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Prior reputation and the transition from image repair to image makeover: The case of Hosni Mubarak
Public Relations Review 39 (2013) 241–244
Contents lists available at SciVerse ScienceDirect
Public Relations Review
Research in Brief
Prior reputation and the transition from image repair to image makeover: The case of Hosni Mubarak Deepa Anagondahalli ∗ University of Maryland, 2130, Skinner Building, College Park, MD 20742, United States
a r t i c l e
i n f o
Article history: Received 18 September 2012 Received in revised form 24 March 2013 Accepted 3 April 2013 Keywords: Image repair discourse Hosni Mubarak Egypt Culture Prior reputation Crisis communication
a b s t r a c t Through an analysis of Hosni Mubarak’s speeches made over the course of the Arab Spring, this study examined Mubarak’s response to criticism about his role in the crisis and the resultant attempt to repair his image. The study thereby draws attention to the image repair strategies of an individual with a negative prior reputation in a crisis. Data indicate that Mubarak’s negative prior reputation resulted in his attempting not just an image repair as image repair discourse theory would suggest but rather a more complex image makeover. The cultural significance of his rhetorical choices and the implications for theory are discussed. © 2013 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
1. Introduction Crises are ubiquitous in nature. Typically when a crisis occurs, the affected parties engage in communication aimed at repairing their images in the eyes of their publics. Extant research has however focused exclusively on the image repair strategies employed by organizations and individuals with a positive or neutral pre-crisis image. Little is known about the image repair strategies used by entities that do not enjoy a positive pre-crisis reputation. This study analyzes the rhetorical strategies used by President Hosni Mubarak of Egypt during the Arab Spring in 2011. Image is integral to the well-being of organizations and individuals (Benoit, 1997). Image repair discourse theory outlines five strategies commonly used to repair images that have been hit by a crisis: denial, evasion of responsibility, reducing offensiveness of the act, corrective action, and mortification (Benoit, 1997). By applying image repair discourse theory to Hosni Mubarak’s image repair strategies during the Egyptian revolution of 2011, this study has a two-pronged goal. Firstly, this study explores the implications of a prior negative reputation on image repair discourse theory. Secondly, this study examines the role of cultural factors in shaping crisis communication strategies. 2. Method Image repair discourse theory was applied to a qualitative content analysis of the English translation of the two speeches made by President Hosni Mubarak in Arabic. Both speeches were broadcast live by Egypt’s Radio and Television Center, the first on January 28, 2011 and the second on February 19, 2011. The English transcripts of speech one and speech two were used as primary data. Data analysis procedures outlined by Miles and Huberman (1994) such as data reduction, data display, and conclusion drawing/verification were used to analyze the two speeches.
∗ Tel.: +1 301 405 3104. E-mail address: [email protected] 0363-8111/$ – see front matter © 2013 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.pubrev.2013.04.001
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D. Anagondahalli / Public Relations Review 39 (2013) 241–244
Once the primary themes were crystallized, the researcher debriefed with an expert on Egypt and Middle Eastern media who is an assistant professor at a major research university on the East Coast and who was born and has lived in Egypt most of her life. This debriefing assisted in better understanding how Egyptian cultural norms influenced rhetorical strategies employed in the speeches. The following research questions are of interest to the study. RQ1: How did President Mubarak respond to accusations of his role in the crisis in speech one and speech two? RQ2: How did President Mubarak present the crisis situation in speech one and speech two? Research question one was answered by examining Mubarak’s speeches through the lens offered by Benoit’s Image Repair Discourse Theory. The second research question was answered by qualitatively content analyzing Mubarak’s speeches for common themes while simultaneously comparing and contrasting common themes between the two speeches. 3. Results 3.1. Image repair strategies Out of Benoit’s five strategies of image repair, Mubarak used four consistently: denial, evasion of responsibility, reduction of offensiveness, and corrective action. 3.1.1. Denial strategy Mubarak employed the denial strategy by shifting the blame on “some political forces” in speech one. In speech two, although he still referenced an ambiguous “they”, Mubarak added a reference to forces outside the nation as being responsible when he said that he “will not accept or listen to the talks coming from abroad.” 