Popular settlements in the city of Allahabad

Popular settlements in the city of Allahabad Findings from three case studies

Harikesh N. Misra

This article is based on research undertaken in three ‘popular settlements’ in Allahabad, India by staff from the International Institute for Development Research. (The term ‘popular settlement’ covers all forms of the housing submarket through which low income groups find accommodation.) It is part of a wider research programme undertaken in four different Third World cities to establish how and why low income, illegal and quasi-legal settlements develop, the extent to which they provide shelter for the city’s population and the problems faced by their inhabitants. This article concentrates on three illegal and essentially self-built settlements in Allahabad, looking at the growth and development of Allahabad and the settlements within it; the findings of case studies in the three settlements; and the findings of a survey on the health problems faced by the inhabitants. Harikesh N. Misra is currently the Commonwealth Academic Staff Fellow at the Department of Geography and the Centre of South Asian Studies, University of Cambridge, Cambridge, UK. The author is grateful to the International NGO Division of the Canadian International Development Agency for support for the research on popular settlements - and indeed for the long term support given to research undertaken by the International Institute for Development Research in recent years. Gratitude is also due to the Ministry of Housing, Physical Planning and Environment of the Netherlands for their support of the health survey and to the United Nations Centre for Human Settlecontinued on p 164

0264-2751/88/020163-21$03.00

The city of Allahabad is located at the confluence of two of India’s most important rivers. the Ganga (Ganges) and the Yamuna (Jumna), in the most densely populated state, Uttar Pradesh (population 111 million). In IYXI, Allahabad had 642 000 inhabitants and was the fifth largest city in Uttar Pradesh. Figure 1 shows the location of Allahabad within India, and how the rivers limit the city on three sides. The city lies virtually at the centrc of the highly populated north Indian plains, which are among the most densely inhabited but economically backward and least urbanized parts of India. Mention is ma& of a city on the site of Allahabad in two of the great classical works of Hindu literature. the Karnuyurzu and the Muhahhurutu. This signifies an urban history of more than 3000 years for the site of the contemporary city. However, this ancient city declined in importance. possibly because of the erosion of the site by the two rivers; the contemporary city owes its origin to a fort built at the order of the Mughal emperor, Akbar, in 1583. This fort remains one of the landmarks in Allahabad today. The Mughal dynasty ruled large parts of present-day India from the early 16th to the mid-l&h centuries, and Akbar is often referred to as the greatest of the Mughal emperors. Under Akbar’s rule, the city also became one of the IS provincial headquarters through which Mughal rule was administered. The Ganga and the Yamuna rivers were widely used as transport arteries; the Yamuna also flows past Delhi (India’s present capital) and Agra (founded by Akbar as his capital). The Mughal period was of considerable importance to the growth and development of towns; national highways were built, and market and trade facilities developed within towns. Under Akbar’s rule, more towns were founded than during any other reign. Subsequent rulers have developed settlements within Allahabad. Allahabad was also an important administrative centrc under British rule. In 1834 it became the scat of a provincial administration, but after one year the seat moved to Agra, essentially as a result of the new ‘Presidency of Agra’ formed by the British; prior to that, the area was

6: 1988 Butterworth

& Co (Publishers)

Ltd

163

Figure 1. Allahabad city and its location within India. The areas marked l-40 are the wards Into which the area under the jurisdiction Municipal Corporation is divided.

of the

continued from p 163 ments (UNCHS) for their general support. Special thanks are due to many people for their help and support in this work. These include Dr Jorge E. Hardoy and David Satterthwaite from IIED’s Human Settlements Programme, Dr Rama Misra (Reader in Gynaecology) and Dr G.J. Gupta (Lecturer in Health Education) at MLN Medical College in Allahabad, and Dr H.N. Ganguli, a local medical practitioner, for their expert advice. Professor R.P. Misra, Vice Chancellor of Allahabad University has also helped greatly in supporting IIDR’s work and in arranging seminars and symposia for the presentation and discussion of research findings. Dr S.C. Sharma (Medical Officer in Charge) and Savitri Srivastava (Social Educator) at the City Welfare Bureau have been a great help in the preparation of the report, while Professor R.L. Dwivedi, an expert in urban planning, has also given valuable advice.

164

part of an administrative region known as the ‘Presidency of Bengal’. In 185X Allahabad became the headquarters of a new administrative division (the Province of Oudh) and then capital of the North-Western Provinces, which later became known as the United Provinces, when Oudh and Agra provinces were joined. In 1950. the United Provinces were renamed ‘Uttar Pradesh’ (‘northern province’). Although Lucknow became the State capital around 19.30. Allahabad still retains some state-wide functions (for instance, Uttar Pradesh’s High Court). Allahabad is also a district headquarters, and the setting up and expansion of administrative offices, courts. a police force. a post office, a government printing press. hospitals and dispensaries were important for its development during this period. The colonial government also built markets - the name of Colonelganj market reveals its colonial Allah&ad was an important centre for the army and for origin. education; the University of Allahabad was founded in 1887 and is one of India’s oldest universities. The city has one of the main railway stations on the line linking Delhi with the largest city Calcutta. Population growth was particularly rapid between IX53 and 1872; as figures in Table 1 show. the city’s population almost doubled in these two decades. During the 20th century, Allahabad’s importance within India and within Uttar Pradesh has declined. Lucknow, a large industrial centre with over one million inhabitants and some 200 kilometres to the northwest, is the state capital. Kanpur. also some 200 kilometres away and close to Lucknow, is one of India’s main industrial centres, with a population of I .7 million in 1981. Varanasi, 124 kilometres to the east of Allahabad, and Agra, 328 kilometres to the west, also had populations CITIES May 1988

Table 1. The growth in Allahabad’s

Date

population.

