Processes of civic participation in the implementation of sustainable urban mobility systems

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Processes of civic participation in the implementation of sustainable urban mobility systems Alvaro Fernandez-Herediaa, Gonzalo Fernandez-Sanchezb, a b

⁎

AUVASA, C/ Bronce 3, 47008 Valladolid, Spain Universidad Europea, Civil Engineering Department, C/Tajo s/n 28670 Villaviciosa de Odón, Madrid, Spain

A R T I C LE I N FO

A B S T R A C T

Keywords: Public participation Sustainable mobility plans Bicycle mobility Sustainability Urban mobility policy

The quality of urban life is based on sustainable mobility plans, and the bicycle is becoming increasingly important. This way of transport and its use result from a combination of urban policies, local movements, singularities of the context and social configurations. This article shows the extent to which mobility policy development and implementation models give room to pro-bike urban movements and to those who influence its promotion. It also shows the importance of citizen participation in decisions on bicycle mobility systems. In this way a methodological framework is proposed in order to know the processes of implementation of sustainable mobility policies, the evolution and effects of urban pro-bike movements, to determine their relation of interaction and to analyse civic participation mechanisms in the development of these cycling systems of mobility. Therefore a two decade long (1990–2010) case study about two Spanish cities in the process of cycling transition, Madrid and Seville, is carried out.

1. Introduction Given the international demands for reducing pollutant emissions from the atmosphere, improving the quality of urban life and promoting people’s health, air quality strategies rely on sustainable mobility plans and therefore on the promotion of the bicycle use (Kemperman and Timmermans, 2009; Moudon et al, 2005; Rojas-Rueda et al, 2011). That is why this way of transport has gained more prominence in the international debate (Campbell-Lendrum and Corvallin, 2007). The recent legislative changes in terms of traffic, the development of Sustainable Urban Mobility Plans in many cities, the creation of adequate urban infrastructures for cyclists (Zhang et al, 2014), the aid from the energy sector to implement public bicycle systems, the importance of public health in cities and local environment (Aldred, 2012) or the Agendas 21 (Urquizo et al, 2011) are clear indicators of this change. At the same time there are different social movements in favour of a more sustainable mobility: the Degrowth Movement, the Slow City Movement or the Critical Mass. They are experiences based on bicycle mobility as a standard of an ideal city. Their contributions in terms of citizen participation, implementation and development of sustainable mobility policies as well as public space management have been highlighted by various authors (Carlsson, 2002, 2008; Rondinella, 2004). Sagaris (2014a) analyses the impact of protests and social movements on public transport policies related to car-centred urban planning ⁎

models. Self-generated citizen organizations can play a very important role in the agenda and debates towards more sustainable and better mobility policies from the point of view of equality. In recent years, the role of citizen participation in improving the transport system has been fully recognized (Sagaris, 2014b) although it is a one-way communication channel. The benefits of “engaging” the public are: making public policies based on the improvement of decision-making by making them sustainable, bearable and reflecting society's values, earning credibility and improving the rapid implementation of plans and projects (Sagaris, 2014b; Giering, 2011). Citizen participation in urban mobility planning has been analysed before by several authors (Grant, 2005). Banister (2008) also remarks the need to gain public confidence and acceptability to support the new measures related to transform the mobility paradigm. Walter and Scholz (2007) suggest that a dedicated management of stakeholders, a high diversity of actors, as well as an extensive use of knowledge integration methods in combination with a high network density are critical success conditions of these planning processes. After revising the European cases Lindenau and Böhler-Baedeker (2014) conclude that citizen and stakeholder engagement are a precondition, a “must do”, while Elvy (2014) underlines the importance of the participation to reduce the social exclusion in the decision-making process and the cultural differences among regions. Sagaris and Ortuzar (2015) focused on the relationship between population and technicians as an essential

Corresponding author. E-mail address: [email protected] (G. Fernandez-Sanchez).

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cstp.2019.10.011 Received 27 December 2018; Received in revised form 23 October 2019; Accepted 31 October 2019 2213-624X/ © 2019 World Conference on Transport Research Society. Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Please cite this article as: Alvaro Fernandez-Heredia and Gonzalo Fernandez-Sanchez, Case Studies on Transport Policy, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cstp.2019.10.011

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obstructing factors (Sheller and Urry, 2006; 2016). In fact, several cities are experiencing an increase in mobility ratios by bicycle while those of private vehicle transport are reduced (Aldred et al., 2019; Buehler et al., 2017, Kim, 2015).

part of a city's cycling planning with the case study of Santiago (Chile). However, traditional methods of participation do not work. They do not give enough information, they do not satisfy society and they do not represent the public (Innes and Booher, 2000). The way in which local transport plans are about becoming participatory with the population has been analysed by Bickerstaff and Walker (2005) among others, identifying a problem in the relationship between citizen intervention capacity and democratic structures for decision-making. Sagaris (2018) shows the importance of aligning processes and institutions towards sustainable mobility and public participation processes. To plan with a closer social collaboration in public policies related to mobility is studied in depth by Innes and Booher (2010). In order to adapt a transport system to the new challenges of society and development, we need to take into account the different possible levels of intervention (Geels, 2002; 2004). Geels (2005) states that the function of a mode of transport such as the bicycle should be considered an innovation vector of this system, but also be conceived as a transition to a new balance. Cycling practices are conceived as a contingent result of a combination of four levels of action and conditioning:

2. Objectives and scope In this context, this research seeks to verify the relevance of the collective emerging pro-bike actions in order to know why cycling for transport in cities has significantly increased (Carlsson, 2002). Citizen participation will therefore be the centre in this article as an object of study as well as a mean of research and social intervention. This study starts from three disconnections in scientific literature: the lack of prominence of social and cultural disciplines; the growing importance of citizen participation and democratic processes in the generation of urban policies, distancing themselves from the scientific debates on sustainable mobility; and the differences between the pace and the deployment models of bicycle mobility in city councils, ignoring the causal social and political conditions (context). These factors have several interactions among them and are also usual in other countries. Last years the scientifical production in the academical world have been notably increased, contributing to advocacy and planning. Thus, the main objective focuses on a methodological proposal that integrates these three approaches. This proposal is based on:

1. Urban policies: mobility in general and bicycle mobility in particular, but also urban planning. 2. The pro-bike urban movement: social organizations and main critical masses. 3. The unique qualities of each urban environment and environmental mean: orography, climatology, road network, infrastructures and functional urban configuration. 4. The social set up: knowledge and acquired habits, attitudes and perceptions regarding safety, comfort and efficiency, dissemination practices and networks, influence of gender, age, ethnicity and social class.

