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Poverty in rural Ireland: A political economy perspective
B o o k Reviews DR PHIL McMANUS
Department of Geography & Environmental Science University of Newcastle NSW Australia
123
the assumption that 'rural decline is necessarily or inevitably the consequence of population decline' is put forth. There are calls for greater inputs from lay discourses with the experiences of individuals, and the way structures of Irish society operate to enhance or frustrate their efforts, being allowed to permeate public policy.
PII: S0743-0167 (98)00020-5
Poverty in Rural Ireland: A Political Economy Perspectire, Chris Curtin, Trutz Haase and Hilary Tovey (eds), xx+321 pp., 1996, Oaktree Press, Dublin, IR£12.95 pbk, ISBN 1-86076-031-7 While there has been a lot of attention focused on poverty and deprivation in both British academic literature and policy documents, there has been a distinct lack of debate on poverty in Ireland. Perhaps it has been the power of popular rural imagery or the shackles of Irish culture which has led to an unwillingness to countenance poverty within rural areas and which nourishes the invisibility of this particularly complex arena. In starting from this viewpoint it was with great interest and expectation that I approached'Poverty in Rural Ireland'. This book takes a political economy approach in exploring rural poverty. In this way it is a useful addition to the Irish rural literature as it considers the ways in which the organization of the economy leads to particular forms of investment (and dis-investment) in rural areas; the variety and interaction between social groupings and the influence of the state on rural decline, and the broader implications that the EU brings to bear on those experiencing poverty and marginalization. The inevitable confusion and uncertainty which surrounds such terms as 'poverty' and 'rural' are referred to in the opening chapter both in terms of ambiguity and problems of definition, Various definitions of these terms emerge in the text yet it is their nebulous nature which leaves the reader continually questioning what is rural poverty. If anything, this is an important undercurrent as it illustrates the aspatial and indeterminate nature of poverty and how it is experienced in Irish society. As such, there is an inherent recognition that it is people and not places who are poor. Despite these problems the study attempts to identify those in rural areas who are at risk from poverty, not in the sense of a 'head count', but more by explaining the factors that produce and reproduce poverty in contemporary rural Ireland. Divided into three main sections: Chapter 1 provides an overview of poverty in rural Ireland; Chapters 2-8 raise questions on rural poverty and proffer some possible solutions, while Chapter 9 reviews policy and practice in relation to poverty and the policy implications emanating from the study. The book begins with an attempt to answer the question: 'Who are the rural poor?' As with other like-minded attempts at definition, the answer is problematic except for pointing in the directions of various ideas and principles that underlie this debate. It is a strength of the book that the contributors acknowledge these pitfalls in relation to identifying a framework for dealing with rural poverty. Recognizing these limitations, the introductory chapter (Tovey, Haase and Curtin) explores poverty in rural Ireland in terms of its dynamics, production and reproductions. The focus in Chapter 2 (Jackson and Haase) shifts to the implicit failure of policy in Ireland to deal with the causes and consequences of rural poverty. The argument for a movement away from
The investigation of small-scale farming and agricultural production in Chapter 3 tics in with the editors' position that there is a distinctive 'rural' society in Ireland. This chapter emanates from the premise that in order to understand the workings of rural Irish society, an understanding of agriculture and farm practices must come first. Chapters 4, 5 and 6 by Tovey, Boylan and O'Shea respectively, explore the influence of natural resource development, rural industrialization and social service provision on rural poverty. Chapters 4 and 5 discuss the potential of forestry, mining, tourism and rural industrialization and their potential in tackling rural poverty. The contentious issue of policies based on fairness, equity and justice for people living in rural areas is raised in the social services chapter. O'Shea suggests that in order for poverty in rural areas to be addressed a rethinking of public policy with regard to equity, as opposed to efficiency, is a fundamental requirement. Chapter 7 concentrates on the roles played by local communities and as to whether community development can make a difference to the rural poor. Despite the inherent recognition that there are differing views on what constitutes 'community', Curtin suggests that while communities are no substitute for government provision they can and do play an important, if limited, role in tackling rural poverty. This role is only sustainable, however, if it receives full and lasting government support. Providing a link from the community sector, Coyle tackles the local and regional administrative structures and their relationship to rural poverty in Chapter 8. Despite the limitations of Irish local government, the