Population

1853

72 093

1872

143 693

1881

160 118

1901

172 032

1921

157 697

1941

260 633

1961

430 730

1981

642 420

Annual population growth rate (%) 3.7 (1853-1872) 1.2 (1872-1881) 0.4 (1881-1901) - 0.4 (1901-1921) 2.5 (1921-1941) 2.5 (1941-1961) 2.5 (1961-1981)

exceeding that of Allahabad in 1981. As Table 1 shows, the city’s population declined between 1901 and 1921, largely as a result of epidemics, particularly bubonic plague. Although Allahabad has attracted some industry, its economic basis derives from administrative, religious and educational activities. In 19X1, 68% of the workforce were employed in the tertiary sector. The city retains an important religious function since the confluence of the two rivers has long been regarded as a sacred site; every year, a large religious festival takes place on land adjacent to the confluence which attracts hundreds of thousands of pilgrims.

The city’s physical development

‘J.B. Harrison, ‘Allahabad: a sanitary history’, in Kenneth Ballhatchet and John Harrison, eds, The City in South Asia: Pre-Modern and Modern, Curzon Press, London, 1981.

CITIES May 1988

Some of the most formative influences on the city’s physical development can still be witnessed in the city plan. The oldest parts of the city are close to the fort built under Akbar’s rule and these remain the most densely populated areas, as can be seen in Figure 2. The central business district and the main market are situated here, and the streets are narrow and often congested. The lack of a plan to guide this early development is evident when comparison is made with the area known as the Civil Lines (to the northwest of the old city), which was laid out in 1858 and developed by the British colonial administration as their city. Here, the road network is carefully planned and most of the land is devoted to western style residential subdivisions, with bungalows located in large lots. In 186X a report pointed to the fact that all the roads in this area inhabited by the European community were surfaced, and had good provision for drainage, unlike much of the city proper.’ The cantonments (barracks for the army) also show up on the contemporary city plan and these too have a colonial origin, as do the areas around railway stations where railway colonies grew, such as those at the station in the Civil Lines and the station at Subedarganj. Originally, these stations were located outside the built up areas. Figure 3 illustrates the physical expansion of Allahabad. The area encompassed by city boundaries has grown from 27.2 square kilometres in 1818, to 41.6 square kilometres in 1901, and 70 square kilometres in 1951. By 1971 there were 27 wards, but in this year the city boundaries were enlarged to encompass 82 square kilometres; the city was later divided into 40 wards (see Figure 1 ). The city’s expansion has had to take place towards the west (since the rivers limit its physical growth in other directions), and to the north and south on the other side of the

165

Based on

166

1981

Census.

CITIES May 1988

Area

municipality

of

up to

1956

Added

in

1956

Added

in

1960

lm

Figure

3.

boundaries

The

expansion

of

-r-lC

the

Cantonment

population in

‘Backward castes are those from the bottom of the hierarchic Indian ‘caste’ structure. The scheduled caste were formerly known as ‘untouchables’ and in rural areas are usually landless agricultural labourers, working for very low wages. ?n 1857, a rebellion began against British rule in India. It is known by Indian historians as the First War of Independence, but referred to by British historians as ‘the Indian Mutiny’. The first outbreak started in Meerut in Uttar Pradesh and spread to Allahabad through other urban centres; it was in the aftermath of this that the administration of Uttar Pradesh passed from the East India Company to the British Crown.

CITIES

”

of the city of Allahabad.

May

1988

the

growth,

and historically

it has a highly

imbalanced

sex ratio;

1941-1981

censuses there have always been less than eight females to every 10 males. Many migrants are male agricultural labourers from backward or scheduled castes,’ or from the local tribal population; in the 1981 Census, 15% of the city’s population were from scheduled castcs. A third reason is the failure of the urban authorities to intervene in the land market and guarantee the lower income groups cheap, legal housing plots, despite the fact that much of the land in the city is under public ownership. Although public authorities have been relatively tolerant of squatters who build their shelters on public land. they have not used public land to increase the supply of affordable. Icgal. serviced plots for lower income groups. In addition. obtaining official approval for a building or for a subdivision is both difficult and time consuming. Land tenure within the city is complicated by the fact that much land is still held under a system imposed by the British for agricultural land. Within the 82 square kilometrc boundaries. 30.4% of the land is ‘estate’ land, ie land confiscated by the British from landowners who fought against them in 1857;’ while 8.6% is ‘nazul’ land. ie land which was originally unclaimed and then taken by the Colonial government and given to people for cultivation. without ;I written title. Virtually all other land is freehold income

(28.6%).

settlements

have

or part of the cantonments grown

LIP

(22.3%).

Many

low

on ‘nazul’

or ‘govcrnnient estate’ land. In both instances the public authorities have the power to transfer tenure to the inhabitants. Only rarely have they done so.

167

Lowther

Roa

Flooded by rivers Submerged under rainwater

Figure 4. Areas subject to flooding.

40p tit, Ref 1. ‘Kastkars were land tillers who did not own the land.

