Perceptions of social strategies in intercultural relations: The case of Ethiopian immigrants in Israel

International Journal of Intercultural Relations 49 (2015) 13–24

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International Journal of Intercultural Relations journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/ijintrel

Perceptions of social strategies in intercultural relations: The case of Ethiopian immigrants in Israel Anat Korem a,b,∗ , Gabriel Horenczyk c a b c

School of Education, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Mount Scopus, Jerusalem, Israel Faculty of Education, Levinsky College of Education, Israel School of Education and the Melton Centre, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Mount Scopus, Jerusalem, Israel

a r t i c l e

i n f o

Article history: Received 3 July 2014 Received in revised form 10 June 2015 Accepted 10 June 2015 Keywords: Social strategies Intercultural competence Identity threat Immigration Ethiopian immigrants

a b s t r a c t Social strategies are a central component of intercultural competence, and are vital in understanding, theoretically and practically, the immigration and acculturation process. This study focused on an immigrant group experiencing identity threat, namely young Ethiopians in Israel, and examined their perceptions of social strategies in intergroup relations. Thematic analysis was performed on two types of qualitative data: (1) newspaper articles in which members of the Ethiopian community addressed aspects of their social strategies (31 reports collected from seven newspapers and magazines) and (2) data from two focus groups conducted afterwards with young adult members of the Ethiopian community (five to seven participants in each group). A major pattern emerging from the immigrants’ reports is the adoption of the hosts’ perspective and attitudes regarding the effective norms of social behavior. In their daily coping, on the other hand, the immigrant youth tended to exhibit a complex and at times ambivalent variety of behavioral patterns in their social interactions with members of the host culture. This spectrum of social strategies suggests dynamic processes of trial and error and reflects the unique complexity of intercultural competence. Findings were analyzed in terms of the immigrants’ perception of the threat to their identity and of their ways of coping with those threats. © 2015 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

I act out of the evil that hurt me. I have a lot of anger in me; those who have adapted and are better off are those who fought each and every battle. You must know how to stand up for yourself like a lioness protects her cubs. You don’t have to be liked by everyone. Personal conversation with a young girl of Ethiopian origin 1. Introduction Social strategies, defined as “coherent collections of actions which have a reasoned chance of improving results” (Brunson, 2013), play a central role in intercultural transitions (e.g., Chen, 1992; Poyrazli, Arbona, Nora, McPherson, & Pisecco, 2002). These strategies can be seen as part of a broader construct of intercultural competence, which refers to the scope of knowledge, attitudes, and skills people bring to intercultural encounters, and to their ability to explain, evaluate, and negotiate

∗ Corresponding author at: School of Education, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Mount Scopus, Jerusalem, Israel. Tel.: +972 545755074. E-mail address: [email protected] (A. Korem). http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijintrel.2015.06.008 0147-1767/© 2015 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

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the viewpoints and practices of their own and other cultures (Byram, 1997; Holmes & O’Neill, 2012). In a similar vein, Spitzberg and Changnon (2009) defined intercultural competence as “The appropriate and effective management of interaction between people who, to some degree or another, represent different or divergent affective, cognitive, and behavioural orientations to the world” (p.7). They pointed to the limited research on the communication that takes place in intergroup relations, and particularly to the ways in which people manage the intercultural interactions. Our research is thus set to examine the immigrant perceptions of the interaction management, primarily of their social strategies in intercultural relations. We chose to examine this among Ethiopian immigrants in Israel because they are regarded as a group experiencing threat to their identity (Shabtay, 2001); thus, the challenges they face with respect to intercultural relations are particularly consequential. Ethiopian Jews, most of whom immigrated to the State of Israel in two waves (1984–5 and 1991) under the “Law of Return”, which grants citizenship to groups of Jewish origin, moved from patriarchal, traditional, and rural societies to a modern society. The differences between the two cultures are evident in many areas including community, leadership, external appearance, education, occupation, and social codes (Ben-Ezer, 1992). Threat to identity can occur when the social status of an immigrant group is markedly low or when members of the group feel unwanted or even rejected. This perception of threat can be detrimental to self-esteem, self-efficacy and identification with the receiving society (Schwartz, Vignoles, Brown, & Zagefka, 2014). Shabtay (2001) concludes from a series of studies carried out in Israel that Ethiopian youth have to a significant degree internalized negative messages from their environment and abandoned their efforts to cope with and belong to Israeli society. Indeed, most of the findings on Israelis of Ethiopian origin—about 120,000 people constituting 1.7% of the Israeli population (Central Bureau of Statistics, 2012)—point to a dangerous trend. For example, the incidence of poverty among Ethiopians is the highest in Israel, and affects 51.7% of families, according to the Bank of Israel report (Globes, 4 April 2007). A study based on telephone interviews with 680 immigrant youth in Israel comparing immigrants from different countries of origin (Kahan-Strawczynski, Levi, & Konstantinov, 2010) notes that Ethiopian youth experience greater feelings of alienation toward school than young immigrants from other countries. Ethiopian youth also show a much lower sense of personal security in at least one of their life domains (school, neighborhood, and town), and academically, they constitute the highest proportion of immigrant adolescents who failed in three or more subjects. These patterns were found to be unrelated to the number of years Ethiopian immigrants have been in the country. In addition, among immigrant youth reported two or more types of at-risk behavior (e.g. absence from school, criminal behavior), more than half are Ethiopian. By 2005, the number of criminal files for minors of Ethiopian origin was nearly twice that of youth in general (The Israel Association for Ethiopian Jews, 27 July 2007). With respect to professional status and aspirations, a 1997 study using in-depth interviews showed that Ethiopian youth assumed that very little was expected from them by their superiors (on a professional level) and that they are seen as not taking an active part in social life, despite their efforts. This tends to lead to a vicious circle of emotions, which they see as resulting from their skin color, and the external reactions from the larger society, and this pattern affects other areas of their lives, leading them to despair and hopelessness (Ben-David & Ben-Ari, 1997). More recently, young Ethiopian immigrants reported being labeled through categories of stigmatization (Ben-Eliezer, 2008), and many reported feeling that racist attitudes were directed toward them (Walsh & Tuval-Mashiach, 2012). It seems, then, that following their transition to a new country, Ethiopian immigrants’ social strategies are continuously challenged, and they are required to constantly reinforce and define them anew. Shelton, Richeson, and Vorauer (2006) indicate that one of the main factors contributing to individuals’ preoccupation with their cultural label is the salience of their social identity. This salience is high in interethnic interactions, giving rise to two concerns on the part of these individuals: that the out-group member may view them in a stereotypical manner and that their behavior will confirm stereotypes about their group. In such situations, the authors explain, these individuals can be understood “to be operating in terms of both their personal and social identity, focusing on how they personally are being seen through the lens of their group membership” (p. 324). The ways in which people will react to threat to their identities depend, among others, on the extent to which the individual feels committed to his or her group; those strongly identifying with the group will tend to react defensively by derogation of the out-group (Branscombe, Ellemers, Spears, & Doosje, 1999). Another possible response, particularly in those situations where the individual is not able to promote her or himself on an individual basis, would be to engage in a reconstruction of their identity in creative ways, so that the group will be perceived less negatively (Schwartz et al., 2014). This raises the question on the ways in which these reactions are turned in practice into social strategies for the management of intercultural interactions. One of the few studies examining the social strategies that characterize Ethiopian immigrants in their interaction with members of the non-immigrant population found that immigrant adolescents from Ethiopia have a low level of assertiveness compared to their non-immigrant peers (Korem, Horenczyk, & Tatar, 2012). In addition, they show a relatively high level of passivity in comparison to both non-immigrants as well as immigrants from the former Soviet Union. Similarly, a study conducted among middle school students (Ringel, Ronell, & Getahune, 2005) observed that Ethiopians seemed shy and spoke in a gentler manner compared to their peers in the non-immigrant group. It must be stated that these expressions of passive strategies are not necessarily a product of traditional rudiments but also can be the expression of a dynamic system in which immigrants employ such strategies to avoid direct conflict with those who hold the power (Kaplan, 1998). These findings and their two possible explanations highlight the need to better understand the different aspects of immigrants’