• Understanding the implementation processes of sustainable urban mobility policies • Knowing the evolution and effects of urban pro-bike movements in cities. • Determine the relations of interaction between urban policies and pro-bike movements. • Promote citizen participation mechanisms to verify urban cyclability and intervene in sustainable urban mobility systems.

Although there are numerous partial contributions in some of these four levels (e.g. Brey et al, 2017; Gossling and Choi, 2015; Hunt and Abraham, 2007; Krizek et al, 2009; Sanz, 2008), it is in their interaction where there is not yet enough holistic knowledge, and still less with a social science approach. Thus, we can find studies that focus on identifying barriers to the bicycle use or the assessment of factors linked to this bicycle use in order to understand the basis of the cyclist's behaviour (FernándezHeredia, 2012; Fernandez-Heredia et al., 2014a,2014b; Griswold et al, 2018; Muñoz et al, 2016; Verma et al, 2016). For example, Aldred et al. (2019) identified some barriers to cycling: financial issues, a lack of political leadership and a lack of support from the transport authority. The dominance of the car (including the automobile industry), the lack of space for the cycling infrastructure, the lack of knowledge and the commitment on the benefits of cycling are necessary elements for the promotion of the bicycle (Aldred et al., 2019. Other studies focus on the factors and variables that determine the decision to use or not to use the bicycle, in order to have an orientation of the most appropriate policies which establish the best conditions for its use (Barnes and Thompson, 2006; Castillo-Manzano and Sánchez-Braza, 2013; Martens, 2007). However, this has not been cast in effective policies in many countries where the bicycle is still not a very used mode of transportation (Pucher and Buehler, 2008). The knowledge of the barriers to bicycle use, the ideal urban characteristics perceived by users or the customary election mechanism are not enough to explain the start of the bicycle use in a city where it was not used before (Monzon et al, 2009). Other variables can be decisive in this process: institutional support, new mobility policies, cultural transformations, changes in the material conditions of the general public, etc. On the other hand, the transition processes from predominantly automotive regimes to others that are locally and globally more sustainable require an explanation that identifies the most stimulating or

These objectives shall answer questions and hypotheses coming from the state of the knowledge:

• To what extent do the models of development and implementation •

of urban mobility policies give rise to urban pro-bike movements of critical reaction and social influence in the promotion of the use of the bicycle for transport. What are the links between levels of citizen participation and the quality of cycle-inclusion of a given city?

Understanding the paradigm change towards more cycle-inclusive mobility involves studying the cities that are transitioning, with a greater or lesser degree of maturity, excluiding advanced cities, or those where this is something remote without any perceived evolution. The European projects BYPAD and Presto (2010) talk about top, climbing and starting cities. Climbing cities are defined as those which started having only little use of the bicycle and were carrying out successful policies in terms of the number of cyclists. It is pointed out how the policies should be adapted to each stage: infrastructural measures at the beginning and promotion and awareness as they evolve. Chataway et al (2014) distinguish between established and emerging cities to analyse the subjective perception of risk. This work focuses precisely on the socalled climbing cities or emerging cities according to the previous references. We call them cities in cycling transition. The ultimate goal hereby is to show the feasibility of the methodological proposal in two specific case studies. 3. Methodology To achieve these objectives, two cases of two cities in the process of cycling transition in Spain were chosen: Madrid and Seville, analysing the implementation of cyclist mobility systems and the interaction of 2

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cyclability variation factors in these two metropolitan areas during two decades (1990–2010). These two cities can offer conclusive results, because both have distinguished themselves in a different way by the citizen's involvement in the improvements in the cyclability of their streets over the last two decades. These two cities have been chosen from the same country in order to avoid important cultural differences in the mobility patterns. Both, Seville and Madrid, have a population of more than 500.000 inhabitants, similar urban characteristics and their starting point in terms of cyclist mobility was similar. In this way, it was easier to isolate the governance effects from the rest. This paper uses the holistic framework developed in Fernandez-Heredia (2014) to study the cycling variables in both cities. The research has been grouped into two fundamental aspects that distinguish and overlap each other. On the one hand, a longitudinal and comparative study of the sustainable mobility implementation processes of both cities, analysing which have been the connections between pro-bike movements, public policies, environment and social configurations. On the other hand, a cross-sectional study of both cases has been carried out in order to know the different social, economic and administrative networks that operate in these areas. We will start from a perspective of social reality analysis based on participatory methods. In this way the sample is of a structural type. More than in the number of participants, we are interested in bringing together different discourses and perspectives that concern the studied problem, guaranteeing validity based on representativeness, using the principle of discursive saturation. The relationships of people within the studied event will be taken more into account than their individual characteristics. The techniques applied in this study are:

Table 1 Guide of in-depth interviews de entrevistas en profundidad. Public policies

Social configurations

Social movements/vectors of influence of the movements on the political level

Determinants/barriers to the bicycle use

relation to the qualities of the environment (environmental, safety, infrastructure, efficiency, intermodality, lifestyle/trend). Finally, return and self-diagnosis workshops are proposed, which aim to return the obtained results in both, longitudinal and transversal approaches, as well as to achieve the collection of new inputs. The possibility of exposing and treating different points of view in common, induces a greater approach to the multiple faces that reality has, adapting the theory and results to the existing reality. The techniques in these workshops are:

• Bibliographic and document analysis, necessary for the longitudinal • •

•

and comparative study of the implementation processes of sustainable mobility, but also for the identification of key stakeholders and as a preliminary step to the following transversal and participatory study. Participant observation: ethnographic presence in the field providing complementary qualitative tools to observe, collect data and understand internal interaction processes. Attendance to significant events, informal meetings, accompaniment. Sociogram, a technique that shows existing reticular relationships in a given situation through observation and contextualization. It provides a detailed reality which is adjusted to the reality of the structural characteristics that will outline the discursive variability around the study problem. It is an essential tool in the preparation of a structural or significant sample. In-depth interviews with thematic and coexistence experts. These experts are the most representative people of the administration, pro-bike movements, business world, academics, and qualified technicians in the field. In total, 24 interviews were carried out, twelve per city. All of them were written down, analysed and registered. The interviews followed the script shown in the following Table 1.

