional identity did not occur. For the other three teachers, integrating local pedagogical practices with their existing practice resulted in significant pedagogical change which was accompanied by identity renegotiation. These finding suggest that there may be an antecedent/consequent relationship between pedagogy and identity. In other words, a significant change in a teacher’s pedagogy may trigger a substantive change in their professional identity. This may be due to the complex relationships which exist between a teacher’s beliefs and the pedagogy they choose to employ (Fang, 1996). Additionally, although previous research has shown how sanctioning Western teaching practices often disadvantages local discourses (Canagarajah, 2004), the findings of this study highlight an alternative scenario. Due to the multidirectional flows which exist within global educational contact zones (Appadurai, 1996), local pedagogies and their underlying ideologies may be adopted by teachers who were educated and have worked elsewhere. 4.2. Institutions and agency A key factor in professional identity construction is how individual sites of agency mediate interaction between institutional discourses and a teacher’s existing identity. The Qatari government institution of higher education for whom the participants of this study work imposed onto its teachers pedagogical constraints which emanated from broader macro-level societal ideologies. The teachers in this study needed to reconcile the ideologies which

41

underpinned these constraints with their existing values and beliefs. For some teachers this reconciliation was unproblematic as these impositions aligned with their existing beliefs about pedagogy and language teaching. For others, contradiction arose as acquiring fragments of imposed institutional discourses altered their professional identity in undesired ways. The emergence of identities due to specific pedagogies being advocated or restricted by an institution supports Foucault (1981) and Bourdieu’s (1984) claims that identity and action are conditioned by the operations of power in society. This raises the interesting question of whether it is possible for institutions to influence the professional identity of their teachers in a manner which is deliberate and controlled. Additionally, for those who experienced contradiction, agency was an important factor in resolving these tensions. Although this study has classified the participants into three different groups, within these groups each teacher reconciled these contradictions in very idiosyncratic and personal ways. In other words, no two teachers resolved tensions within their identity in exactly the same way. These findings support Day et al.’s (2006) notion that agency plays a unique role in managing and resolving the tensions which arise during the process of identity construction. 4.3. Implications This study is another example (Neilsen, 2011; Neilsen et al., 2007) of how expatriate language teaching creates situations where teachers are continually encouraged to adapt and reinvent their teaching identities. However, although this research is focused on English language teachers, it is relevant to all teachers. Becoming more aware about how their professional identity is constructed within the educational contact zones in which they work will help all teachers to better cope with potentially identity threatening transitions. Because notions of professional identity can often remain implicit (Cohen, 2010, p.480), explicit opportunities need to be provided in which teachers can explore how their uniquely individual concepts of their professional self came into being and are contextually situated. Professional development or induction programs could offer such opportunities. 4.4. Limitations This study has three major conceptual limitations. Firstly although all the participants of this study have been exposed to Western academic discourses, each participant has a unique identity which has been constructed from a unique blend of personal and professional histories, and exposure to different discourse systems. In this study, no attempt was made to construct a complete picture of each participant’s identity before they started working in Qatar. Therefore, I am unable to specifically identify exactly how each participant’s identity may have changed over the two years and pinpoint the causes of any changes. Secondly, professional identity was investigated from a simple analytical polarity; I connected a change in the way controversial issues were used to a change in teachers’ professional identity. In reality, professional identity is a complex and multifaceted construct; it is simultaneously affected by many influences. Finally, no-one is able to give a complete and accurate account of aspects of their identity. Impediments to self-narration include thoughts which do not enter consciousness and socially-determined norms which are taken for granted. A teacher’s identity will always exceed what can be known of it and what can be captured in the representational system of language (Clarke, 2009, p.188). In order to increase the internal validity of the study, the questionnaire could have been triangulated with data from other sources, including: classroom observations, and follow-up

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interviews. In order to probe deeper, I could have administered an individually tailored follow-up questionnaire which was based on participants’ responses to their initial questionnaire. Furthermore, a longitudinal study with a duration of several years would yield deeper insights. 4.5. Future research This study has shown how institutionally imposed pedagogical adaptation can impact on a teacher’s professional identity. However, more research needs to be carried out in order to unravel the relationship between pedagogy and identity. Specifically, how much and what kind of pedagogical change is required to trigger a shift in professional identity? Additionally, as each institution immerses its teachers in a unique combination of educational traditions, practices, and cultures, more research into the effects of institutional discourses on professional identity needs to be undertaken in a variety of contextually diverse settings. 5. Conclusion Identity is dynamic and temporal. It involves the continuous reinterpretation of lived experiences with a framework of meanings of identity which have previously been self-ascribed. When new lived experiences do not align with existing lived experiences, a renegotiation of identity may take place. This renegotiation may take the form of a moment of disruption (Neilsen, 2011) or it may take years to evolve. For three of the participants of this study, the everyday adherence to institutional pedagogical constraints over a two year period resulted in the emergence of new identities. Through transitioning into a new institutional culture and reconciling newly encountered discourses with existing aspects of identity (Wenger, 1998) the participants of this study have highlighted how professional identity is a dynamic and temporal construct which is socially situated, contingent, and constructed. Consequently, teachers’ identities may be formed, informed, and transformed by the global educational contact zones in which they work. Appendix A. Data collection tool Questionnaire e Operating in a global contact zone: How the professional identify of English teachers in a Qatari university has been influenced by pedagogical adaptation. Bio data a. Please choose a pseudonym: b. Where did you work previously? (last two/three positions)

Country

Type of institution

Student profile

Questions 1. Before you came to Qatar, how did you use controversial issues in your teaching? 2. Since arriving in Qatar, has this use changed? Please explain your answer. (How? Why?)

3. If your pedagogical use of controversial issues has changed, then do you feel that your teaching has lost and/or gained anything? Please explain your answer. 4. Has working in Qatar permanently changed your pedagogical use of controversial issues in any way? 5. Do you feel as though your identity as a professional (how you view yourself as a professional) has been changed by your experience of teaching in Qatar? Please explain your answer.

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