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strategies.Cultural transition, it must be noted, also provide occasions for positive growth. Although earlier literature on immigration focused mainly on “culture shock” (Oberg, 1960) and viewed transition as inevitably traumatic, more recent research highlights the resilience of many immigrants, depicting them as active agents highly involved in the process of improving their life circumstances (Ehrensaft & Tousignant, 2006; LaFromboise, Coleman, & Gerton, 1993; Motti-Stefanidi, Asendorpf, & Masten, 2012). According to this line of thinking, transitions can be seen as unique opportunities for selfdevelopment (Mirsky, 2005). People are born and raised in particular cultural realities, and naturally adopt—consciously and otherwise—the cultural codes that become an interpretative map within which they frame their experiences (Goffman, 1974). During the transition from one culture to another, people can become familiar with new values and norms, examining them and integrating them into the old set. In other words, intercultural competence also involves critical cultural awareness (Byram, 1997; Holmes & O’Neill, 2012). Mirsky (2005) refers to the hidden potential of this process, and suggests that immigration is a good opportunity for the formation of identity.Cultural transitions involve complex processes. Research on social strategies in intercultural relations is of great importance, as it can shed light on the factors conducing to a positive adaptation. 1.1. The present study The aim of the present study is to examine one major aspect of intercultural competence, namely social strategies, of young members of an immigrant group holding a threatened identity, focusing on the perspective of the immigrants themselves. The main question is: How do the young immigrants perceive their intercultural strategies? More specifically, we ask what are the values and social resources that they bring to intercultural encounters. The secondary question focuses on behavior, and asks what are the practices characterizing their coping patterns in social interactions with members of the non-immigrant group. 1.2. Approach Two phases of qualitative research were included due to particular characteristics of the population under study. The goal of the first one was to identify the main themes. The second was based on the first, and its main aim was to explore these themes in depth and examine their different aspects. In the first phase, the approach was inductive; we identified themes and then framed then within available knowledge and conceptualizations. In the second phase, our approach was deductive: we elaborated on the themes identified in the first phase and we also explored a new theme. Shechtman and Tsegahun (2004) claim that because Ethiopian immigrants, as a group, are seen as restrained, closed, and shy, they might experience difficulties with processes demanding the elucidation of thoughts, needs, and emotions; therefore, these researchers recommend the use of ways of communication that are likely to avoid direct expression. In keeping with this suggestion, the first component of the investigation was designated to identify the main themes, most of them emotionally loaded, indirectly. Drawing from articles in the press, we located instances of Ethiopian youth addressing issues of their social and intercultural skills without their having been questioned explicitly. The identified themes provided us with opening questions for the second phase. The second phase was based on focus groups. The rationale for using this methodology was our assumption that a group situation would grant legitimacy to the expression of positive and negative attitudes, emotions, and conflicts, as opposed to one-on-one conversations, which might be perceived as threatening. The use of opening questions, a product of the first phase, thus facilitated the discussion and encouraged the participants to speak out. In Section 3 of our paper, the findings of both phases are integrated so as to gain a broader as well as deeper description on each and every theme. 2. Method 2.1. The first phase: method 2.1.1. The research procedure We located thirty-one articles published in the press between May 2008 and January 2011 in which Ethiopian immigrants addressed aspects of their intercultural strategies. While relating to the main issue of the article, those quoted expressed indirectly their thoughts, opinions, and insights on the intercultural strategies of Israelis of Ethiopian origin and of the use of the strategies themselves. The articles were collected from the Israeli press, including the two major daily newspapers (Maariv and Yediot Aharonot), one popular weekly magazine (La’Isha), and local newspapers (Yediot Hasharon, Al Asharon, Ha-ir and Pi Ha’aton). A systematic search was conducted to locate all the relevant articles published during those years, including articles in weekend newspapers, magazines, and local newspapers. This method is not commonly used, but its value as a source of valid, highly appropriate information for scientific research has been demonstrated (Ajzenstadt & Steinberg, 1997; Lahav, 2009). The criteria for relevance of the newspaper items were: (1) the item referred specifically to immigrants from Ethiopia, and (2) it addressed issues of social behaviors or interactions between immigrants and non-immigrants. The newspaper articles were read a few times by the two researchers to get the meaning being conveyed in order to ensure they met the criteria; then they selected out direct quotations to code more extensively searching for themes. The ages of those