168

Sonic public action WLISt:Ikcn in Allahabad in the latter part of the 19th century. including the construction of some public latrines and an attempt to close deep-pit I:rtrines, since these had helped to contaminate the wntcr drawn from nearby wells. In 1X91, ;I piped water system wxi put into operation, although with restricted coverage and with inadequate or no provision for the removal of waste water. Growing drainage problems prompted the &sign of ;I drainage system and work began on this in 1013. By 1917, ;I water works had begun operating; water-borne sull~rge W;IS collected irnd pumped xross the Jumna for USC in land irrigzitation.’ In Ic)Oc), under ;I more interventionist municipiil governmcnt, an Improvement Trust had been set up. under whose direction rn:iny new roads wcrc constructed. Despite the original goal to provide healthy housing for the displxed population, the new Inodel townships ended up in middle class hands. Further work was undertaken after the lX!Os when Town Planning Improvement Trusts wcrc set up in Inany of India’s more import:tnt urbnn ccntrcs after ;I recommendation by the Plagiic Commission. As in so many other nations, mounting health problems provided an important stimulus towards city +vernment. An Improvement Trust U;IS set up in All;thabnd in 1c)31 which sought to acquire land from kartkars’ ;md landlords to effect improvements, but with little s~~cccss. In I%(), this lxxxme ;I municipal corporation. In 1974, the Allahabad Devclopmcnt Authority W;IS set up to exccutc :I Inasterplan, but this has not proved successful. During the Ic)7Os, the city government tried to xquire land for low income housing. With powers provided by the Fecieral Government’s Urban Land (ceiling and Regulation) Act of 1976. ;I ccilinc c of 1500 squnre Inctrcs W;IS set for an individual’s undcvclopecl Innd holdings. A total of hh0 000 square Inetrt‘s were

CITIES

May 1988

A Chheetpur B Lowther Road C Kydganj

Figure 5. The location of popular settlements in Allahabad city.

declared ‘surplus’ (ie held above the limit) from a total land area of 106 square kilometres.” But less than half of this land has been handed over to the magistrate by the competent authorities and none has been used to provide lower income groups with housing sites. Meanwhile, a large illegal land market is operating which, despite its illegality, still prices land sites beyond the reach of most lower income households.

Case studies of three popular settlements Chheetpur

‘The jurisdiction of the Allahabad Development Authority is within the 82 square kilometre area defined by the boundaries and a further eight kilometres beyond the boundary.

CITIES May 1988

Chheetpur is a small settlement with some 500 inhabitants in 108 households, located close to the railway line in the southern part of the city (Figure 6). The site covers less than one hectare, and is subject to flooding almost every year during the rainy season (Figure 7). It is well located within the city, with a market just across the railway line to the south and the Indian Hume Pipe Company just to the north. A brick road connects it to Mahatma Gandhi Mat-g, a major road linking the Civil Lines to the Sangham (where the rivers converge). The longer term residents of Chheetpur were forced off two neighbouring sites. On one of these sites, a settlement was formed largely by unskilled landless rural people who had migrated to Allahabad and built mud huts on vacant government land close to the site of the present Swaroop Rani Hospital. They were evicted when the Civil Lines area was developed by the colonial government in the

169

To

I’

Sangam

Marg

Mahatmagandhi

II

I

The

Indian

Hume

Pipe

Co

Ltd

0 150 U Metres

:_

._.,._.,.

:.,: _.;;;_ ;/‘- fl 0

.;/

;;;_..

Temple Weil

-

Proposed

a

Residentlc>l

sewer

Jx

Low

IJnd

,,,,E

~ubrnergjetl

under-

rainwater

VvSPWater H

stand puie

Electric

pust

Figure 6. Site plan of Chheetpur half of the 19th century.

second wry

close

manages evicted

to the

from

other

agreeing forested

170

too.

[ KI’]

hut

fi\c

some

cvictcd

hclonged

built

to

huts

the

Aftei-

being

moved

away

from

came to the J~I-caent of

thcsc

on l:~nd

‘TI-ust (uhjcl~

(‘ 0 II cgc).

IS fdniilics

and

scttlcments

of those

which

P:l~hsal:l around

to the Trust.

tried

peons

Some

site

forccfullq Ihe

situ.

;irt‘;i

c~~~ployecl

pc’c~ple wcrc

to

This site hkt

and thcq wc‘rc allowed to stay. :\ftcr to p:iy :I noniin:il rent. Wlicn the\; moved to ttic IICM’ site, it W;IS with serious watcrlog~in~ md cvc’r since settling the inhabit;rnts to raise

Grndually,

demand

current

K:ly;tsth:t hcrc

IOW incomc

also helongctl the Trust as

have

the

for

the I:ibour

or security

the

stirf’f

lcvcl

of the

settlement

has

hy the

Indian

site. grown,

Humc

pa1-lly I’ipc

in

rcsponsc

C‘omp;~n~.

to

Other

CITIES

the

settlers

May

1988

derived incomes from work as masons, labourers and rickshaw pullers. Some built their own huts, while others rented rooms in existing dwellings. The KP Trust sought to prevent this growth; some new huts were removed. while others were set on fire by students from the KP College on the instructions of the trust’s management. In recent years, similar actions have become common to discourage the settlement’s physical growth. In March I’sX4. seven newly built huts were burnt down, The inhabitants have refused to pay rent to the Trust and the Trust has filed a suit of eviction against some of the households, which has been pending since 1974. The Chheetpur inhabitants have organized to fight eviction. A Harijan and Backward Development Committee was set up in 1980. Another local organization, the Chheetpur Development Committee, was constituted in 1983 at the initiative of the Sanjay Vichar Manch (a political party named after the late Sanjay Gandhi). This committee, however, is no longer in existence. Although there are high caste Hindus and Muslims among the inhabitants, 95% are from the backward and scheduled castes. Table 2 shows the occupational structure of the working population, which constitutes some 45% of the total population and includes ;I substantial proportion of women and many children. Nearly three-fifths of the working population are employed as labourers working for daily wages, Table 2. Occupational

structure of the inhabitants of Chheetpur,

Kydganj and Lowther Road.