• Discourse analysis overcome the dichotomy of participation in fa-

•

•

At this point the generated and collected documentation is used for the analysis in two separate blocks:

vour or against, grouping sentences along an imaginary axis, marking dominant axes and intermediate positions to include all positions and nuances. Two discourse analysis are included: one that exhibits part of the history, development and evolution of urban mobility by bicycle in each city; and another one that shows the debates within itself, the tools, methods and implemented models. A flow chart to show the central points and controversies in the approach to the problems related to mobility and the bicycle, so that the participants establish causal relationships between each other. With this, the outstanding topics and their possible solutions can be prioritised, identifying responsible actors and improvement strategies. A problem tree serves to identify the symptoms, shows the problems and relates them to the analysis of immediate and profound causes from the previous issues.

In parallel and throughout the process, an electronic platform was created to expand social groups and means of citizen participation and to intervene in the processes of diagnosis, analysis, debate and planning (ciclopart.redcimas.org). The selection of the sample should have to address two variables: the social scale and the belonging to one of these three types of social agents: politicians, technicians and members of citizen initiatives (the latter according to morphology, relationship with institutions and influence on the promotion of cycling habits in the city). The chosen interviews were based on the previous sociogram.

• Block 1, based on the analysis of the static factors of the transport •

Environmental regulations (requirements, especially European, regarding emission reduction, traffic, etc.) Mobility solutions (bike promotion as decongesting measure) Social demand (hypothesis according to which public policies will echo citizens’ demands) City Brand Urban Policies Environmental considerations Convenience (practical questions) Life styles/Trends Bicycle/protest tools Others Regulation Urban planning Environment Culture Economy Others Risk Regulation Terrain, climate Others

system: looking at the most relevant aspects of the city's cyclability and its promotion as well as the peculiarities of the environment (socio-demographic, territorial analysis, mobility, policies). Block 2: based on the analysis of the dynamic elements of the transport system: looking at sustainable mobility policies (most relevant factors, importance of cyclist mobility, intermodality strategies, integration in urban planning, participatory dimensions as well as awareness), pro-bike social initiatives (conditions, social practices, participation and governability), and social configurations in 3

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From the participant observation and the interviews, the following sociogram has been worked out (Fig. 2). It shows the main interest areas on the horizontal axis (politic, education, social and economy), while the vertical axis shows the power of each stakeholder in a qualitative social scale that allow us to categorize and contextualize stakeholders’ speeches. In the first part of the Madrid results, the key elements are defined when the bicycle transport system in the city is understood. Direct and indirect sources are analysed (through interviews or the observation itself). Responding to the first block by following the proposed methodology the static factors are: a) General considerations on the cyclability of the city of Madrid and its promotion: Madrid is a city in cyclist transition (sustained increase in the number of cyclists, position in terms of mobility policies towards the bicycle, change in the public imagination by increasing the prominence of the bicycle). Taking the quality of cycling routes (278 km) as an indicator to evaluate the cyclability of a city, the study of the Consumers Organisation on this indicator concludes that they gather all kinds of design errors: there is no connection between them, no connection of neighbourhoods with the centre, they invade sidewalks, they are narrow, badly conserved or even dangerous. Besides, some users consider that bike lanes are not segregated enough. Bad maintenance of roads, vandalism and illegal parking are other factors against a good bike experience in Madrid. In Madrid, there are also no policies focused on cyclist mobility, although there is interest in sustainable mobility. The development or application does not follow parameters of a medium or long-term policy. The most relevant advances are due to European directives to reduce the level of pollution in the city. However, there is still the perception that betting on the bicycle goes against a democratic model of mobility and accessibility (it is considered that it is not for all citizens). The pro-cyclist policies are considered unpopular because they are also detrimental to the space granted to the pedestrian or the car. There is an increase in the number of citizen initiatives that allow promoting this mean of transport and it grows slowly but steadily. The profile of the urban cyclist is represented by an adult-young male. The initiatives focus on society and local administration through the channels of existing participation. Although participation increases, the role of citizens is primarily consultative with a limited capacity for influence. The economic crisis has led to favouring the implementation of measures with low investment, such as unseparated bicycle lanes. b) Particularity of the environment: The studied variables that characterize Madrid to analyse its conditions of cyclability are: Madrid is suitable for reasonable travel distances, favouring the efficiency of public transport and non-motorised trips. However, the most recent trends go in the opposite direction: metropolitan growth with low density, concentration and relocation of use outside the city

Table 2 Madrid vs, Sevile.

Innhabitants Average age population Surface Density Orography Residential use Terciary use Industrial use Motorisation Trips Foot Bike Transit Car Car average speed Cycling network Cycling density

2

inhab/km years km2 inhab/km2

veh/1.000 inhab Trips/person

km/h km km/km2

Madrid

Seville

3,000,000 40 605 5300 Undulating 79% 17% 4% 498 2.6 31% 0.3% 34% 35% 24 278 0.46

700,000 38.5 141 4900 flat 77% 15% 8% 630 2.6 37% 3% 20% 40% 22 120 0.86

4. Results Both the city of Madrid and the city of Seville coincide in a significant way the existing constraints towards bicycle mobility, subject to public policies, although they differ in their formulation or subsequent execution (Table 2). Thus, a typical sequence in the implementation of a strategic policy can be outlined, which implements and develops bicycle mobility in a city (Fig. 1). a) THE CASE OF MADRID During the analysis period a detailed analysis of the actions that have taken place in the city has been carried out (Table 3). Table 3. Main actions in the analysed period in the city of Madrid in relation to the bicycle In Madrid the following interest groups were interviewed in-depth:

• Politicians: the person responsible for environment of the Madrid city council and the ex-president of the Mobility Foundation • Technicians: an external consultant of the cycling mobility master • • •

plan, a technician responsible for cycling mobility of the Madrid city council and a technician of the Mobility Foundation Entrepreneurship: member of pro-bici, an entrepreneur platform for bicycles in Madrid. Interviews in the field of awareness and pedagogics: the arts government area, the environment education department and the Agenda 21. Pro-bike Initiatives: Enbicipormadrid, Madrid Probici, Biernes, BMX Indoor, Pedalibre/ConBici.