3.1.2. Evasion of responsibility strategy According to Benoit (1997), evasion of responsibility strategy can be performed in four different ways: provocation, defeasibility, accident, and good intentions. Mubarak framed his response to criticism using a single technique: his actions were backed by good intentions. In speech one, Mubarak emphasized that he has “never been seeking power and. . . it is not in my nature to betray the trust or give up my responsibilities and duties.” Similarly in speech two, he stressed his good intentions by saying “my aim was never to seek force and take power.” 3.1.3. Reduction of offensiveness strategy Mubarak engaged in this strategy by making use of the bolstering technique several times in both speeches. For example in speech one, he said, “I am proud of the long years I spent in the service of Egypt and its people. . . defended its land, its sovereignty and interests and on this land; I will die and history will judge me and others for our merits and faults.” Later, in speech two, Mubarak indulged in some nostalgic bolstering when he reminded the rebelling youth that he “was a young man as well when he joined the military and pledged his loyalty to the nation, sacrificing for the nation.” In speech two, Mubarak made use of an additional technique of transcendence to reduce the offensiveness by stressing that there were more important considerations than focusing on him. For example, he reminded his listeners that “the current time is not about me, the situation is now about Egypt.” Before concluding his speech, he stressed that everyone should “put the interests of the nation first.” 3.1.4. Corrective action strategy Mubarak made several statements of corrective action in his two speeches. Speech one, as compared to the second speech, given that it was delivered in the early part of the revolution, had a shorter list of corrective actions to address the situation and prevent further issues. His proposed measures in speech one were mostly general courses of action with very few specific provisions. For example, he stated that he has “taken the initiative of forming a new government with new priorities and duties,” and that he has “entrusted the vice president with holding dialog with all political forces and factions about all issues.” As compared to this, Mubarak’s second speech, coming closer to the end of the revolution, had a more specific list of proposed changes. He spoke of “constitutional amendments to articles 88, 89, 93, and 178” that concern the holding of free and transparent elections in Egypt. 3.1.5. Mortification strategy This is the one strategy that was conspicuously absent from Mubarak’s attempt to repair his image in both speeches. Mubarak sidestepped the anger that the people were expressing at his regime, choosing instead to deflect the negative emotion directed at him on to unnamed others. 3.2. Unique and recurrent themes in speeches There are some important similarities and some telling differences between Mubarak’s strategies in the two speeches. He employed the following themes consistently in both speeches: portrayal of the future, and self portrait.
D. Anagondahalli / Public Relations Review 39 (2013) 241–244
243
3.2.1. Portrayal of future In Speech 1, Mubarak employs the future theme by framing it as uncertain and fraught with fears. For example, he said that “Egypt is facing critical times that could sweep its people into the unknown,” and “the fear that is affecting the huge majority of Egyptians and causing concern and anxiety over what tomorrow could bring them and their families.” In contrast to this frame, in his second speech, Mubarak framed the future as being about hope and change. For example, he said that “the new generation is calling for a better change,” and “. . . the youth which is dreaming and the making the future.” 3.2.2. Self-image generated by speech Although Mubarak was silent about his role in the events leading up to the crisis (which was considered by the protestors as the main cause of the revolution), he made several references to his role in resolving the crisis. In speech one, which was delivered in the earlier part of the revolution, he positioned himself as the “authoritarian fixer” who was proposing momentous changes to lead Egypt out of its state of crisis. For example, Mubarak said, “I took the initiative of forming a new government with new priorities and new duties.” In speech two, delivered just two weeks later and a day before he was forced to resign, Mubarak’s tone changed from one in a position of absolute power to one who is attentive and responsive to the demands of his citizens. Here he stated, “My response to your voice, to your message, to your demands, is an irrevocable commitment.” In speech two, speaking as someone who was listening intently to the voice of the citizens, Mubarak further attempted a complete image makeover by re-positioning himself as a father appealing to his children, the youth citizens. He said, for example, “This is a speech from a father to his sons and daughters.” He also attempted to inject pathos into the mood of speech two by referring to his own emotions, perhaps in an attempt to “humanize” his image and break away from his “dictator” image. For example, he conveyed a sense of pride in the revolution when he said, “I am proud of you;” his pain, when he said, “it saddens my heart a great deal what has happened to them (the martyrs);” or when he said, “it pains me that I am misunderstood by my own;” his sensitivity when he said, “I am not embarrassed to listen to the youth of my country;” and his hope and resolve when he said, “Egypt’s people will not be broken.” 