argument is that there is a case for making local authorities the core administration unit for co-ordinating local and rural development. The final Chapter by Tovey, Curtin and Haase explores the policy implications arising from the different contributions to the book. A number of key policy issues are raised including the need for rural poverty to be firmly placed on the national agenda; the need to recognize that rural poverty affects people rather than places and, that while area-based strategies have a role to play, they should fundamentally complement national policies. Overall, this book has an air of pragmatism without getting lost in detail and reaches a conclusion on which few would argue, that is, that those on the peripheries of society need to have a greater say in their own development. The redistribution of power to those living in rural areas is seen as fundamental to this end. The ongoing debate over national efficiency as opposed to local equity is therefore a constant undertone throughout the book, as is the recognition that Irish economic and social policy is very much directed by its European partners. In directing some (lightweight) criticisms at the book, while it is qtfite useful in analysing the dynamics of poverty in rural areas, clearer links to current remedial strategies Would have been useful. The book itself is edited quite carefully although I was surprised initially to read in the introduction (p. 2) that rural poverty and
124
Book Reviews
deprivation were receiving a lot of attention in Irish public discussion. This was rectified later in the same chapter (p. 30) when it was put forward that 'a book devoted primarily to the topic of rural poverty is fairly unusual in the Irish context'. There were also some illustrations which could have been better. Some of the maps that are used, while being informative, lack sufficient clarity. This is particularly so in Fig. 2.3 which shows the overall deprivation in Ireland, where boundaries between the 'middle ground' and the 'most disadvantaged areas' is not easily deciphered. Some diagrams in the text are also not clearly signposted. While the diagrams are explained, it would have been useful to include a legend to aid interpretation (as in the case of Fig. 6.1 dealing with the social provision and costs in urban and rural areas). The use of a category from 0-500 in relation to percentage change in population (Fig. 2.1) also raises some questions of concern, That these are my only reservations suggests that this study is an important contribution to the poverty debate in Ireland. Its wide ranging approach and easily readable style make it a deserving inclusion on the reading list of any person or course interested in the future of rural Ireland. Furthermore, at IR£12.95 it represents particularly good value, DR JOHN McDONAGH
Department of Geography National Universityoflreland Galway Ireland P I h S0743-0167(98)00021-7
LETS Act Locally: The Growth of Local Exchange Trading Systems. Croall, J., 1997. Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation, London, 120 pp. Price: £8.00 paperback only (ISBN 0-903319-81-0) Although this book consists of serious and thoughtful journalism rather than academic inquiry, at its heart is a subject which has concerned social science almost from its very inception: that is, the search for community. For many, Local Exchange and Trading Systems (LETS) are institutions which point the way to the revitalisation of local bonds of association in a world in which the juggernaut of globalisation would seem to be disempowering local communities. The reason that many people get so excited about LETS is that they seem to offer the prospect of reshaping the basis of exchange that lies at the heart of capitalism by creating what are, in effect, quasi-independent economic systems. Each LETS is founded upon its own distinctive currency, but one which is not manifested in the shape of notes and coins, but as a kind of credit money, which is exchanged between LETS members, as cheques or 'IOUs', and which are passed from one member of the scheme to the next in payment for services rendered or products delivered, What makes LETS different from conventional credit money systems is that the relationship between credit and debt is inverted: while within conventional economies incurring debt is seen to be 'bad', within LETS debt is positively encouraged. In conventional money economies, the inherent scarcity of money means that those who have money in abundance (such as banks, for example) are able to lend it out to those who need it, for a charge (interest). In contrast, LETS are essentially zero-sum games, where