Fig. 1. Type of implementation sequence of bicycle mobility plan in a city. 4

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Table 3 Main actions in the analysed period in the city of Madrid in relation to the bicycle. Year

Action

Comments

1997

General Urban Plan

2001

Instruction for the Design of the Public Road (dependent on the PGOU)) Green Bicycle Lane Mobility Regulation Local Strategy of Air Quality of the City of Madrid 2006–2010 Road Safety Plan Cycling Mobility Master Plan of Madrid

Collecting 40 measures to create bicycle lanes to meet increased demand (mainly leisure and sports + college activities) The most important text about the construction of bicycle lanes where the need to create a bicycle network in the urban environment is considered. Design and first actions towards the Green Bicycle Lane Mobility Regulation Inclusion of the promotion of the use of bicycles in the measures

2002 2005 2006 2007 2008

2008

2010

New Rule about bicycle access to the Madrid underground 2nd Report on the State of Mobility of the city of Madrid 3rd Report on the State of Mobility of the city of Madrid Modification of the Mobility Regulation

2011

Air Quality Plan 2011–2015

2009 2010

Mentioning the bicycle to refer to cases of accidents. No recommendations are made to the use of bicycles. First bicycle mobility policy in Madrid with extensive research, consultation and technical work. Repeating structure and contents of other master plans (such as Seville). Seeking to have a bicycle city policy, giving a significant role to mobility, normalizing its use and image, contributing to the improvement of environmental quality, favouring healthy habits, increasing road safety and promoting the recovery of public space. The creation of the Bike Office is foreseen as a virtual tool for information and consultation on regulations and bicycle mobility programs in Madrid. Bicycle Access is allowed at weekends, holidays, and workdays between 10am and 12:30 pm and after 9 pm. Recognising the magnitude of changes needed to create spaces and confidence for the use of the bicycle. Challenges to enhance this. Data of bicycle use as a necessary mean to achieve sustainability. More favourable Modifications to the use of the bicycle are clearly still insufficient (compared to the traffic regulation of pedestrians and cyclists of Seville) The bicycle is in the line of “promotion of alternative ways of mobility”, actions are proposed to be carried out including timeline and budget.

Fig. 2. Sociogram in Madrid.

commercial areas (30 large shopping centres in 15 years), universities (2 public and 1 private universities) and business parks (three large business centres in this period) that increase the pressure of the car. The range of unevenness is 60 m and the average slopes are around 1%, but there are areas of up to 4% and even maximum average slopes of 6% (settlement on river terraces). Mobility policies committed to improving transport by making an

centre, generating motorised trips that were previously not necessary, greater distances, less effective public transport and greater dependence on the car. In the last 20 years, Madrid has shown urban growth with a trend to dispersion (density has fallen by 10%) with 25 new urban developments in the last decade and a spectacular growth of its metropolitan surroundings (increase of 426% in 50 years). In addition, different relevant uses have been located outside the city area such as 5

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There is also an evolution in the political discourse, in the conceptual framework and political culture. This, together with the process of developing the cycling culture by the technicians themselves, recognizes certain gaps to be filled by training in the field of bicycle mobility, transferring them to new political solutions and meeting points with society associations and pro-bike initiatives. In the field of intermodality, there is a lot of pressure on the part of cycling groups to develop regulations for an effective integration of public transport systems and bicycles.

effort to expand the public transport network (underground lines, intermodality and restriction of the car use by a regulated parking service in broad areas of the city) as well as several resident priority areas in the centre. At the same time, entry to the centre by car was favoured through the implementation of large access roads such as toll trunk motorways or the capacity increase of the M-30 with its transformation into a normal street. In bicycle mobility policies, there has been no orderly planning until the appearance of the Cycling Mobility Master Plan in 2008, setting goals until 2016. The irruption of the crisis and the lack of political commitment has resulted in the slowing down of the plan’s implementation. Infrastructure has been increased but at a lower level than planned. The implementation of the public bicycle service has also suffered endless stoppages (finally a system of public electric bicycles was established in 2014, outside the scope of study). On the other hand, the studied variables to analyse the dynamic elements of the transport system in Madrid (referred to Block 2 following the proposed methodology) are the following: c) Policies of sustainable mobility: Some ambiguity is perceived in the political discourse in the appreciation of the bicycle as a solution or as a problem in the face of the fear of a lack of society support (idea of “Madrid is not for bikes”), keeping the idea that the bicycle is not a democratic option for all. At the same time, urban reforms are converging towards the implementation of visible but low-cost measures (budget limitation) through non-separating actions (cycle roads and cycle lanes) with some advice from and dialogue with pro-bike initiatives.

“I started using the bike when the access rules changed with folding it in the underground in 2009. In my case the change of regulations was fundamental because I realized that, although I would not use it, I knew that if it broke down or I got tired I could get in the underground to make the return journey. For me it was essential to buy a foldable bike” (representative enbicipormadrid). In relation to participation channels, formal contexts of semi-open participation have been generated in which the different pro-bike groups and individuals are invited. In fact, in the Cycling Mobility Master Plan, the “live forces” of the bicycle are summoned in a consultative and non-binding table. There are also informal channels that overlap and blur the vectors of influence. “Cycling groups have played a very interesting role because they have been critical and protesting, but at the same time they have been very brave. The “bicicrítica” has played a very … noisy role, but it had at the same time a kind of VIP cyclists, who did a very interesting job with all those VIPs who dragged other non-protesting people” (Direction Mobility Foundation - Olympic Games Candidadacy)

“They said that this has a lot of potential because there’s no penny left and for what you propose there are enough quiet streets to go around the city. We were invited to change the approach we have of the Cyclist Master Plan, which was to create a hierarchical network of bike lanes along major roads and secondary streets that serve the main roads, and this approach goes the other way. The secondary ones structure the city and the large ones remain secondary roads” [for cyclists] (representative of enbicipormadrid)

The awareness and advertising campaigns in favour of the bicycle articulated in the form of programs and directed to specific sectors in society, are key to advance in the change of the perception of the bicycle. A pedagogical line has been marked by the European STARS project (Accreditation and Recognition of Sustainable Displacements for Schools) whose main objective is to increase the number of students who use the bicycle to go to and leave school. In addition, initiatives such as the campaign “By bike to school” bring together 55 associations and cyclist groups promoted by the state platform Con Bici, with awards such as “Move in Green” which rewards initiatives of the way to school in the field of sustainable mobility. d) Pro-bike social initiatives: The various initiatives incorporate ways to socialize and articulate to urban cyclists in very diverse ways information with opinions that are interesting in their content. People, mainly using social networks and the blogosphere related to the world of cycling, also get in contact with international experiences. Numerous events and non-profit activities are organized and channelled by the City Council itself. Within its difference, the objective of promoting the bicycle in the city is the shared goal.