Percentage of working population Occupation Labourers (daily wages) Government or Semi-government Rickshaw pullers Vegetable selling Masons Tea stall Betellbidi stall Basket makers Junk collectors Cycle repair Others Total

CITIES

May 1988

Chheetpur

Kydganj Male Female

59

_

16 5 5 4 3 1

_ 6 _ _ _

_ _ _ _ _ _

_ _ _ 7

61 11 _ 2

100 _ _ _

100

100

100

Lowther Road

26 7 46 _ _ 1 1 _ 9

3 100

171

while

16%

work

Vegetable most

important

upper

in

vending,

sources

caste workers

of

selling

run

vcgctable

small.

illegal

Chheetpur, sex

ratio; of

secondary door

income

families.

The

work

and

high

caste

and below have

,Shrltcr.

Most

tenants

(Table

household

for

US$S.OO

per the List

households,

settlement

to collect

Two-fifths

the rooms

materials made

seven pay to :rbscntee

of

and

the

have

I:tndlords

live in one room;

less than

tiles

houses

four

:lre readily shelters

;lre

available

themselves;

.OO

in the recent than

in c:trlier.

but

Among

who only

44%

the

visit

the

live in two rooms.

Just

official

possibility

the

metres.

mctrcs most

building

norms their

Mud, building

che;lp.

Tilts

of the bricks w:rlls

mud

IO have brick

of Icgllizing

Xti of the

person.

common

and relatively lOr() hnvc

I ialf of all

while

per

so too ;lre most

(70 of the

:rnd tilts.

meet

square

grasses

wd

wnlls

see little

more

US$A.OO.

per person,

Most

US$l

p;14’ more

moved

mctrcs

and 2X have brick

original

rent.

by the inhabitants

inhabitants

for

recently

who

US$Z.OO

two

23 are

the

of bctwecn

are higher

in very those

Only

have been living

have less than two square

are sunbaked. None

while

pay between

- they

levels

to

LJS$300

:tlthough

by three

since they

below

bec:iuse

six pay rents

moved

;I room

rent

metres

wood.

expcctcd

;I year.

are less than four

households

bamboo,

not

occupiers.

no

room

Rent

who

of the households

households I08

IO years.

six years,

~rmong

are

US$450

p;iy

for ;I small

for

2.1 tenant

two

away or died:

households

month

incomc

is higher

are typically

owner

drfircto

these.

around

tenant

At most.

arc

th:ln

dooi- to

upper

a year for 56 of the 10X households.

per month

arrivals; within

incomes

of more

Of

has moved

scttlcmcnt

Household

US$200

women

and

import:rnt

from

or

householcl

since

incomes

3).

per

households

households

and US$2.00

dependents

fruits.

unbalanced

:rre

sell vcgct:tblcs middle

are

others

Women

households

nearby

this caste

or seasonal

to 21 I females.

women

few

Sonic ancl

has ;I highly

caste

for

from I-oad.

structures

vegctahlcs

2X1 males

the

of the schduled

of the

wooden

scheduled

the other

surprisingly. Most

side

to carry

Several

of

the house.

households

by the

as maids

number

outside

a year,

work

not

city of Allahabad.

were and

institution.’

constitute

?O’!& of the workers

shops

earners.

others

Perhaps

or temporary

19X4 there

semi-public

in govcrnmcnt.

designed

backward

while

Muslim

carts

or

:rnd m:lsonry

vegetables;

like the wider

in

children

pulling income.

structures

are four-wheeled

govcrnmcnt

all have jobs

caste earn ;I living semi-permanent

7For instance, the railway, the municipal corporation or an educational institution.

some

rickshnw

walls

arc which

and tiles,

and cement.

OI- codes

since

the

tcnurc.

Table 3. Land and house tenure. Type of house or land tenure De facfo owner occupation (squatting) Renting land from legal owner Renting house with payment to de facto owners Renting house with payment to de facto owners Total