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interviewed in the articles ranged from 17 to 35. In roughly half of the articles, women were interviewed while in the other half men were interviewed. 2.1.2. Data analysis The themes were identified using thematic analysis; the articles and quotes were read several times and the themes identified from the data (Patton, 1990). A theme was identified if it is related to the research questions and reflects a certain level of repeated patterned response or meaning within the data set (Braun & Clarke, 2006). The next stage involved rereading the articles and the quotes to ensure an appropriate match of the quotes to the emerging themes. The two researchers were also involved in this analysis, and after reaching agreement, they identified the four following themes: 1. 2. 3. 4.

Emphasis on unique social values that characterize Ethiopian culture Critique of culture of origin Suggestions for improving intercultural skills Patterns of social strategies characterizing interactions with non-immigrants

2.2. The second phase (focus groups): method As indicated earlier, the purpose of this phase was to further elaborate the themes identified in the first phase and to explore an additional theme. 2.2.1. Participants Two focus groups were conducted with young people of Ethiopian origin. Participants were located through a random and direct appeal, mostly at the university, to participate in a study. Some participants were found using the “snowball” method. This age group was chosen because individuals in early adulthood are required to function in diverse areas of life, such as employment and education, have already accumulated social experiences, and tend to have consolidated their thoughts and opinions about intercultural strategies. Respondents were informed that the aim of the study was to better understand their experiences, thoughts, feelings and opinions with regard to their social integration following their immigration. Focus groups were also used in other studies carried out among Ethiopian youth (e.g. Ringel et al., 2005), facilitating the collection of valuable information on the difficulties and challenges they experience in their new society. The first focus group was comprised of five participants ranging in age from 22 to 27 (with an average age of 24.2), whose length of residence in Israel ranged from 18 to 25 years (averaging 21.2 years). The second group had seven participants, whose ages ranged from 21 to 26 (with an average of was 23.7), who had been in Israel for an average of 20.4 years (ranging from 15 to 25 years). Both genders were represented in each of the two focus groups (first group—two men and three women, second group—four men and three women). Eight of the 12 participants were students, while the remainder held assorted jobs. 2.2.2. Research procedure The aim of the study was presented to the participants at the start of the meeting, and a round of introductions was held during which potential participants gave their name, age, year of immigration, and occupation. Next, opening questions were presented (as described below), to which the participants related, each in turn, as they went around the circle. Emphasis was placed on maintaining an open discussion and expanding on content raised by the participants through requests for clarification, demonstration, and expansion. The techniques included the use of questions encouraging openness (such as, “What were your thoughts about?”), pauses allowing participants to think and organize their thoughts, and the legitimization of implicit concepts and themes (Millward, 2012). Since all participants were fluent in the Hebrew language, and mostly speak among them in this language, the group sessions were conducted in Hebrew. A series of opening questions was prepared to address the main themes. The following are questions asked that related to the first and second themes: Who in Ethiopia was considered an amiable person? What was the significance of friendship in Ethiopian culture? How do you see these issues today? Regarding the third and fourth themes, the following questions were asked: What advice would you give to Ethiopians in order to integrate socially? Is your social behavior toward the non-immigrant group different from or similar to your social behavior toward Ethiopians? What responses do you get from members of the non-immigrant group when you act assertively? Do you recommend behaving in this manner? In light of the finding from the first phase regarding the emphasis that Ethiopian immigrants ascribe to social values that characterize their original culture, we added a fifth question: In your relationships with members of the non-immigrant group, are you interested in expressing the unique social values that characterize your culture of origin? If so, how is this done? The participants were also asked for other aspects related to their social integration, and they confirmed that the issues raised reflected all their thoughts on the subject. The two groups met in a quiet room at one of the leading universities, and each meeting lasted two hours. Participants were told that they could refuse to answer specific questions or terminate their participation at any time. They were promised anonymity, and they gave full consent to participate in the study. We must mention that participants in both groups tended to express themselves through their answers to questions directed at them, articulating opinions and providing examples,