each participant enters the system with a zero balance. Thus, for trading in a LETS to begin, actor x must go into 'debt' for actor y to get 'paid'. However, because no interest is charged upon debt of this kind there are, in theory at least, no limits to which individuals can become indebted (although in practice many LETS impose internal limits). Participants in LETS reduce their debt through trading, earning credits for work done or services performed. This ability for people to 'earn money' in the face of the scarcity of conventional money is one of the reasons why community groups are so attracted to LETS, because they enable people and places to engage in mutually beneficial economic exchange that would not otherwise take place. But perhaps the reason why communitiarians are most enthusiastic about LETS is because the sort of economic exchange they engender can become a vehicle through which local social contact may be forged or reinforced, as people make contact with one another through trading. Other groups are equally enthusiastic about LETS. For example, feminists and others draw attention to the ways in which it is possible to use LETS as a way of reducing some of the inherent discriminations of the labour market, through the radical act of valuing all skills equally. Thus, some schemes encourage valuing jobs in hours, so that tasks such as childcare, which is traditionally associated with women, is as valued as a skill such as plumbing, which tends to be undertaken mainly by men, and commands more income in the conventional economy. However, as Croall's report makes clear, for all the promise that LETS may have, their ability to survive beyond the initial enthusiasms and energies of their founders and main supporters must be called in question. In his trawl through the activities of LETS in Britain and Ireland, Croall reveals a large number of LETS which have either folded or are in serious danger of doing so. One of the problems is that those who are most enthusiastic about LETS are those who need them least. It has become something of a clich6 to describe LETS as akin to a middle class hobby, 'social engineering on the side' for certain fractions of the middle classes, who are either keen 'to get involved' with the local community, or are advocates of an alternative vision for society, perhaps informed by Green or New Age thinking. Yet Croalrs research suggests that this clich6 has at least some grounding in reality. The middle-class nature of some LETS means that they are off-putting, if not alienating, to those sections of the local community that would most benefit from them. The comments of a member of the West Glasgow LETS interviewed by the author was revealing in this respect: It's actually a very middle class group: the directory has lots of word processing on offer but not much plumbing. And it's not that well known except among trendy Lefties in the area; l hardly ever get phoned by anyone that doesn't already know me. There are a few working-class people, but there not very typical, they've usually been to university (p. 56). In addition to such perceptions, LETS in the UK are also handicapped by the uncertainty surrounding the treatment of LETS income by both the Department of Social Security and the Inland Revenue; of these, the attitude of the DSS is probably the most concerning, in that for those on benefits, 'income' earned in LETS is considered to be a substitute for, rather than an addition to, the reserves of conventional money held by poor people.
Department of Geography & Environmental Science University of Newcastle NSW Australia
123
the assumption that 'rural decline is necessarily or inevitably the consequence of population decline' is put forth. There are calls for greater inputs from lay discourses with the experiences of individuals, and the way structures of Irish society operate to enhance or frustrate their efforts, being allowed to permeate public policy.
PII: S0743-0167 (98)00020-5
Poverty in Rural Ireland: A Political Economy Perspectire, Chris Curtin, Trutz Haase and Hilary Tovey (eds), xx+321 pp., 1996, Oaktree Press, Dublin, IR£12.95 pbk, ISBN 1-86076-031-7 While there has been a lot of attention focused on poverty and deprivation in both British academic literature and policy documents, there has been a distinct lack of debate on poverty in Ireland. Perhaps it has been the power of popular rural imagery or the shackles of Irish culture which has led to an unwillingness to countenance poverty within rural areas and which nourishes the invisibility of this particularly complex arena. In starting from this viewpoint it was with great interest and expectation that I approached'Poverty in Rural Ireland'. This book takes a political economy approach in exploring rural poverty. In this way it is a useful addition to the Irish rural literature as it considers the ways in which the organization of the economy leads to particular forms of investment (and dis-investment) in rural areas; the variety and interaction between social groupings and the influence of the state on rural decline, and the broader implications that the EU brings to bear on those experiencing poverty and marginalization. The inevitable confusion and uncertainty which surrounds such terms as 'poverty' and 'rural' are referred to in the opening chapter both in terms of ambiguity and problems of definition, Various definitions of these terms emerge in the text yet it is their nebulous nature which leaves the reader continually questioning what is rural poverty. If anything, this is an important undercurrent as it illustrates the aspatial and indeterminate nature of poverty and how it is experienced in Irish society. As such, there is an inherent recognition that it is people and not places who are poor. Despite these problems the study attempts to identify those in rural areas who are at risk from poverty, not in the sense of a 'head count', but more by explaining the factors that produce and reproduce poverty in contemporary rural Ireland. Divided into three main sections: Chapter 1 provides an overview of poverty in rural Ireland; Chapters 2-8 raise questions on rural