172

Percentage of households Chheetpur Kydganj 79

Lowther Road 59

100

41

2

_

_

100

100

_

19 100

CITIES

May

1988

Popular

settlements

in the city of Allahahad

Infrastructure and services. Until 1972, the community’s main source of water was a well (Figure 8). This supply was frequently contaminated. In 1972, one public standpipe was set up, and another provided in 1976 (Figure 9). These remain the main source of water and large queues build up around each standpipe, especially in the early morning and evening. Most people wash their clothes at these sites. Lack of facilities for drainage have led to stagnant pools which serve as breeding grounds for mosquitoes. The whole site suffers from waterlogging. A sewer connection to the settlement has been proposed but never implemented. A public latrine remains half constructed, after strong objections by some households to its location. Excreta is usually disposed of in the open and children often defacate in and around the settlement. No house has a latrine, nor indeed provision for separate kitchens or bathrooms. Problems of hygiene are compounded by the fact that goats, pigs and hens are kept by many households and in such an over-crowded settlement, it is impossible to keep these separate from humans. Until 1978, no electricity was provided. Most households undertook their daily tasks, including cooking and eating, during daylight hours, although some used kerosene lamps. In 1978, the municipal authorities set up one electric pole; another has recently been set up. Many inhabitants have taken illegal connections off these poles. School provision is inadequate; there is no good primary school nearby and the only nursery schools are private and too expensive for the inhabitants. Only 30% of the inhabitants are literate. Health care services are available closeby at the Swaroop Rani Hospital, but the inhabitants rarely go there since they usually have to wait several hours before receiving treatment. Although in theory this hospital should provide free medical treatment, it is not uncommon for doctors to advise patients to come to their private clinics if they want proper treatment, and these are expensive. There is also a children’s hospital in a wing of a medical college some three kilometres away but several families have told of poor treatment there. Chheetpur’s inhabitants feel doctors do not pay attention to their needs because of

Fig1.rre 8. The old well, (Zhheetpur.

CITIES May 1988

Figur ‘e 9. Public standpost, set Iup in 1976. The bathroom fat :ility was adder j in 1986. their low socioeconomic status. A few families h:tvc used ;I priviltc doctor, who although costly, is trusted. A social/religious organization sends ;I doctor to Clhheetpur cvcry Sunday ;mcl hc clistrihutes h~~inc~~p~lthic medicines free of charge. h4ost births ztrc ciclivorccl in the home, usually supervised hy ‘chnmains’. traditional midwives with no training.

Tetanus

usually takes

This

is one of the main

place

settlement

cause’s

of infant

deaths and infection

during delivery.

of 337 inhabitants

(in I%%) is ne;rr the Yamun~t river

IO). A small road runs through the scttlcment, which is built on land belongin, ~7to the Fodcral Governnicnt’a Dcfcnce

and Akhar’s

Fort (Figure

since it is le~;~lly part of’ thu cantonment xca. Department, settlement was begun in 197X on what had previously been vztcitnt by people whose shelters had been ciestrtqd when the Y~llnLlIl~~ broke its banks. Hundreds of pct~plc were m~idc hctmclcss

‘I’hu Ixd river from

Nimbara, a settlcmcnt close to the Y;I~UII~I briclgu. Two clays after the flood had destroyed their homes, some 71 f:imilics had scttlccl at Kydgnnj, while within 11week, another IS-70 families had ,joincci them. Initi~~ll~, 2111slept out in the open hut gradu;tlly, over iI pcriocl Of tW0 months, some families built rLi~irn~nt~~r~ shelters of sacks, tiles. hrokcn picccs ot’ wood ztncl brick and other mitteriiils collcctcd front ;Irountl the city. The site is relatively high and so t’rec from the threat of l’lootl~. The inhabitants are almost alI from ;I schcclulcd tribe known 11s the Dharkar; this tribal nnmc is of ;I community which trxiitionslly >till mirkc ciepenctcd on b;m~b~t~ for its tivclihood, ;mct many i~~h~~l~it~~~~ts baskets and other bamboo items (Figure 1I). Thcrc ;tirc no muslin-is OI pcoplo from backw;trcl citstes in the settlement, and only OIlC tlousetlolti from another caste. Older inhahit:lnts tell of the Dh;lrk:tr’s migr;ttion from Madhya Pradesh, the state to the south of LJtt;lr Pradesh. One, in his scventics, tells of the growing shortage of hnmhoo and of opprcssivc landlords who forced many to migr:rte to AII~I~~~I~~~I~I ~mc 30 ye;\rs prtviousiy.

174

CITIES May 1988

0

1

20

Metres

Allahabad

1

Shankar

Lal

Degree

College

Bhargawa

Road

Resident

Vacant

land

Residential

under

area

cultivation

Types Yamuna

Bank

Road

q Mudwall q Mudwall HMudwall HMudwall sheet ---Barbed zzz

Boundary

of

building with

material

sacks

with

tiles

with

grass

with

iron-

roof wire

fence

wall

Figure 10. Site plan of Kydganj.

There are 56 households in Kydganj; the xx ratio is X97 females to 1000 males. The inhabitants have few interactions with other groups within the city. Basket making is the main source of livelihood for 43 of the 56 households, with seven relying on scrap collection and four on rickshaw or cart pulling. There are 52 men and 34 women basket makers, and the wholesale market for bamboo is less than one kilometre One household (the only one not of the away, along the riverbank. makes a living dealing in wholesale junk. This Dharkar caste), household has by far the highest income. around US$SOO ;I year. Most

CITIES May 1988

175

Figure 11. B ‘ask

nakers

in KyrdgaInj. other

households

the 237 people, caste

household,

within

this

from

threatened and tiles,

feel

the

Dcfcnce

them.

Most

to US$GO

including explain

other

per annum.

all the mcmbcrs

their

occupation

households

Among

of the upper ;~nd isolation

of the sitme

caste.

have built the houses they live in: there irrc especially since on scver:rl 0cc;isions and certain

Department

structures

are made of’

local

C;IIIV;IS.

residents

sircks.

have

IIIU~,

rags

and all but five of the houses is under mctre

one square sack

US$240

insecure.

under

thatched

176

They

space per person :rnd

Figure 12. Housing

helps

from

the inhnbitants

tenants.

pcoplc

which

settlement

,S/rcJ[fer. All no

cat-n between 215 are illiterate.

dwellings, roofs.