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but were not inclined to relate to what others in the group had said. In this respect, the discussion that took place in the focus groups was similar to that of an interview. 2.2.3. Data analysis In light of the nature of the discussion that developed in the focus groups, we decided to search for repeated patterns of meaning across the statements made by the participants (thematic analysis), an approach seen as appropriate for focus groups (Braun & Clarke, 2006). This analysis led to the addition of a fifth theme that arose during the group discussion: expressing the uniqueness of Ethiopian cultural values in intergroup interactions. After discussion and agreement among the researchers regarding assignment into themes, the statements taken from the focus groups were classified according to the dominant ideas identified in each. As indicated earlier, the material gathered in both phases was in the Hebrew language. The analysis was conducted also in Hebrew and the quotations were then translated into English for publication. 3. Results and discussion As indicated earlier, we decided to combine and integrate the findings of the two phases in this section. This will provide us with a richer and more varied picture of the different themes reported and analyzed. The excerpts included in this section were taken from the two phases and demonstrate or explain in the participants’ own words the ideas connected to the themes under investigation. When a quote from the press (e.g. a newspaper or magazine that was used in the first phase) is used, the source follows the quote and the speakers are called “interviewees.” Quotes from the participants of the focus group are not followed by a source, and the speakers are called “participants.” 3.1. The first theme: emphasis on unique social values that characterize Ethiopian culture Three subcategories were identified within this theme—respect for the elderly, the value of friendship, and the significance of the word “no”. These subcategories were mentioned relatively often, and assigned particular importance by the participants. One of the central ideas that arose in the study was the value of respect for elders and parents. The importance accorded this concept was evident in a statement by one of the participants as she described the following incident: Mom was working as a cleaner for an Israeli woman who was highly educated and had a big house. One day, the woman’s mother came to visit her without calling beforehand, and she [the daughter] said to her in anger: “What, you didn’t call? I have something else to do now!” This was a shock for my mother, and she said to me, “We have come to a culture that is really . . . [the participant’s body language hinted at deprecation]. How can a mother be sent away like this?” This value was mentioned repeatedly and is considered essential; for example, one article included the statement, “There is no community that respects its elders like ours” (Al Hasharon, 18 May, 2007). The importance Ethiopians place on family ties and respect for elders is supported in other studies as well (e.g. Ben-Ezer, 1992; Tannenbaum, 2009). Another significant value is friendship manifested through unconditional loyalty. One participant described it as follows: Friendship in Ethiopia was a very ideological loyalty. For example, if someone promises something to a friend, then they have to do what was promised, even at a heavy cost. There is a concept adra which means “promise me yes.” A friend who makes a promise feels completely beholden and will do everything in order to keep the promise. It is based on [the idea that] you have to trust. Similarly, another participant emphasized the unqualified nature of friendship: [It is] to be a friend without ulterior interests, like between a mother and daughter, unconditional love. It is as though friendship is obvious, meaning that “if we are friends, you have to make me feel that I can depend on you, no matter where.” There were many stories about friends who did everything for my mother, and my mother spoke about it a lot—mainly memories. She has a friend she used to spend a lot of time with, and she helped her during her pregnancy. This friendship, based on the value of loyalty, was highly valued and appreciated, and they continued to express their gratitude for many years. Many times people speak about a person who helped them who was a friend, and the memory is so strong that even when their friendship is no longer the same, they continue to make reference to what they did for [each other] and to speak about it a lot. That relationships were often placed within a framework of friendship ties was made evident by the attention given to messages thought to have originated from the inner world of the other person. A participant explained, “Many times, the friend saw that his friend was in a crisis without him even telling him so. He would see his face, he would hear how he spoke.” The fundamental principle here was that the friend was acutely sensitive to the unspoken messages transmitted by the other person. This principle was also characterized by a readiness to learn from the other person, as stated by one of those interviewed, “This is the difference: We Ethiopians know how to learn from the other” (Yediot Aharonot, 7 February 2007).