poverty and proffer some possible solutions, while Chapter 9 reviews policy and practice in relation to poverty and the policy implications emanating from the study. The book begins with an attempt to answer the question: 'Who are the rural poor?' As with other like-minded attempts at definition, the answer is problematic except for pointing in the directions of various ideas and principles that underlie this debate. It is a strength of the book that the contributors acknowledge these pitfalls in relation to identifying a framework for dealing with rural poverty. Recognizing these limitations, the introductory chapter (Tovey, Haase and Curtin) explores poverty in rural Ireland in terms of its dynamics, production and reproductions. The focus in Chapter 2 (Jackson and Haase) shifts to the implicit failure of policy in Ireland to deal with the causes and consequences of rural poverty. The argument for a movement away from
The investigation of small-scale farming and agricultural production in Chapter 3 tics in with the editors' position that there is a distinctive 'rural' society in Ireland. This chapter emanates from the premise that in order to understand the workings of rural Irish society, an understanding of agriculture and farm practices must come first. Chapters 4, 5 and 6 by Tovey, Boylan and O'Shea respectively, explore the influence of natural resource development, rural industrialization and social service provision on rural poverty. Chapters 4 and 5 discuss the potential of forestry, mining, tourism and rural industrialization and their potential in tackling rural poverty. The contentious issue of policies based on fairness, equity and justice for people living in rural areas is raised in the social services chapter. O'Shea suggests that in order for poverty in rural areas to be addressed a rethinking of public policy with regard to equity, as opposed to efficiency, is a fundamental requirement. Chapter 7 concentrates on the roles played by local communities and as to whether community development can make a difference to the rural poor. Despite the inherent recognition that there are differing views on what constitutes 'community', Curtin suggests that while communities are no substitute for government provision they can and do play an important, if limited, role in tackling rural poverty. This role is only sustainable, however, if it receives full and lasting government support. Providing a link from the community sector, Coyle tackles the local and regional administrative structures and their relationship to rural poverty in Chapter 8. Despite the limitations of Irish local government, the argument is that there is a case for making local authorities the core administration unit for co-ordinating local and rural development. The final Chapter by Tovey, Curtin and Haase explores the policy implications arising from the different contributions to the book. A number of key policy issues are raised including the need for rural poverty to be firmly placed on the national agenda; the need to recognize that rural poverty affects people rather than places and, that while area-based strategies have a role to play, they should fundamentally complement national policies. Overall, this book has an air of pragmatism without getting lost in detail and reaches a conclusion on which few would argue, that is, that those on the peripheries of society need to have a greater say in their own development. The redistribution of power to those living in rural areas is seen as fundamental to this end. The ongoing debate over national efficiency as opposed to local equity is therefore a constant undertone throughout the book, as is the recognition that Irish economic and social policy is very much directed by its European partners. In directing some (lightweight) criticisms at the book, while it is qtfite useful in analysing the dynamics of poverty in rural areas, clearer links to current remedial strategies Would have been useful. The book itself is edited quite carefully although I was surprised initially to read in the introduction (p. 2) that rural poverty and
124
Book Reviews
deprivation were receiving a lot of attention in Irish public discussion. This was rectified later in the same chapter (p. 30) when it was put forward that 'a book devoted primarily to the topic of rural poverty is fairly unusual in the Irish context'. There were also some illustrations which could have been better. Some of the maps that are used, while being informative, lack sufficient clarity. This is particularly so in Fig. 2.3 which shows the overall deprivation in Ireland, where boundaries between the 'middle ground' and the 'most disadvantaged areas' is not easily deciphered. Some diagrams in the text are also not clearly signposted. While the diagrams are explained, it would have been useful to include a legend to aid interpretation (as in the case of Fig. 6.1 dealing with the social provision and costs in urban and rural areas). The use of a category from 0-500 in relation to percentage change in population (Fig. 2.1) also raises some questions of concern, That these are my only reservations suggests that this study is an important contribution to the poverty debate in Ireland. Its wide ranging approach and easily readable style make it a deserving inclusion on the reading list of any person or course interested in the future of rural Ireland. Furthermore, at IR£12.95 it represents particularly good value, DR JOHN McDONAGH