4. Insights from expert interview According to the Middle-East expert interviewed for the study, far from being a random metaphor, the father-figure reference may have been a deliberate strategy. In traditional Egyptian society the father is considered the head of the family unit, a source of power who commands respect and obedience. Open disagreement or disrespect of this socially recognized authority figure is considered a cultural taboo. In current day Egypt, although the father’s authority within the family still ranks supreme, the power distance that marked the earlier relationships has been slowly shrinking. For the revolutionaries, accepting this supposed term of endearment would have meant accepting their powerlessness and reverting to the status quo. Understanding the motive behind the father-figure metaphor, young revolutionaries rejected the ploy of being trapped into traditional Egyptian social norms. They instead stressed that Mubarak did not have the right to infantilize them and demanded to be treated as equals. 5. Discussion and conclusions Image restoration theory (Benoit, 1997) postulated that the goal for organizations and individuals in crisis would be to restore their crisis-affected image to their pre-crisis positive image. This study however brings to light a phenomenon of an organization or individual with a negative pre-crisis image. In such cases, the goal of post-crisis communication may not just be image repair but rather image makeover. Mubarak’s choice for a new image, a father, presents an interesting choice from a cultural perspective. Hofstede’s (1984) power distance dimension may offer some context to understand his choice. Egypt, like most countries in the Arab world, is a society that is marked by high power distance (Hofstede, 1984). Respect for masculine authority and seniority is ingrained in children (Wilber, 1969). Grown children, in fact, continue to show formal deference to their fathers (Ammar, 1954). Children are taught early the importance of conforming to social norms; disobedience to parental figures is generally considered a great sin in the Arab world (Ammar, 1954). The father maintains social distance from his children, for example by withholding affection and praise, in an attempt to cultivate his absolute authority within the family. Competing for the father’s attention and approval is a common feature of Egyptian society (Ammar, 1954). By positioning himself as a father speaking to his children Mubarak was perhaps hoping to trigger feelings of loyalty and respect in the young protestors by reminding them of their familial obligations. The results of this study indicate that (i) individuals with a negative pre-crisis reputation may indulge in an image makeover as an image repair response to a crisis, (ii) public relations practitioners should consider the cultural pulse of stakeholders when designing crisis response or image makeover strategies. These findings have implications for image repair discourse theory and situational crisis communication theory (SCCT; Coombs, 2012), both of which have not sufficiently considered the impact of a prior negative reputation on communication strategies. Although repositioning oneself as a parent may not fit well with the narrative of political leaders from all countries, this study proposes a cogent argument for the image makeover strategy from a cultural perspective specifically for Egypt given the pivotal role played by paternal
244
D. Anagondahalli / Public Relations Review 39 (2013) 241–244
figures in this culture. Scholars should therefore further investigate the phenomenon of image makeovers while identifying underlying factors that may guide the choice of a new image. The complete study can be requested from the author. References Ammar, H. (1954). Growing up in an Egyptian village. London: Routledge. Benoit, W. L. (1997). Image repair discourse and crisis communication. Public Relations Review, 23, 177–187. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/ S0363-8111(97)90023-0 Coombs, W. T. (2012). Ongoing crisis communication: Planning, managing and responding. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Hofstede, G. (1984). Culture’s consequences: International differences in work-related values. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Miles, M. B., & Huberman, A. M. (1994). Qualitative data analysis: An expanded sourcebook. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Wilber, D. N. (1969). United Arab Republic Egypt: Its people, its society its culture. New Haven, CT: Human Resources Area Files.