All

have one room (Figure 12). Floor metres in 41 of’ the houses ;md square

three in I_3 of them.

while houses

33 have have hccn

Seven

one built

households

live in C;IIIV;IS

room

mud

w:tll

with

mud,

:rlthough

houses

with

13 have

in Kydganj. CITIES

May

1988

Pop&r

tiled roofs. The cost of materials estimated at less than US$20.

seItlemenls in lhc cily of Allulu_~harl

for more

than

half the

houses

is

Infrastructure and services. There is no provision

for water supply on the site. There is a public faucet some 350 metres away; water collection is usually done with buckets loaded onto rickshaws or bicycles, or it is hand carried. Sometimes water direct from the Yamuna river is used. There is no provision for drainage or for the removal of household or human wastes. There is no electricity supply and most households are too poor to afford kerosene lamps. Cowdung or garbage are used as fuel. The nearest hospitals and dispensaries are nearly two kilometrcs away, but Kydganj’s inhabitants have similar problems to those of Chheetpur in obtaining treatment. The inhabitants are not on the voting list and do not seem to have organized themselves to bring pressure to bear either on elected politicians or on government officials. The inhabitants are also not entitled to ration cards which would give them access to cheap foodgrains, sugar, cloth, kerosene, soap and other basic essentials from ‘fair-price/control shops’. While all citizens arc entitled to such cards, these are issued after application has been made to the Additional District Magistrate (Civil Supplies) and these are issued only to people with an ‘authentic address’; the illegal occupation of a land site does not qualify as an authentic address. Health problems are compounded by the problems of obtaining water and safeguarding water stored in the home. Pigs are kept as important suppliments to food supply and income. but add to health problems.

Lowher

Rod

This settlement is close to Chheetpur, some X00 metres to its west, just north of a railway line (Figure 13). In lY85, it had 310 inhabitants within 80 households (Figure 14). The settlement’s name comes from that of the road, just to its west. It covers nearly two hectares of low lying land owned by the Railway Board and the nearby Kulbhaskar Ashram Decree College Trust. It is well located for employment opportunities; nearby are four coal stores, three fuelwood stores, three motor

Figure 13. Site plan of Lowther Road

CITIES

May

1988

177

Figure

14.

Lowther

Road.

Housing

conditions

in

workshops,

two

sawmills,

warehouses

for

storing

r:tilway

stations

district

;irc

is less than

The

site

drain

rcsidcntial

site of less than

covers

remains Of

and

Pradesh.

forced

the

:~nci

business

:lftcr

some

of the total

Around

30%

r:\in, of

;I small

although

the

rainwntcr.

;\rc;l: 310 people

The

live on ;I

of the site is covered

and industrial

cnterpriscs;

hy the

the other

32 migrated

from

districts

remaining

Mahya Pradesh

from

to the

IO :lrc

north

from

of

30%

State,

Allahabxt,

16

within

the city of Allahahad.

The

Lowthcr

Road’s more

far

the

Gourd.

inhabitants The

grew slowly, since

brought

;\rt‘;l of origin

illegal

1961.

Bo;lr-d The

Trust

occup:ltion

In

the

but in the

1’4x5, ovc‘r three-fifths

households

wcrc

in

107V);

this

I%Os

Allahabad

included

They

not

which

t:lken

owns

of the other

tribal

any action

by :I IOC:II

have no lxqxrtj iy free;

such

aqinst

the rest of the site is concern4 households

and

after

to the Railwa>

:md the land they occupy in the settlement has

has had

20

as labourcrs

to stay.

the

107Os,

households

occupy land belonging

into

and

l4XOs its growth

of the

figure

been

built

who had entered the scttlcmcnt

and have found it convcnicnt

Kailway

occupation.

In

Madhya Prxiesh

tribal

They

Collcgc

Ixjpulation rapid.

scttlcment

contractor in their

Mcdicnl

from

1982. Thcsc

hxi

off

lxcn

households

has

tried

illegal about

to get the

evicted.

commercial

nnd

industrial

activities

grew

:~long

with

the

wmc as suhten~~nts of these cntcrprise\ and have built huts hcsidc them. Many of the cnterprisc\ ;Irc relatively new; for instnncc. since IOSO, tea-pan sholx,s ret:ril stores, coal and fuelwood stores have dcvclopcd and ;I shed has hcen residential

178

in

came and built small huts. These households a site closeby when the State Government

first

1~11 Nehru

join4

*Shops serving tea and a popular cheap snack of betel nuts and tobacco wrapped In a betel leaf.

I3

The

to move

Moti

the

market

was vacant 25 years ago and used as ;I garbage dump when nine

households

the

remove

only 20%

X1 households,

Bihar.

Uttar site

and two

[x111>. Hus

vacant.

the

from

rickshaws

making

Chock

or muddy

helps

commercial

rents

for

away.