At European level, the push towards emission reduction models to implement sustainable mobility policies is highlighted. In this sense, Madrid exceeds certain levels of pollution in these periods of study, and it is the European Commission that points to local traffic (high levels of NO2), failing to comply with the limit values since 2004. “the decision on this change in behaviour patterns is not based on what I, you or my general director think and I would say that neither does our mayor (…) Madrid has to comply with pollution standards (…) assuming commitments regardless of whether you believe in ecology as a concept, there are international commitments that force air quality standards …” (Technician in the Planning Department of the Madrid City Council) And Even so, the environment is still a secondary factor in decisionmaking, and the bicycle is not yet a system that drastically solves mobility issues:

“Because the one who messes with the bike already becomes an activist, so part of us, the one with the bike has a blog or who knows how many, or after the “Bicicrítica” he is going to do something else, painting bicycles white (…). You’ll find, that there are people who are also pushing from other sides” (Enbicipormadrid)

“Any politician cares about congestion (…). When the problem continues to be congestion, policies continue to be put in place to avoid that through infrastructures or management improvement” (external consultant I Plan Movilidad)

The active attitude is based on a need to look for resources (information, advice) and a perceived position of loneliness as a cyclist in search of others with whom to share that hobby. The Mobility Foundation (2006–2011) was an entity promoted by the Madrid City Council that aimed to facilitate actions in favour of sustainable mobility by opening the debate between the administration, companies and the civil society. This creates a consultative participation that generates scepticism, but at the same time there is a certain ability to influence consultations, albeit informally. Although the pro-bike movements are more than three decades old, their growth and diversification has occurred in the second decade as we analysed. The “bicicrítica” became a

Thus, the mobility policies in the centre have been aimed at reducing the use of the car and restricting parking at the destination (Development of SER and APR). “The APR has done much, these areas have been calmed down a lot and it has also served to change the perception of urban space, to give it to other uses “” The SER has also been very useful because it has served to move a little the idea of that public space as something valuable and scarce which cannot be used to keep it occupied with a parked car” (General Sustainability Direction Madrid City Council) 6

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increase;

common cultural reference for bike lovers even among those who just wanted to enjoy a quiet bike ride once a month. The “bicicrítica” in Madrid is a paradigmatic example as it has been one of the most massive pro-bike demonstrations in Europe for years. The activity is directed not only to expand the use of the bike, but to change the city model that this implies. However, there are poorly resolved claims that have damaged the vision of the bike. For example the Bicilineal group, where after years of struggle for a system of bike lanes in La Elipa and Arturo Soria, the City Council gave shape to this claim in the form of bicycle-sidewalks. Here the neighbours do not think of the bicycle as a peacemaker of traffic anymore, but as an invader of pedestrian space. e) Social configurations in relation to the qualities of the environment: The use of the bicycle joins the discourse of sustainability as a paradigm that frames the quality of life as a motivator of an environmentalist practice.

“…There is one thing that is happening now and that has not happened before. There is a citizen movement that can speak out in a network and feel protagonist because it has tools for it. And that is something. Until very recently (and I am talking about a decade) people had the idea that the changes were beginning … “” But that has changed a lot now as part of the process we have realized that several proposals we have made from the grass roots have had a reflection in real life. This seemed unthinkable to us before. It is to say that the town hall is no longer a monopoly …” (guest of the creative return group dynamic). The relationship with other city models that position themselves in favour of the bicycle go from international to Spanish ones (Barcelona, Seville). In Madrid, its start has been delayed. There has been a certain political consensus regarding other cities on the importance of sustainable mobility and the promotion of the bicycle.

“We seek to provide alternative solutions to problems in the city (…) You cannot help the whole planet but you can go step by step” (Biernes)

“Regarding the discrepancy of government in the case of Madrid I believe that there are conflicts between different levels of administration and they have been very clear in conflicts in the subject of legislation between states and city councils which has not only be seen in Madrid, but there is also a lack of coordination between regions and not just city councils. However, what I do find in Madrid, which does not occur in other places, is a certain understanding between all the political colours” (guest of the creative return group dynamic).

The growth in the use of the bicycle is constant but slow, however the perception of risk on the road acts as the main brake. The implementation of bicycle-sidewalks transfers the risk to pedestrians. And from these cases one starts to move to cycle-lanes. Urban policies can be divided into three types: promotion of regulations, design and implementation of road infrastructures, and launch of awareness campaigns. The appearance of bicycle parking spaces at the destination and the appearance of APR generates friendlier areas for the bicycle. Likewise, the gradual opening to cyclist intermodality in the local regulatory framework of public transport has meant an impetus to the bicycle use, only the necessary infrastructures are missing. Underground and train move in this direction, the interurban buses do not perceive any changes. The urban dispersion however favours the dependence of the car against cyclability. The terrain could have an influence but not as much as the dispersion. The increase in the use of bicycles has favoured the economic growth of companies in this sector. Thus, the union of entrenched and emerging SMEs in the “ProBici” Platform to defend the interests of the sector and the bicycle itself is significant. One aspect that all interviewees agree on is the perception that the spectrum of social profiles of the urban cyclist has evolved from an environmental or sports profile to a much more diverse one. The crisis has generated a greater penetration of the bicycle in the citizens' habits. Going by bicycle begins to be perceived not as transport but as mobility, seeking quality of life from sustainability. In addition, awareness campaigns from the City Council and citizen initiatives have a very positive effect, amplifying their influence and effects on the population. Locating the bicycle as a trendy consumer object affects its impulse and normalisation. It begins to overcome the intersubjective perception of swimming against the stream. Finally, as a closure of the proposed methodological process, workshops were held in Madrid to return and gather new inputs. The returns had a participatory format and the results and conclusions presented above were presented. This workshop was attended by 10 people from 6 pro-bike initiatives and representatives of the general direction of sustainability of the City of Madrid. We worked through two Discourse analysis: one that showed the part of history, development and evolution of urban mobility by bicycle and another one showing the debates, tools, methods and models on this mean of transport. In addition, a flow chart was developed showing the central points and controversies related to sustainable mobility and cycling. In the Discourse analysis (Fig. 3) in “boxes” appear those conclusions drawn from the interviews and the participant observation that were shown to the attendees. Those added during the group dynamic are underlined. The main conclusions were:

The lack of budget has ignited creativity for cheaper solutions. Participation and knowledge, as well as the dissemination of movements is much more powerful thanks to social media In relation to the flowchart or cause-effect relationships appear those characteristics, which are most repeated in the case analysis of Madrid, with the option of being expanded in the debate. The question of fear turns out to be a central element together with the topic of identity, image and social prestige of that way. “If there is every time a greater diversity of bicycle users, people will see that the bicycle is for everyone …” (guest of the creative return group dynamic). To make the causal relationships marked by the participants more visible, we codified the boxes by the number of entries and exits in order to rank the answers and draw a problem tree. The Problem Tree helps us to identify the symptoms that account for a problem, and to relate these to the analysis of their immediate causes and their root causes. The positions to be discussed in the tree are the result of the strongest causal relationships established through the flow chart. f) THE CASE OF SEVILLE During the analysed period a detailed analysis of the actions that have taken place in the city has been carried out (Table 4). Table 4. Main actions in the analysed period in the city of Seville in relation to the bicycle In the case of Seville, the people interviewed in depth were: Politicians: The lieutenant mayor of Seville, the director of the El Alamillo Park, and a representative of the Andalusian Government. Technicians: a technical advisor of cyclist mobility, a member of the university of Seville, of the university Pablo de Olavide and the Architecture School. Organised users: the president of Acontramano, a member of ecologists in action, neighbourhoods (Los Palacios, AAVV Paco González) Entrepreneurship: Santa Tecla bicycles and an employee of Triana bicycles. Based on in-depth interviews and participant observation, the following sociogram has been developed (Fig. 4). It shows the main

- The influence of pro-bike movements in society and public policies 7

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Fig. 3. Discourse analysis historical-longitudinal.

2015). The “Bicicrítica” is a sign that there is movement and that there is conflict. Its disappearance in the case of Seville indicates the demobilisation by the achievement of certain objectives. In Seville it is demonstrated how cycling infrastructures significantly transform the social configurations around the bicycle. The separated bicycle lane is a central point in the model of bicycle development in Seville. The social impulse has been crucial for the success of pro-bike policies, an aspect that materialised a citizen demand broad enough for making sense to invest money in the construction of a bicycle lane. At the same time, it provoked a strong commitment and political leadership. The citizens and the respective administration worked together. A key aspect when understanding the progress in mobility policies in Seville is the existence of two political moments: before and after 2004 where the

interest areas on the horizontal axis (politic, education, social and economy), while the vertical axis shows the power of each stakeholder on a qualitative social scale that allow us to categorize and contextualize stakeholders’ speeches. In the first part of the Seville results, the key elements are defined when the bicycle transport system in the city is understood. Direct and indirect sources are analysed (through interviews or the observation itself) taking into account block 1 of the static factors: a) General considerations on the cyclability of the city of Seville and its promotion: Seville highlights, that the citizen participation not only of current cyclist, but particularly of very diverse neighbourhood associations was relevant for taking cycling into a broader social arena (Marqués et al, Table 4 Main actions in the analysed period in the city of Seville in relation to the bicycle. Year

Action

Comments

1994

Special Bicycle Plan

1996 1996

Comprehensive Plan to promote the Bicycle use in Seville Aalborg Charter endorsement

1999 2000

Creation of new bicycle lanes Strategic Plan of Seville 2010

2004 2005

Endorsement of the Andalusian agreement for the bicycle Bases and Strategies for the integration of the bicycle in the urban mobility of Seville PGOU

It arises as a result of citizen pressure and pro-bike movements with cycling marches of up to 10,000 people in 1993. The plan proposes to create bike lanes focused on recreational activities and which are little integrated into the network. The plan is executed minimally. Only some actions (those centred on bicycle lanes) are partially carried out. Start of developing activities and policies focused on sustainable development through the Local Agenda 21. Three actions are focused on cyclist mobility. Approval of 100 million pesetas budget to build new bicycle lanes It looks for a model of sustainable development in the city where sustainable mobility and public space gain strength, encouraging the use of bicycles, public transport and journeys on foot. Endorsement of the Andalusian agreement for the bicycle Policies and actions of sustainability towards the promotion and integration of bicycle mobility.

2006

2006 2006

2006

The Government of Andalusia approves the Metropolitan Transport Plan for the Seville Area: PMUS Master Plan to promote bicycle transport 2007–2010

2007 2007 2007

The Bus + Bike Project of the Transport Consortium of Seville is inaugurated Public Bicycle Network Sevici Traffic Regulation for pedestrians and cyclists Creation of a city council register of bicycles

2007 2008 2009 2010

Plan of bicycle use in the university of Seville Planning and Project of the new bicycle lanes Strategic Plan Seville 2020 A total of 120 km of bidirectional bicycle lanes

It has a special focus on sustainability, taking into account the bicycle as an essential element for the configuration of a more sustainable mobility system, considering it as another mean of transport and favouring its competition with others. The proposals are oriented towards a new model of more sustainable mobility, focusing on public transport infrastructures and the promotion of non-motorised ways of transport. It is written from previously approved documents and legislation, mainly two: The document of bases and strategies and the PGOU. It is, therefore, a document of an operational nature, supported politically, budgeted and with a timeline of specific actions. The Bicycle Office is created and numerous programs to promote the bicycle (by bike to study, to know Seville, to have fun, to the university, etc.) The promotion of the bicycle-public transport intermodality begins. Creation of a public bicycle network (Sevici) with 150 stations and 1500 bicycles The Traffic Regulation for pedestrians and cyclists comes into force Creation of the city council register of bicycles through the civic commission and the platform www. sevillaenbici.com Comprehensive plan to promote the bicycle use in the university of Seville Draft of projects of the complementary network of bicycle routes in Seville (43 km) Start Strategic Plan Seville 2020 A total of 120 km of bidirectional bicycle lanes

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Fig. 4. Sociogram in Sevilla.

there is someone who is very clear that it must be done in time and meet objectives, right? Because if not, the two allies might be left on the way”. RM

priorities on the bicycle change considerably. b) Particularities of the environment: The same as Madrid, it has experienced a stagnation of its population living in the city centre in recent years versus a significant increase of the population in the metropolitan area. However, today they are still the cities that concentrate most of the population, 62% in the case of Seville, although the metropolisation process in Seville has been less. Mobility policies: Seville began its sustainable mobility policies in the 90 s, in 1993 began the pedestrianization of the historic centre, which continued until 2010. It has also carried out extensions of the public transport network, highlighting the commissioning of the tramway. c) Sustainable mobility policies: One of the aspects that have been identified as important when promoting a public policy has been citizen support, which in the case of Seville was finally expressed through the formal channels of participation with the process of participatory budgets as well as from all the previous mobilisations that had been developed since 1988. In addition this happened also thanks to a daily citizen practice because the bicycle was already used without any specific developments for it. The existence of a critical mass or effective demand of potential users as a prominent element was key in the adoption of pro-bike policies. An aspect that can be seen in the number of participants in the various calls driven from the association “A contramano: Seville Cycling Assembly”. Up to 10,000 participants gathered in some of the most important calls. The importance of society support to achieve political support is essential:

In the city of Seville, once the bicycle lane was implemented, the demands were based on an appropriate intermodality policy. The expansion of bicycle lanes to the city's metropolitan area was also claimed. “That is just the position that there is now. The bicycle lanes have been built and this has been a total and absolute success and now the issue is the intermodality and the metropolitan bicycle lane. Not only for the people of Seville, but if you come from the villages of the outskirts and the metropolitan area, it is more complicated” Initiatives like Bus-Bici o Sevici tend to integrate the bicycle as a mean of transport: “Here, to the extent that it was possible, there was and still is a very interesting experience - the Busbici where the Metropolitan Transport Consortium offers a free bicycle to rent at the destination. All those who use public bus transportation have a free bicycle throughout the day at their destination. That I think was an initiative that helped a lot”. Equally, the measures of pedestrianization and traffic reduction are still considered insufficient, as well as the lack of pedagogical work. “But certainly, in policies of pedestrianization and traffic reduction Seville is very much behind, as are others on bike policies”. MC The non-existence of an integrated network supposes an important brake on its development. Obviously, it is difficult to change from a motorised mobility policy to one in which the non-motorised takes on importance. An important aspect which was pointed out refers to the vision of the bike that has predominated in Seville. It is its consideration as a mean of transport accessible to all people. This contrasts with the perception from the institutional areas that promote mobility in Madrid

“If you want to carry it out politically and it is accepted, well then you do it. But these are such new issues that having the social support I think is key in the development of the process. There are moments of insecurity, the dominant discourses are about the car, and about who will benefit from it. So having a society movement that claims it is very important and just as it is absolutely necessary in the executive, political field that 9

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references are made to the problems of parking bikes at the destination. The theft of bicycles, one of the most repeated arguments throughout the interviews “is one of the problems that exist here, the security against the theft of bicycles”. The absence of infrastructures in the outskirts generates a barrier for the use of the bicycle for reasons related to the real or perceived risk. With the increasing use of the bicycle and therefore the extension of the user spectrum, one can see that the environmentalist paradigm is overcome by the practicality of transport.

where that scope is not envisioned. “the philosophy of the bicycle that has been tried to promote from the Admon. It is a thing for everyone, having or not an adequate physical shape, whether or not you have adequate equipment, no matter how old you are, you can take a bicycle and move in a safe way”. Great importance is given to the entry of society movements in political decision-making and in the implementation of the different plans, providing that there is great technical background for developments in society movements, which the administration lacks, especially for such innovative topics as may be urban cyclability. The importance of a fluid relationship between political organizations and society movements is seen with great importance, as we have seen so far, in the vast majority of cases. We must add an argumentative line to that, which narrates the immediate need for this relationship, the basis for any profound change in what the usual mobility schemes refer to. The collaboration of society movements is vital. As a summary, the group of interviewed people considers the influence of society movements on the regulations on urban mobility to be fundamental and necessary.

“What I have seen is an interesting normalization, especially of assuming, that people have accepted that the bicycle is an option. That is to say, there are people who use it for comfort, not for ecological awareness, which is also something that you know will happen. If people use the bike it is because it is more comfortable, faster and cheaper”. The situation of the economic crisis and the impact on the daily life of people has driven the bicycle in recent years as a more economical and efficient mean of transport. The significant increase in the use of bicycles in the city of Seville has generated an increase in the economy related to it. The bicycle can also be seen as a distinguishing element for different businesses, an element that could serve to improve the image.

“I believe that society movements have weight whenever there is a political will in the ruling body at that time. For example, in Seville were the participatory budgets and at that time, of course, the society movements had a lot of weight”

“There is already the bicycle as a distinguishing element in other businesses that do not have to do anything with the bicycle, there are hotels that include a bicycle service, bicycle pizza delivery, advertising distribution …”

Not only the useful collaboration between society movements and political groups is seen, but also the importance of conflict as a source of social change. In this sense, society movements as initiators can achieve social change in favour of sustainable mobility. d) Pro-bike initiatives: The role of “A contramano” in Seville has been key for all the advances that have taken place in the city. It should also be noted that the environmental movement has also played an important role in its protesting role of more sustainable mobility.

The entry of the bike as a form of mass transport has led to a loss of importance of the car as a sign of social success, in addition the extension of its use has caused a change in the image of the bicycle as a mean of transport associated with lower social classes moving to other social spheres. “People in suits on bicycles going to work, going out at night, even Sevici's data says how the bicycles move in the leisure areas on weekends, you see the girls with skirts and high heels on bikes which didn’t exist before. And there, in my personal opinion, we are in the process of creating a cycling culture and interiorizing and accepting this as something normal”.

“So what I heard 30 years ago has materialized now, but it has been spectacular … people already believed in that. At the beginning it was something, that was managed in small circles of the administration and society but, well, I think that it was thanks to the work of the organization A contramano and the environmental organizations … “In this city there was a relatively important cycling movement for those times and there had been a cycling movement for 20 years, and the few people who were cycling, we all had a badge hanging from the handlebar or saddle that said bicycle lane now. That's mythical and it was a campaign maintained for decades …”

Although the cycling movement has an origin which is clearly linked to the most alternative political and society spaces, its expansion is overcoming these ideological and aesthetic barriers. The bicycle expands as a mean of transport both within the upper classes as well as among the lower classes or working classes. The incorporation of the latter has been something more recent. “in the last bicycle count we have verified that there has been an extension of the use of the bicycle to the working-class neighbourhoods, we have verified now that the use of the bicycle has happened in the outskirt neighbourhood. Maybe it is because of the crisis, but if you go outside, you see a lot of cyclist also in the suburbs of Seville. In rich and poor neighbourhoods, that's why I tell you that there is a transfer of the most hippie and ideological people towards comfort”

The importance of understanding how certain changes in urban policies are relatively difficult to assimilate is constantly underlined. There is always the talk of the difficulty to accept the change. In fact, despite existing actions, there is a lack of comprehensive policies and criteria on which to base certain arbitrariness in public policies on urban mobility. Obviously, it is difficult to change from a motorised mobility policy to one in which the non-motorized takes on importance. e) Social configurations in relation to the qualities of the environment: Environmental issues are very present in the discourse of the people interviewed as well as to legitimize the use of the bicycle as to justify the need for an imminent paradigmatic change in this regard. On the other hand, it is perceived that it is necessary to broaden the incidence framework which gives an impulse to a sustainable mobility in the city since it implies a conquest that goes far beyond, influencing the quality of life. In turn, the message is also that of efficiency in transport, where the bicycle allows moving quickly. Generally, the risks involved in the use of bicycles are understood in three ways: origin, movement and destination. In the first place, there is a more private demand that seeks to introduce the bicycles themselves in buildings and neighbourhood communities. In the same way,