Contents lists available at SciVerse ScienceDirect
Public Relations Review
Research in Brief
Prior reputation and the transition from image repair to image makeover: The case of Hosni Mubarak Deepa Anagondahalli ∗ University of Maryland, 2130, Skinner Building, College Park, MD 20742, United States
a r t i c l e
i n f o
Article history: Received 18 September 2012 Received in revised form 24 March 2013 Accepted 3 April 2013 Keywords: Image repair discourse Hosni Mubarak Egypt Culture Prior reputation Crisis communication
a b s t r a c t Through an analysis of Hosni Mubarak’s speeches made over the course of the Arab Spring, this study examined Mubarak’s response to criticism about his role in the crisis and the resultant attempt to repair his image. The study thereby draws attention to the image repair strategies of an individual with a negative prior reputation in a crisis. Data indicate that Mubarak’s negative prior reputation resulted in his attempting not just an image repair as image repair discourse theory would suggest but rather a more complex image makeover. The cultural significance of his rhetorical choices and the implications for theory are discussed. © 2013 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
1. Introduction Crises are ubiquitous in nature. Typically when a crisis occurs, the affected parties engage in communication aimed at repairing their images in the eyes of their publics. Extant research has however focused exclusively on the image repair strategies employed by organizations and individuals with a positive or neutral pre-crisis image. Little is known about the image repair strategies used by entities that do not enjoy a positive pre-crisis reputation. This study analyzes the rhetorical strategies used by President Hosni Mubarak of Egypt during the Arab Spring in 2011. Image is integral to the well-being of organizations and individuals (Benoit, 1997). Image repair discourse theory outlines five strategies commonly used to repair images that have been hit by a crisis: denial, evasion of responsibility, reducing offensiveness of the act, corrective action, and mortification (Benoit, 1997). By applying image repair discourse theory to Hosni Mubarak’s image repair strategies during the Egyptian revolution of 2011, this study has a two-pronged goal. Firstly, this study explores the implications of a prior negative reputation on image repair discourse theory. Secondly, this study examines the role of cultural factors in shaping crisis communication strategies. 2. Method Image repair discourse theory was applied to a qualitative content analysis of the English translation of the two speeches made by President Hosni Mubarak in Arabic. Both speeches were broadcast live by Egypt’s Radio and Television Center, the first on January 28, 2011 and the second on February 19, 2011. The English transcripts of speech one and speech two were used as primary data. Data analysis procedures outlined by Miles and Huberman (1994) such as data reduction, data display, and conclusion drawing/verification were used to analyze the two speeches.
∗ Tel.: +1 301 405 3104. E-mail address: [email protected] 0363-8111/$ – see front matter © 2013 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.pubrev.2013.04.001
242
D. Anagondahalli / Public Relations Review 39 (2013) 241–244
Once the primary themes were crystallized, the researcher debriefed with an expert on Egypt and Middle Eastern media who is an assistant professor at a major research university on the East Coast and who was born and has lived in Egypt most of her life. This debriefing assisted in better understanding how Egyptian cultural norms influenced rhetorical strategies employed in the speeches. The following research questions are of interest to the study. RQ1: How did President Mubarak respond to accusations of his role in the crisis in speech one and speech two? RQ2: How did President Mubarak present the crisis situation in speech one and speech two? Research question one was answered by examining Mubarak’s speeches through the lens offered by Benoit’s Image Repair Discourse Theory. The second research question was answered by qualitatively content analyzing Mubarak’s speeches for common themes while simultaneously comparing and contrasting common themes between the two speeches. 3. Results 3.1. Image repair strategies Out of Benoit’s five strategies of image repair, Mubarak used four consistently: denial, evasion of responsibility, reduction of offensiveness, and corrective action. 3.1.1. Denial strategy Mubarak employed the denial strategy by shifting the blame on “some political forces” in speech one. In speech two, although he still referenced an ambiguous “they”, Mubarak added a reference to forces outside the nation as being responsible when he said that he “will not accept or listen to the talks coming from abroad.” 