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The commitment to be attentive to messages from the internal world of the other was described by another participant as “to be highly aware of the other’s situation.” A corollary of the value placed on friendship and affinity of mind is the significance of the word “no,” in the sense of refusal. Saying “No” to someone is perceived as an expression of hostility, even an insult to the dignity of the other. A participant shared an example of how this is borne out in practice: “If you ask someone to do you a favor and he does not agree, he will not say ‘no,’ but will keep quiet, and you understand from his silence that he is saying ‘no.”’ As a rule, Ethiopian culture values gentleness, kindness, and sensitivity; attributes such as restraint and courtesy are highly regarded. The language is similarly indirect and ambiguous, with a reliance on proverbs, attesting to the importance given to the appropriate use of words (Shabtay, 1999). As one participant put it: “Not everything had to be so blatant . . . what the Israelis call ‘restraint’ is in fact gentleness—that you do not use words but rather see it.” The social norms of respect for elders, honoring family ties, loyalty, and gentleness are often interpreted in the Israeli society as passivity and naivety. However, whereas Western societies tend to value the autonomy of the individual and thus to view such behavior as a negation of a person’s desires, needs, and rights, Ethiopian traditions are rooted in a moral worldview based on creating alliances between people. These alliances depend on trust given to group members and result in the ability to communicate indirectly. These differences in outlook are crucial for understanding the authentic meaning of social strategies. 3.2. The second theme: critique of culture of origin Another key finding that arose in the course of this study was that Ethiopian youth (in the Israeli context) today regard the social values that characterized their culture of origin with some criticism. For example, one participant spoke about the quality of naivety: I have a sense that this naivety, which Israelis frequently associate with the [Ethiopian] community, is correct. I no longer value this naivety because I know you pay a price for naivety—certainly in Western society, where naivety is seen as a weakness or stupidity. A similar message was seen in the words of one of the interviewees, active in a portal for the Ethiopian community: One of our problems is that we are restrained and do not communicate with one other, and the forum has become a place where you talk . . . and openly communicate with each other . . . One of the problems of Ethiopians is their passivity and lack of initiative. We are a closed people, shy and reserved, without “elbows.” Yediot Hasharon, 7 December 2007 These comments demonstrate the criticism these youth have for the social values that characterized their culture of origin. These statements are reminiscent of the phenomenon “internalized racism,” defined as the “acceptance by members of the stigmatized races of negative messages about their own abilities and intrinsic worth” (Jones, 2000, p. 1213), which can lead to a lack of belief in other members in the group and to “helplessness and hopelessness.” This process may have implications for group identity and group pride among Ethiopian immigrant youth; some researchers suggest that the development of the “Blackness” identity among Ethiopian youth, through which they adopt alternative identities within the wider context of other “Black” people in the world, is a response to cultural racism and the discrimination they encounter in the receiving society (e.g. Ben-Eliezer, 2004). 3.3. The third theme: suggestions for improving intercultural skills In order to promote positive encounters between Ethiopians and the non-immigrant group, we reviewed the ideas suggested on how to improve their situation. One idea mentioned often was that Ethiopians immigrants should act in a firm, decisive manner. One participant explained, “For instance, in a queue I will scream so they hear that I exist; this is part of Israeli culture. This is an instance where if someone decides to remain like [they did] in Ethiopia, it will make integration more difficult.” An interviewee involved in the Ethiopian channel hinted at the same type of strategy, saying, What is a lucky person? I paved the way. I didn’t sit at home and wait for luck to tell me, Start studying and go to work. Luck is to be born into a wealthy family . . . but if this does not happen to you, then it is all a question of how you build your life. La’Isha, 22 April 2007 Similar claims surfaced in previous studies. Ringel et al. (2005) found that Ethiopian adolescents assume they have to initiate contact with students from the non-immigrant group in order to establish friendships rather than waiting for the nonimmigrant students to take the first step. Shabtay’s 2001 study further noted that immigrants from Ethiopia who employed an active strategy did not suffer an identity crisis during their army service despite difficult experiences. One interviewee who was active in the struggle for social equality for Ethiopian Jews in Israel stated that, “We, as youth, who grew up in the Israeli educational system, know how to bang on the table when necessary and are not afraid of the establishment” (Pi Ha’aton, July 2007), a claim echoed in the words of a participant: “Many Ethiopian students are attracted to the study of Law in order to be ‘more Israeli than the Israelis.”’

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These findings may indicate that adopting the non-immigrant group’s point of view and modes of behavior is seen by Ethiopian immigrant youth as a step that will help them further their goals. Korem et al. (2012) found support for this view in a study that asked adolescents of Ethiopian origin to rank their level of assertiveness and found that these immigrants’ perception of their assertiveness was on a similar level to that of non-immigrants’, and on a higher level than that of another immigrant group. In light of “in-group preference” (Messick & Mackie, 1989), according to which members of a group tend to attribute positive characteristics to their group, it can be assumed that immigrants from Ethiopia see assertiveness as important in how they perceive themselves as a group. Because assertiveness was not seen as desirable in their culture of origin, we can conclude that its newfound value is due to the influence of Israeli culture. This message—that Ethiopian immigrants may find it helpful to be assertive—is not easy for many immigrants to implement. One participant remarked: In front of Israelis I lack confidence. It is in their territory to be opinionated, and the moment that I do have an opinion, it seems not to belong to me, and then I feel, “Who am I to specialize in being opinionated?” This participant also described the stressful internal process she goes through when she is opinionated among non-immigrant group members: If I am opinionated, Israelis immediately have something to say, and I cannot think of ideas fast enough in my head. Let’s say I believe in something, and I say it is right and I believe in it, then the Israeli justifies what he has said with so many reasons, and then I don’t have anything to say . . . It usually all happens so quickly that I cannot keep up with it. Within an approach that encourages initiative and assertiveness, those who do not display these qualities are perceived by those of Ethiopian origin to be missing out. For instance, one of the interviewees claimed that “Many Ethiopians don’t break away; they withdraw into themselves and let life pass them by. But I learned . . . that, actually, you need to cope with the difficulties” (Al Hasharon, 18 May 2007). A similar statement was made by an interviewee who spoke about her brother, who had filed a lawsuit: “He is no longer one of those that don’t know and don’t fight” (Yediot Aharonot, 16 July 2007). The use of the word “those” may hint at an estrangement with past behavior, as indicated in the previous theme, and the missed opportunities that resulted from that past behavior. In contrast, taking initiative and being assertive are perceived as the antitheses of former behavior. As one participant said, “Mutual fertilization will only occur if we break Israeli stigmas—what they have in their minds. This is the only way they will accept us: when we give them the opposite.” These suggestions may be understood in terms of “cultural fit,” whereby a contributing factor in the immigrant’s adjustment is the fit between the characteristics of the individual and the host culture’s norms (Ward & Chang, 1997). In evaluating this message, we need to consider that not all who behave in an assertive manner will, indeed, be more appreciated by others. In a study by Gormally (1982), where one group of participants was put into a team with either an assertive or passive confederate and a second group observed their interactions, it was found that those who were actively involved rated the passive confederate more positively, while those who were not actively involved rated the assertive confederate more positively. That is, when the aims of the evaluator directly compete with those of a person taking an assertive stand, the assertive person might not be seen in a positive light by the other person involved in the interaction. If we project this onto encounters between immigrants and non-immigrants, it may be that immigrants’ assertiveness will be seen in a less positive light in situations where their goals compete with those of the non-immigrant group—for example, with regard to obtaining rights and resources. This process may be relevant for all immigrant groups; however, it has even more significance for groups whose image is widely perceived as non-assertive. For example, one of the participants described her experience when she worked as a cashier: “People thought, ‘She most probably won’t notice; she will let us [steal],’ and [thus] when they stole, they preferred to come to me”. Following this, many participants reported reactions of wonder and defiance from the non-immigrant group when they acted assertively: “[They said] ‘You arrived in the new country, you opened your mouth!”’ Unexpected assertiveness on the part of immigrants from Ethiopia may be greeted in unpredictable ways. Furthermore, adapting a social coping pattern can be interpreted as assimilation, an identity approach defined as holding a negative attitude toward the culture of origin and a positive one toward the new culture (Berry, 1997). The implications of such an approach on the psychological well-being of the individual must be considered. Ben-Ezer (1992) argues that immigrant Ethiopians who renounce their traditional respect for authority figures and acquire the Israeli attitude toward government representatives, for example, will be left without any criteria to judge their own behavior. An extreme change in social strategies patterns can lead to internal conflicts whose outcomes and effects are difficult to predict.