Finally, as a closure of the proposed methodological process, workshops were held in Seville to return and gather new inputs. The returns had a participatory format and the results and conclusions presented above were presented. This workshop was attended by 12 people from pro-bike initiatives and representatives of the general direction of sustainability of the City of Seville. We worked through two discourses: one that exposed the part of history, development and evolution of urban mobility by the bicycle and another one exposing the debates, tools, methods and models on this mean of transport. In addition, a flow chart was developed showing the central points and controversies related to sustainable mobility and cycling, but also a problem tree diagram. In the Discourse analysis (Fig. 5) in “boxes” appear those conclusions drawn from the interviews and the participant observation that were shown to the attendees. Those added during the group dynamic 10

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Fig. 5. Discourse analysis methods for negotiations and agreements.

education. There is no correct bicycle mobility policy, but a good combination of complementary cycling policies and comprehensive territoriality, breaking the trend to focus policies on the city centre proposing mainly improvements for the connections of the city centres with the outskirts and between the outskirts, the metropolitan areas and the centre. 1.2. Policies aiming to increase cyclability in cities must be integrated coherently into a larger paradigm of change towards more sustainable cities. Mobility along with other dimensions of common life in cities will have to be considered together in order to take real steps in the wanted transition. 1.3. To reach minimum levels of normalization of bicycle use, an initial investment in infrastructures (cycling network) is needed which can limit certain negative conditions to the use, such as safety, generating a strong feeling of change in the city. The public bicycle system together with adequate regulations are effective policies accompanying the above in these initial phases.

are underlined. 5. Conclusions We proposed two hypotheses in the present research which we have been able to contrast with the work carried out. Regarding the first hypothesis: - The models of development and implementation of urban sustainable mobility policies give rise to urban pro-bike movements of critical reaction and social influence in the promotion of the use of an urban utilitarian bicycle. We can say that in the case studies of Madrid and Seville, we have been able to confirm that there is a link between the implementation of sustainable mobility policies and urban cyclist movements. It cannot be said, that this relationship is causal to one another or that there is evidence of positive influence. In Seville we have seen a virtuous circle where society movements and urban politics were fed back, while in Madrid the absence of cycling policies was expressed with stronger and more demanding social movements, without this influencing change of direction on policies. Our second research hypothesis, based on the evidence gathered in the investigation, can be confirmed:

Objective 2. Knowing how urban pro-bike movements have evolved, and what effects they have had on these cities.

However, it is also important to point out proposals that can help to apply the results of this research to the social agents related to bicycle mobility in other cities at earlier stages. They have been ordered in relation to the objectives. Objective 1. Knowing which have been the implementation processes of urban sustainable mobility policies in Madrid and Seville.

2.1. Increasing the diversity of social partners guarantees a richer diagnosis, a better adjustment of the actions and greater knowledge of the opportunities and problems. 2.2. It is necessary to recognize the role of society movements in their work to improve the policy of bicycle mobility. Closing the eyes to their work and contributions impoverishes the context of decisionmaking and the effects are felt in the city model itself. 2.3. A recommendation addressed to society movements: having the capacity to generate high levels of social mobilization together with a technical capacity to make solid proposals is a guarantee of greater success in the final objectives one pursues. 2.4. To obtain the support of the political will to promote the use of the bicycle is essential in order to generate high rates of favourable public opinion.

1.1. Positioning on comprehensiveness, understood as a combination of different policies, such as infrastructure provision and road

Objective 3. Determining the relation of interactions between urban policies and pro-bike movements.

- The greater the courses and levels of citizen participation in decisions on bicycle mobility systems, the greater the cyclability of cities.

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3.1. Generating the necessary mechanisms to gain transparency in the dialogue with social agents and organized citizens. 3.2. A successful formula is: the massive collaboration of social movements through open channels of participation generates a support to the administration which activates the political will and, finally endorses the adopted measures. 3.3. It is necessary to facilitate the generation and development of diverse economic or cultural initiatives which favour a paradigm change of the bicycle. A more favourable ecosystem for this type of initiatives occurs in contexts of normalization of the bicycle use due to the existence of adequate infrastructures. 3.4. The need to communicate with the different sectors that are affected by sustainable mobility measures and generate social rejection. Explaining both the causes of their implementation and the long-term consequences. Advertising campaigns and the start of pedagogical programs designed according to the sectors of the population they want to reach (children, women, drivers, residents of a neighbourhood, etc.) 3.5. Knowing the implementation processes of mobility policies in the city requires, in addition to an analysis of urban and technical conditions, a look at the decision-making processes with social participation. It is important to know the interconnections between administrations, social movements and public opinion.

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Objective 4. Promoting citizen participation mechanisms to verify urban cyclability and intervene in sustainable urban mobility systems. 4.1. It is necessary to combine different levels of participation, taking into account the diversity of social agents and their availability in the territory. 4.2. Opening channels of formal participation, well thought through and binding in areas of interest to citizens, such as mobility. This increases the democratic quality of common life and is a fundamental source of legitimacy of policies and therefore of success. By binding we understand that decision-making is not exclusively institutional but that citizens have access to it (e.g.: in Seville, participatory budgets were a driver of cycling policies and as a result the bicycle lane was chosen in 18 out of the 21 territorial assemblies) 4.3. Participation should not be reduced to social agents or users who are especially active or organized; we must increase the rest of the society’s layers and organize processes to reach more affected people. 4.4. It is necessary to continuously evaluate and share the mobility policies, which were or weren’t carried out by the different interested agents. This research have been financed by the spanish education ministry and the reach have been limited to the available resources. As future research lines, this research could be extended to other studies cases in Spain and other countries, and extended also in analysis time. Acknowledgments Our thanks for this study to the research project goes to “Processes of Citizen Participation in the Implementation of Sustainable Urban Mobility Systems (Bicipart)” thanks to which this study could be developed from 2012 to 2015, funded by the Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation through its financing plan of R&D actions for non-oriented fundamental research. Thanks therefore to all the researchers who participated in some way to the success of this project. References Aldred, R., 2012. Governing Transport from welfare state to hollow state: the case of cycling in the UK. Transp. Policy 23, 95–102.

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