3.1.2. Evasion of responsibility strategy According to Benoit (1997), evasion of responsibility strategy can be performed in four different ways: provocation, defeasibility, accident, and good intentions. Mubarak framed his response to criticism using a single technique: his actions were backed by good intentions. In speech one, Mubarak emphasized that he has “never been seeking power and. . . it is not in my nature to betray the trust or give up my responsibilities and duties.” Similarly in speech two, he stressed his good intentions by saying “my aim was never to seek force and take power.” 3.1.3. Reduction of offensiveness strategy Mubarak engaged in this strategy by making use of the bolstering technique several times in both speeches. For example in speech one, he said, “I am proud of the long years I spent in the service of Egypt and its people. . . defended its land, its sovereignty and interests and on this land; I will die and history will judge me and others for our merits and faults.” Later, in speech two, Mubarak indulged in some nostalgic bolstering when he reminded the rebelling youth that he “was a young man as well when he joined the military and pledged his loyalty to the nation, sacrificing for the nation.” In speech two, Mubarak made use of an additional technique of transcendence to reduce the offensiveness by stressing that there were more important considerations than focusing on him. For example, he reminded his listeners that “the current time is not about me, the situation is now about Egypt.” Before concluding his speech, he stressed that everyone should “put the interests of the nation first.” 3.1.4. Corrective action strategy Mubarak made several statements of corrective action in his two speeches. Speech one, as compared to the second speech, given that it was delivered in the early part of the revolution, had a shorter list of corrective actions to address the situation and prevent further issues. His proposed measures in speech one were mostly general courses of action with very few specific provisions. For example, he stated that he has “taken the initiative of forming a new government with new priorities and duties,” and that he has “entrusted the vice president with holding dialog with all political forces and factions about all issues.” As compared to this, Mubarak’s second speech, coming closer to the end of the revolution, had a more specific list of proposed changes. He spoke of “constitutional amendments to articles 88, 89, 93, and 178” that concern the holding of free and transparent elections in Egypt. 3.1.5. Mortification strategy This is the one strategy that was conspicuously absent from Mubarak’s attempt to repair his image in both speeches. Mubarak sidestepped the anger that the people were expressing at his regime, choosing instead to deflect the negative emotion directed at him on to unnamed others. 3.2. Unique and recurrent themes in speeches There are some important similarities and some telling differences between Mubarak’s strategies in the two speeches. He employed the following themes consistently in both speeches: portrayal of the future, and self portrait.
D. Anagondahalli / Public Relations Review 39 (2013) 241–244
243
3.2.1. Portrayal of future In Speech 1, Mubarak employs the future theme by framing it as uncertain and fraught with fears. For example, he said that “Egypt is facing critical times that could sweep its people into the unknown,” and “the fear that is affecting the huge majority of Egyptians and causing concern and anxiety over what tomorrow could bring them and their families.” In contrast to this frame, in his second speech, Mubarak framed the future as being about hope and change. For example, he said that “the new generation is calling for a better change,” and “. . . the youth which is dreaming and the making the future.” 3.2.2. Self-image generated by speech Although Mubarak was silent about his role in the events leading up to the crisis (which was considered by the protestors as the main cause of the revolution), he made several references to his role in resolving the crisis. In speech one, which was delivered in the earlier part of the revolution, he positioned himself as the “authoritarian fixer” who was proposing momentous changes to lead Egypt out of its state of crisis. For example, Mubarak said, “I took the initiative of forming a new government with new priorities and new duties.” In speech two, delivered just two weeks later and a day before he was forced to resign, Mubarak’s tone changed from one in a position of absolute power to one who is attentive and responsive to the demands of his citizens. Here he stated, “My response to your voice, to your message, to your demands, is an irrevocable commitment.” In speech two, speaking as someone who was listening intently to the voice of the citizens, Mubarak further attempted a complete image makeover by re-positioning himself as a father appealing to his children, the youth citizens. He said, for example, “This is a speech from a father to his sons and daughters.” He also attempted to inject pathos into the mood of speech two by referring to his own emotions, perhaps in an attempt to “humanize” his image and break away from his “dictator” image. For example, he conveyed a sense of pride in the revolution when he said, “I am proud of you;” his pain, when he said, “it saddens my heart a great deal what has happened to them (the martyrs);” or when he said, “it pains me that I am misunderstood by my own;” his sensitivity when he said, “I am not embarrassed to listen to the youth of my country;” and his hope and resolve when he said, “Egypt’s people will not be broken.” 