3.4. The fourth theme: patterns of social strategies characterizing interactions with non-immigrants Below we lay out the patterns of strategies that Ethiopians identified as being characteristic of their actual social interactions with members of the non-immigrant group. We have classified these patters according to the following three sub-themes: (a) emphasizing the commonalities between Ethiopians and the non-immigrant group, (b) emphasizing the differences between Ethiopians and the non-immigrant group, and (c) alternating the social behavior patterns of each culture according to context.

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3.4.1. Emphasizing the common denominators One pattern of behavior focuses on detecting and emphasizing the common denominators while glossing over differences. A participant who indicated that she has many friends from the non-immigrant group said, “If, let’s say, it concerns studying, then I recommend trying to do homework with her, so as to find the common denominator, even if you don’t come from the same culture.” Other participants mentioned that losing their accent (when speaking Hebrew) helped facilitate contact with nonimmigrants. One of the interviewees, for example, described her first months as a child in an absorption center: “I wanted to get rid of my accent as soon as possible” (La’Isha, 13 July 2009). Relating to an element of diction, such as an accent, suggests that the immigrants were trying to locate an accessible external code that might diminish their sense of alienation. 3.4.2. Emphasizing the difference Skin color, an external difference beyond their control, is perceived by some Ethiopians as an obstacle to their integration into the receiving society (Ben-David & Ben-Ari, 1997). However, we also found indications that this difference had been used to promote successful integration. Ben-Eliezer (2008) discusses the process of assigning different meanings to a social distinction, i.e. converting shame into pride, as it were. One interviewee claimed: It’s fun to be different. I don’t want to be white like the rest. Let’s say at the university you see lots of white students and suddenly you see a group of ten blacks. They stand out. This is what makes it fun to be black. If you succeed in something, you really stick out. Yediot Aharonot, 26 October 2007 We note that within the context of the second theme, the desire to stand out is further evidence of acceptance of the values of the host society. Emphasizing what is not shared may operate as a double-edged sword, placing immigrants under a lens that focuses on what is different. For example, as noted by one of the participants, “If you think that you are different all the time, it will affect whether you succeed or don’t succeed.” This message can be interpreted as a “stereotype threat” (Steele & Aronson, 1995), an inability of minority group members to function properly in various situations due to the concern that their behavior will confirm a cultural stereotype. 3.4.3. Alternating between social strategies according to context This study highlights the importance of context in the construction of ethnic identity (Verkuyten, 2005). Understanding context is a complex task because of the myriad types of context, such as ideological, group, and cultural settings (Horenczyk, Jasinskaja-Lahti, Sam, & Vedder, 2013). Many participants mentioned their ability to alternate between different strategies according to the particular cultural context. One participant explained this concept at length: I know I have the best education, but in certain circumstances I will not show it. For example, I will bring my uncle a bowl of water just so he won’t get up to wash his hands, as it is best not to burden him, but in the office you will see a completely different me. It’s not tiresome as it is a way of life. I think that a person has the ability to adapt himself, and it is necessary to make the separation between home and work. Each one adapts himself according to the situation in which he finds himself, so for us this means we also have to adapt to the society with which we are interacting. This approach is based on matching strategy to context, something every person learns to do as part of the socialization process. In this case, however, another layer is added, that of matching strategy to the distinctive socio-cultural context. We found much evidence for Ethiopians’ adjusting their patterns of social behavior according to context, as in the words of this interviewee: Next to Israelis I allow myself to behave more openly. Among Ethiopians I choose my words. For example, it needs to be a very, very close friend if I am to talk to her about my dates and what I did and didn’t do, as it is not acceptable in the Ethiopian community. This double-life is very tiresome. Yediot Hasharon, 22 April 2007 This duality reflects the complexity described in the literature about the social worlds of immigrants, worlds with multiple reference groups (Horenczyk, 2009). It is interesting to note that for one interviewee (quoted in the previous paragraph), this strategy is specifically described as “not tiresome,” while this interviewee describes it as “very tiresome.” These contrasting attitudes may reflect unequal levels of social competence and/or emotional positions with respect to the transition between two cultures. Another expression of alternating social strategies is more complex: The minority group member chooses a particular strategy based on what he or she considers most likely to result in a favorable outcome. For example, one of the participants said that when someone is blunt with her, she considers answering him in an assertive manner in order to maximize her chances of getting what she wants: If someone speaks bluntly to me, I will suggest saying things clearly. If I see that my background limits me, then, yes, I will be flexible. But if there are elements that I like very much in my culture and they don’t limit me, I will preserve them.