:I hectare.

half

aforementioned

used

the

waterlogged west

which

he

and

;I kilometre

the

sector

to

closeby

hccomcs

towards

:~n cntcrlxisc [xqxr

;Irc;ls:

many households

first

CITIES

May

1988

Popular sertlenwnis in the city of Allahahd

constructed for buffalos; the milk they produce is sold outside the settlement and the dung is used for cooking fuel. As in Chheetpur, most households are from backward or scheduled castes and tribes - 62 households in all. There are I2 Muslim households and seven upper caste. The sex ratio is seven females to every ten males. Table 2 shows the occupational structure of the households. Rickshaw or cart pulling is the most common form of employment, followed by labouring - much of it in the aforementioned enterprises. The settlement’s location, close to bus and railway stations and a major market, helps explain the predominance of rickshaw pullers. The owner of a rickshaw hire enterprise makes a good living, and his brother runs a rickshaw repair shop some 500 metres away from the settlement. Six households earn a living collecting junk or garbage. Just three households derive their income from working for government agencies, and they are all upper caste households. Three households, including two of the upper caste households, have opened small scale general stores within their huts. while another has opened a small temporary wooden structure as a tea-pan shop. Of the 150 people in employment, 42 are women and most are from backward or scheduled caste households. Some of the women work as labourers outside the community in construction activities, while others sort and pack different kinds of paper cuttings in the two paper warehouses. A few women work as maids for wealthy households nearby. Two-thirds of the households are reported to be illiterate. although most of the Muslim and upper caste households have one or more literate members. Most households’ incomes arc less than US$SOO a year; for 13 households it is less than US$240 a year. Backward and scheduled caste families dominate the lower income groups, while upper caste households tend to be among the better off households. The households who run the rickshaw hire and repair enterprises are among only four households whose annual income exceeds US$720. Shelter. Of the 81 shelters. 67 are one room units: 23 are made of canvas and sacks, 26 of mud walls and thatch or tiles and 23 of brick walls and tiles (Table 4). There are nine brick buildings with corrugated iron roofs; most of the bricks are scrap, cemented with mud. The buildings include four commercial or industrial enterprises. In more than half of the households, internal floor-space per person is less than two square metres, while in 22 households it is less than one square mctre (Figure IS). Land and housing tenure are complicated; 33 of the households pay rent to the Trust on whose land they have built their dwellings. The monthly rent is between US$2.00 and US$4.00, with the terms of tenancy renewed by the Trust every five years. The other 4X households

Table 4. Materials used for housing units.

House type Canvas huts Mud walls with thatched or tiled roof Brick walls and tiled roof Brick walls and cement or iron roof Total

CITIES

May 1988

Percentage Chheetpur

of housing units Kydganj

Lowther Road

0

13

28

65 26

87 _

32 28

9

_

11

100

100

100

179

Figure 15. An example of self-built housing in Lowther Road. pay nothing

to the tandowners;

15 arc on Ritiilw:gy

Bt>:trrl I;~nd, the rtst

arc on Trust land hut rcfusc to pay rent since they claim to he tcnztnts of the owners of the commercial :\nd industrial entcrpriscs. These owners cncourngod their workforcc to squat ;tnd h:tve helped protect them against the Trust - but this is to their cniployecs minimum wages.

advant~rgc

for they do not

It~~i.rf.sfr-ffc.ftf,‘t’rrttrf.s~v~kc:s. The main

source

which is close to ;tn open dr:iin (Figure th:lt the well hccomes contaminated

IO). The high watertable during tho ririns. This

of wntcr

is an open

potnssium aclcquatc

households

Dcgrce

well

cn\urcs one well

provides water for w;tshing, cooking. hathin:: ~cl Iztundry. as providing for the needs of the enterpriaca on the site. One iIih~ll~it~~nts works x :I peon in the chemistry laboratory n~i~~i~~oliI-il~~

thcil

pay

well

as

of

the

of

the

Collcgc

:md has managed to ol%tin sonic pcrmanganatu to tre:lt the well w;rtcr. But the cost of of the chemical are too high. In I%33 three supplies installed

their

own

handpumps,

hut one

no

longc~-

Lvorks.

Figure 16. The well at Lowther Road

180

CITIES

May 1988

Popular setrlements in the city of’ Alkrhohad

Waterlogging is a perpetual problem and the one open drain that exists often becomes clogged up with garbage. A few households have electricity, provided by the owners of industrial units who have set up three electric poles; users have to pay. Three households have illegal connections from one of the motor workshops. Many people use kerosene lamps for light but kerosene is expensive. As in Kydganj, since the inhabitants do not have legal tenure they do not receive ration cards. At a government-run ‘fairprice shop’ kerosene is two-thirds the open market price, but this can only be obtained with a ration card. No health care services are provided in Lowther Road and the inhabitants have problems comparable to those of Chheetpur in obtaining medical treatment.

Health and nutrition In Chheetpur, where this research was concentrated, information mortality and health were gathered from three sources: 0 0

0

about

a questionnaire to all the settlement’s inhabitants; clinical tests to identify anaemia (blood tests), intestinal worms (stool tests), jaundice (urine tests) and tuberculosis, TB (X-rays) for 150 people (30% of the population with all age groups represented); informal talks with selected inhabitants and local informants.

The questionnaire included questions designed to identify the number of children that had died between 1970 and 1984, and the causes of death. A dietary survey was compiled through a series of interviews. In Lowther Road and Kydganj, a questionnaire was used to identify the number of people that had died in the period 197991984 and the cause of death, with 20 families selected for detailed enquiry into the number of children born, the number that had died and the causes of death. Child mortality,

health and nutrition

In Chheetpur, the main health problems at the time of the survey (1984) were malaria, injuries and infections arising from accidents and burns, diarrhoeajdysentery, jaundice, intestinal worms and scabies. Anaemia was common, especially among women. There were eight cases of malaria, five of hydrocele, 10 of conjunctivitis, and seven of TB. Every winter there is an outbreak of scabies, a highly contagious skin disease. At the time of the survey, 60% of the population had scabies. Mumps and whooping cough are common every winter, and measles are common in the summer; every season, around 2&30 children become infected and measles is one of the main causes of child death (Table 5). Fifty percent of the sample had worm infections; the incidence was higher in the case of children (55%) compared to adults (45%). The dietary survey revealed that most of the population had an average intake of less than 1500 calories a day. Among the 126 females over 15 years of age, including seven who were pregnant, all but 12 (including all those pregnant) had average daily intakes of below 1500 calories; 24 had intakes below 1000 calories. Among 159 males over 15 years of age, 101 had average daily intakes below 1500 calories. Among infants and children up to the age of four, 93% of females and 87% of males had average daily intakes of less than 750 calories, although the optimum intake should be around 1000; the average daily intake for about half the children is less than 500 calories.