4. Insights from expert interview According to the Middle-East expert interviewed for the study, far from being a random metaphor, the father-figure reference may have been a deliberate strategy. In traditional Egyptian society the father is considered the head of the family unit, a source of power who commands respect and obedience. Open disagreement or disrespect of this socially recognized authority figure is considered a cultural taboo. In current day Egypt, although the father’s authority within the family still ranks supreme, the power distance that marked the earlier relationships has been slowly shrinking. For the revolutionaries, accepting this supposed term of endearment would have meant accepting their powerlessness and reverting to the status quo. Understanding the motive behind the father-figure metaphor, young revolutionaries rejected the ploy of being trapped into traditional Egyptian social norms. They instead stressed that Mubarak did not have the right to infantilize them and demanded to be treated as equals. 5. Discussion and conclusions Image restoration theory (Benoit, 1997) postulated that the goal for organizations and individuals in crisis would be to restore their crisis-affected image to their pre-crisis positive image. This study however brings to light a phenomenon of an organization or individual with a negative pre-crisis image. In such cases, the goal of post-crisis communication may not just be image repair but rather image makeover. Mubarak’s choice for a new image, a father, presents an interesting choice from a cultural perspective. Hofstede’s (1984) power distance dimension may offer some context to understand his choice. Egypt, like most countries in the Arab world, is a society that is marked by high power distance (Hofstede, 1984). Respect for masculine authority and seniority is ingrained in children (Wilber, 1969). Grown children, in fact, continue to show formal deference to their fathers (Ammar, 1954). Children are taught early the importance of conforming to social norms; disobedience to parental figures is generally considered a great sin in the Arab world (Ammar, 1954). The father maintains social distance from his children, for example by withholding affection and praise, in an attempt to cultivate his absolute authority within the family. Competing for the father’s attention and approval is a common feature of Egyptian society (Ammar, 1954). By positioning himself as a father speaking to his children Mubarak was perhaps hoping to trigger feelings of loyalty and respect in the young protestors by reminding them of their familial obligations. The results of this study indicate that (i) individuals with a negative pre-crisis reputation may indulge in an image makeover as an image repair response to a crisis, (ii) public relations practitioners should consider the cultural pulse of stakeholders when designing crisis response or image makeover strategies. These findings have implications for image repair discourse theory and situational crisis communication theory (SCCT; Coombs, 2012), both of which have not sufficiently considered the impact of a prior negative reputation on communication strategies. Although repositioning oneself as a parent may not fit well with the narrative of political leaders from all countries, this study proposes a cogent argument for the image makeover strategy from a cultural perspective specifically for Egypt given the pivotal role played by paternal
244
D. Anagondahalli / Public Relations Review 39 (2013) 241–244
figures in this culture. Scholars should therefore further investigate the phenomenon of image makeovers while identifying underlying factors that may guide the choice of a new image. The complete study can be requested from the author. References Ammar, H. (1954). Growing up in an Egyptian village. London: Routledge. Benoit, W. L. (1997). Image repair discourse and crisis communication. Public Relations Review, 23, 177–187. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/ S0363-8111(97)90023-0 Coombs, W. T. (2012). Ongoing crisis communication: Planning, managing and responding. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Hofstede, G. (1984). Culture’s consequences: International differences in work-related values. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Miles, M. B., & Huberman, A. M. (1994). Qualitative data analysis: An expanded sourcebook. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Wilber, D. N. (1969). United Arab Republic Egypt: Its people, its society its culture. New Haven, CT: Human Resources Area Files.