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This approach encourages the expression of that which is culturally unique even in social contacts with members of the non-immigrant group (and in this way it differs from the previous example), but on condition that this expression does not limit efficient social coping. When choosing among various strategies, the individual assesses the social effectiveness of each, selecting that which will further her or his goals. The approach described by this participant matches the pattern known as “alternation” (LaFromboise et al., 1993) in the literature on biculturalism. According to this pattern, the individual is able to recognize and understand two different cultures (namely, the culture of origin and the host culture) and to alternate between strategies so as to adapt to the particular circumstances. Research indicates that these abilities might be essential to a beneficial bicultural experience for these immigrants, and the current study investigates the individual characteristics most relevant for the development and preservation of these abilities.

3.5. The fifth theme: expressing the uniqueness of Ethiopian cultural values in intergroup interactions The literature about migration describes several ways through which immigrants can avoid negative judgments about their membership in a particular group, one of which is to employ strategies that create a positive evaluation of the group. These tools, called “creative social strategies” (Schwartz et al., 2014; Tajfel & Turner, 1979), involve redefining the values of the group or finding new dimensions by which the group is assessed. Projected onto a cultural transition, immigrants may find that the ability to express the uniqueness their group’s values in a manner relevant to social interactions with members of the host culture is conducive to achieving a positive evaluation. The original Ethiopian traditions and their expression in the host society may be fundamental to this effort, since adhering to tradition was found to be particularly important to Ethiopian immigrants (Amit, 2012). Participants in the focus groups were asked if they were interested in expressing the unique value of their culture of origin in their social contacts with members of the non-immigrant group, and if so, how this could be achieved. The immediate responses of most participants related to the material aspects of the culture of origin, for example: “The issue of the food is starting to come out. Also the clothes, like the Ethiopian scarf that Israelis wear and slightly modify.” When it was brought to their attention that they were speaking about the external signs of the culture, the participants expanded on their initial replies: “Superficial things stand out, as these are the things that can be displayed at an exhibition, while the more profound issues are naturally less conspicuous, and they are also slowly being forgotten by the younger generation, which is a pity.” We researchers believe that although the use of folklore components may facilitate integration, they cannot be considered an intrinsic representation of the cultural values. Moreover, a focus on them may detract from the immigrants’ ability to distinguish what is truly unique in their values. Generally, tangible physical aspects of a culture tend to attract more attention, especially when the non-immigrant group has difficulty acknowledging the values of immigrant cultures. As seen above (with regard to the first theme), some immigrants did express appreciation for the values of their culture of origin. As one interviewee remarked, “Only when you grow up do you understand that there is no community like ours. We can teach Israeli society a lot” (Al Hasharon, 18 May 2007). While it was apparent that translating these sentiments into practical action was difficult, some participants both esteemed their culture’s unique values and were able to express this appreciation during social contacts with non-immigrant group members. For example, one of the participants demonstrated this after the fact. When she was a student at the Center for Pre-Academic Studies, she recalled, many of her fellow-students were from the non-immigrant group. These students often addressed the teacher in a derogatory manner and made comments unrelated to the lesson. The participant and two other Ethiopian students were horrified, and the participant recalled thinking, “How did they reach a level where they speak to her like this? After all, she could be their mother!” At the time, she did nothing (nor did the other Ethiopian students) but today, she says, she would have plucked up the courage to speak to the students about their behavior: “I would have said to them that the teacher could be their mother, and if their mother was spoken to like this, they would be very insulted!” (Her statement presumes that non-immigrant youth do not speak to their mothers like this.) Another participant described a similar incident that occurred in the army where, she says, it was customary for the team to meet each evening to help solve their soldiers’ problems. These meetings continued late into the night, accompanied by laughter, light-headedness, “and nothing was taken seriously.” However, this participant felt that it was important that these meetings be taken seriously. Over the objections of her colleagues—all members of the non-immigrant group—and despite the general atmosphere, she insisted on reading out all her soldiers’ problems; they were, she said, her highest priority. This participant possessed the social acuity and confidence in her interactions with members of the non-immigrant group to display the responsibility she felt for the soldiers who relied on her. Hers was a more active stance than the one presented by Holmes and O’Neill, who argue that “the competence to engage in satisfying intercultural encounters does not necessarily require compromise or reconstruction of the rules for interaction in one’s own culture . . . but an understanding of and appreciation for difference, as well as individual agency” (2012, p. 715). The active approach is especially significant in light of the non-immigrant group’s expectations that immigrants are the ones who should adapt (see, for example, Tatar, 1998 study of educational counselors). Expressing the unique cultural values inherent in the roots of the past requires courage and creativity. Cultural assets exist in the collective memory and are preserved in many ways, even if they are not always perceived as relevant in their new socio-cultural context. Holmes and O’Neill (2012) emphasize the intrinsic importance of the individual’s sense of comfort

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in his or her cultural identity in order to be able to establish satisfactory relationships with the cultural others on his or her own terms.

4. Summary Below we present a summary of the findings and the main conclusions of this study on how Ethiopian youth perceive their intercultural strategies. We will relate to two main components: (1) the values and social resources that the immigrants bring to intercultural encounters, and (2) the coping mechanisms that characterize their social interactions with the nonimmigrant group. We observed an ambivalent attitude on the part of Ethiopian immigrant youth with respect to the values and social resources they bring to intercultural encounters. On the one hand, they exhibit a great appreciation for the values of their culture of origin, such as respect for elders and the value of friendship; on the other hand, they convey the sense that these values are not suitable and effective for coping socially in the host society. More ambivalence is expressed with regard to coping socially. Although the youth attest that taking an active, assertive stance can facilitate successful integration, they indicate that adopting this approach in encounters with non-immigrant groups poses emotional difficulties. When we examined the social strategies that typified this community in its social relations with members of the nonimmigrant group, several patterns emerged: • emphasizing the commonalities between Ethiopians and the non-immigrant group • stressing the differences between Ethiopians and the non-immigrant group, and • alternating between social coping patterns according to the cultural or social context. In addition, a fourth possibility arose: giving expression to the uniqueness of the values inherent in the culture of origin. This range of strategies shows the dynamic processes involving search, uncertainty, trial, and error. Both the findings on the values and social resources and the findings on social coping reflect the complexities regarding social mechanisms with which immigrants who sense a threat to their identity are confronted.