CITIES May 1988

181

Table 5. Causes of infant and child death.

11

Premature dellvery Tetanus. accidents and burns Dlpthena Measles Malarta Dlarrhoea, dysentery or cholera Jaundice ChIckenpox Not known

in

GIUSL’S of

death

(33).

4 _

6 8

14

143

133

the

child

pcriocl

deaths

wcrc

107(bIOX4:

the

malaria

were

dyscntcry

(35). or

(1 I), and measles

73 died ;IS infants

cholera

their

first

prcmaturc

:~nd

16

recorded mo\t

from

(79).

and

jaundice

(seven).

birthday): dclivcl-y

household

commonly

accidents

tetanus.

or chickenpox

(ie before

malaria

dysentery.

2

4

diarrhoca.

delivery

2 4

29 20

Chheetpur,

interview\

4

33 4 7 35

Total number of Infant and child deaths

in

Kydganj Lowther Road (Sample of 20 households between 1979 and 1984)

Chheetpur (entlre population between 1970 and 1984)

Causes of death

(ZO),

Of

these

tetanus, wet-u

identified bur-n

injuries

prcmaturc 14.3 deaths.

cliarrhoca

the

most

and

CO~III~II

reasons. in Lowther the period medical

from

from

measles,

&livery -

Among

their

nine

six from

others

second

were

according

from

the families,

jaundice, are

and

not

reported

death.

diarrhoca five

easy

to have died in to local

six died of ‘unknown TB or anaemia.

that

or dyscntcry.

21s ;I result to

rccortls.

suggest

of post-natal

;tttribute

to

fever’.

while

anq

1.3

tight or

specific

five

wcrc

20 families

had been born

birthday.

these dedhs,

from

pneumonia

The

for instance, either with the

of 55 people GIUSC’S of

and information

malaria, deaths.

associated babies

The

professionals

died

GIUSC:

;I total

Roxi,

197%I%+$.

sclcctcd for clctaiicd enquiry, ;I totirl of 37 over ;I five year period; 16 h:rd died. seven before Chickenpox W;IS reported ;IS the GIIISC of six of

and malaria

for two:

the rest wcrc ;ittributcd

to ‘unknown

fever’. in Kydganj, 21total of 32 pcoplc had clicd in the five ycor period, ie ;III average of close to one per household. Of these, 15 were attributed to jaundice, diarrhoc:l or dysentery, tight to malaria. eight to TB or anaemia, six to ‘fever’ ;ind three to pneumonia. Of the 35 children born to 20 families in the five year period between 1’470 :ind 1c)84, 14 had did, including seven before their second birthday. The m:lin wuscs identified were tetanus (four). j:lunlicc, diarrhoea or dysentery (four), malaria, sickness or ‘fever’ (four), :ind measles (two). Without more detailed :md sophistic;ttcd rcsc;trch. it is impossible to be precise about the c;t~1sCs of the hcnlth problems. Indeed, 21 large number of factors which :rffcct people’s health always inhibit precise diagnoses ;IS to C;IUSCS of ill hcnlth. But clearly, inadequate provision ot water

and the

(even

water

water

supply

fact from and

that

each of the

standpipes low

pressure

may

is open

to contamination

be contaminated,

sources

as intermittent

leaks in witter pipes can mean contaminated water is sucked into the water supply system) is a11 importnnt factor in the high incidence of diarrhoe;r and dysentery. This is also linked to the lack of provision for the hygienic disposal of

182

xnd

CITIES

May

1988

household and human wastes, and to the very low incomes (and thus inadequate food intake) of most inhabitants. The fact that half of a sample of 30% of the residents in Chheetpur had intestinal worms must also relate to insufficient supplies of clean water and inadequate provision for sanitation. The high incidence of anaemia is probably connected to the large numbers of people with intestinal worms. The high incidence of scabies results from a lack of washing and bathing; this is largely due to inadequate water supplies, which make washing and bathing difficult in cramped areas with no drainage and little possibility of privacy. The incidence of malaria is linked to the fact that malarial mosquitoes are known to breed in stagnant pools in and around the settlements. The high incidence of infant and child deaths attributed to tetanus, accidents and burns has obvious links with overcrowd4 conditions, the use of open fires for cooking. the inadequate provision of infant and child health care, and the total lack of emergency life saving services. In-depth interviews with 13 households reinforced this impression of very high infant and child mortality. The two worst affected cases were in Chheetpur and Kydganj. In the Chheetpur case, both husband and wife were in their forties. Only four of their 12 children had survived. At the time of the interview their youngest daughter of seven was found to have jaundice, serious worm infestation and malaria. In the Kydganj case, the husband was about 35, the wife 32. All five of their children, born in the last eight years had died at birth or very soon afterwards. One daughter lived until the age of three, but had died of diarrhoea.

CITIES May 1988

183