Department of Geography National Universityoflreland Galway Ireland P I h S0743-0167(98)00021-7
LETS Act Locally: The Growth of Local Exchange Trading Systems. Croall, J., 1997. Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation, London, 120 pp. Price: £8.00 paperback only (ISBN 0-903319-81-0) Although this book consists of serious and thoughtful journalism rather than academic inquiry, at its heart is a subject which has concerned social science almost from its very inception: that is, the search for community. For many, Local Exchange and Trading Systems (LETS) are institutions which point the way to the revitalisation of local bonds of association in a world in which the juggernaut of globalisation would seem to be disempowering local communities. The reason that many people get so excited about LETS is that they seem to offer the prospect of reshaping the basis of exchange that lies at the heart of capitalism by creating what are, in effect, quasi-independent economic systems. Each LETS is founded upon its own distinctive currency, but one which is not manifested in the shape of notes and coins, but as a kind of credit money, which is exchanged between LETS members, as cheques or 'IOUs', and which are passed from one member of the scheme to the next in payment for services rendered or products delivered, What makes LETS different from conventional credit money systems is that the relationship between credit and debt is inverted: while within conventional economies incurring debt is seen to be 'bad', within LETS debt is positively encouraged. In conventional money economies, the inherent scarcity of money means that those who have money in abundance (such as banks, for example) are able to lend it out to those who need it, for a charge (interest). In contrast, LETS are essentially zero-sum games, where
each participant enters the system with a zero balance. Thus, for trading in a LETS to begin, actor x must go into 'debt' for actor y to get 'paid'. However, because no interest is charged upon debt of this kind there are, in theory at least, no limits to which individuals can become indebted (although in practice many LETS impose internal limits). Participants in LETS reduce their debt through trading, earning credits for work done or services performed. This ability for people to 'earn money' in the face of the scarcity of conventional money is one of the reasons why community groups are so attracted to LETS, because they enable people and places to engage in mutually beneficial economic exchange that would not otherwise take place. But perhaps the reason why communitiarians are most enthusiastic about LETS is because the sort of economic exchange they engender can become a vehicle through which local social contact may be forged or reinforced, as people make contact with one another through trading. Other groups are equally enthusiastic about LETS. For example, feminists and others draw attention to the ways in which it is possible to use LETS as a way of reducing some of the inherent discriminations of the labour market, through the radical act of valuing all skills equally. Thus, some schemes encourage valuing jobs in hours, so that tasks such as childcare, which is traditionally associated with women, is as valued as a skill such as plumbing, which tends to be undertaken mainly by men, and commands more income in the conventional economy. However, as Croall's report makes clear, for all the promise that LETS may have, their ability to survive beyond the initial enthusiasms and energies of their founders and main supporters must be called in question. In his trawl through the activities of LETS in Britain and Ireland, Croall reveals a large number of LETS which have either folded or are in serious danger of doing so. One of the problems is that those who are most enthusiastic about LETS are those who need them least. It has become something of a clich6 to describe LETS as akin to a middle class hobby, 'social engineering on the side' for certain fractions of the middle classes, who are either keen 'to get involved' with the local community, or are advocates of an alternative vision for society, perhaps informed by Green or New Age thinking. Yet Croalrs research suggests that this clich6 has at least some grounding in reality. The middle-class nature of some LETS means that they are off-putting, if not alienating, to those sections of the local community that would most benefit from them. The comments of a member of the West Glasgow LETS interviewed by the author was revealing in this respect: It's actually a very middle class group: the directory has lots of word processing on offer but not much plumbing. And it's not that well known except among trendy Lefties in the area; l hardly ever get phoned by anyone that doesn't already know me. There are a few working-class people, but there not very typical, they've usually been to university (p. 56). In addition to such perceptions, LETS in the UK are also handicapped by the uncertainty surrounding the treatment of LETS income by both the Department of Social Security and the Inland Revenue; of these, the attitude of the DSS is probably the most concerning, in that for those on benefits, 'income' earned in LETS is considered to be a substitute for, rather than an addition to, the reserves of conventional money held by poor people.