4.1. Implications for theory In their analysis of the responses of ethnic groups experiencing a sense of threat to their identity, Shelton et al. (2006) describe three ways through which such groups cope with social encounters with other cultures: avoidance of intergroup interaction, out-group devaluation, and managing behavior. In the current study, many explanations and examples arose concerning changes on the behavioral level; thus the most prominent response appeared to be behavior regulation, which is intended to reduce the threat to group identity and lead to the creation of a positive impression. Managing behavior can be manifested both through behaving in a manner that does not endorse existing stereotypes of the group or, ironically, behaving in a manner that endorses stereotypes (Shelton et al., 2006). In the current study, we observed numerous references to the first trend, i.e. supporting behavior like initiative and assertiveness that represent traits opposite to those considered “typical” of Ethiopians immigrants’ culture of origin. Shelton et al. (2006) mention two primary factors responsible for shaping the type of response: motivation and selfefficacy. Two elements, they claim, are required to evoke a particular action: a motivation for that particular action and the individual’s belief that she or he is capable of that action. In an environment where social norms promote tolerance and diversity, it is likely that the motivation of individuals for modulating their behavior is primarily to reduce the threat to their identity, and at least on the surface, this response is more beneficial than the other two options (Shelton et al., 2006). The current study, therefore, portrays a less negative picture than that presented by Shabtay (2001), in which immigrants were found to have abandoned their efforts to cope. While our findings indicate immigrants’ difficulties, frustrations, and anger, they also show the immigrants’ inclination to take action and their desire to change reality. In addition, circumstances exist in which immigrants had the motivation to change their behavior but lacked the skills to do so. Individual differences in this regard affect the immigrants’ choice of action. When self-competence is low, there is a tendency to avoid or escape the threatening intergroup interaction (Shelton et al., 2006). In our study, we found an outstanding expression for the immigrants’ desire to act in a manner similar to that of the host culture alongside a low sense of competence, as described at the beginning of the discussion. In such situations, young immigrants can be encouraged to participate in workshops to strengthen their assertiveness (Korem et al., 2012; Walsh & Tuval-Mashiach, 2012) and boost self-efficacy. This study focused on some specific aspects of intercultural competence, particularly on intercultural strategies. As identified earlier, intercultural competence has been conceptualized in broader terms including, among others, monitoring emotions, relationship building and empathy (Holmes & O’Neill, 2012; Spitzberg & Changnon, 2009). Thus, future research should look into the ways in which the strategies identified in our study are related to these other components of intercultural competence.

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4.2. Practical implications A number of practical implications can be drawn from the methodology of this study and its results. First, we observed a range of social coping strategies among Ethiopian immigrant youth. Young immigrants trying to find their way in the host society might benefit from exposure to the various behavioral options other immigrants have found helpful. Furthermore, the diversity of options provides legitimization to differences among individuals and demonstrates techniques that can be adapted to an individual’s unique social circumstances and inclinations. Second, most of the participants reported that taking part in the focus group helped them organize their thoughts on the subject of coping socially in the host society. Therefore, we might surmise that immigrant youth should be encouraged to share their thoughts about their intercultural skills and that the opening questions presented to participants in the focus groups can be used. Raising the level of awareness of these issues and holding a discussion about them may lead to an informed selection of coping strategies. Deliberately choosing a particular coping pattern can reduce the individual’s tendency to be on the defensive regarding the preservation of elements of the culture of origin and, conversely, the need to adapt to what is acceptable in the host culture. The strategies mentioned in our study might serve as a basis for the planning of intercultural education and training programs (such those described in Stephan & Stephan, 2013). 4.3. Study limitations This study has a number of limitations. First, we are aware that information derived from an article in the press is subject to journalistic editing (Klin, 2010). Therefore, we relied solely on direct quotes. The first phase was also followed by focus groups in order to determine whether the identified themes had meaning for the population under study. This allowed us to triangulate our findings, because we saw similar themes in the newspaper articles and in the focus groups. Another possible bias to be considered is that some of the articles dealt with cases describing special successes that are of interest to Ethiopians in Israel. While this viewpoint has the advantage of providing a new perspective on the intercultural strategies of Ethiopian immigrants, i.e. the immigrants’ insights regarding their success, the cases depicted in the articles may not be representative of all immigrants, especially those whose identity are being threatened. In addition, the second phase was based on focus groups in which eight of the 12 participants were students. Some of the findings, therefore, reflect the emotional and social resources of youth who were accepted to institutions of higher academic learning, an achievement that in social terms symbolizes success. Future studies should seek out participants with a broader range of characteristics, in order to gain a more representative sample of the Ethiopian immigrant population. It should also be noted that the researchers are not members of the population under study. The danger of the bias always exists. In our case, this consists of analyzing and interpreting the data through our cultural lenses. However, the researchers have previous experience in the study of this immigrant group and are highly familiar with their cultural characteristics. In conclusion, it is to be hoped that the findings of this study contribute to our understanding of the central aspects of the intercultural competence of young immigrants living under a continuous threat to their identity, and in particular to our understanding of the ways they themselves perceive their intercultural strategies. 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