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Project interact: A study of patterns of interaction in abusive, neglectful and control families
Child Abuse and Neglect, Vol. 3, pp. 781 - 791. © Pergamon Press Ltd., 1979. Printed in Great Britain.
0145-2134/79/0901-0781 $02.00/0.
PROJECT INTERACT: A Study o f P a t t e r n s o f I n t e r a c t i o n i n A b u s i v e , N e g l e c t f u l and C o n t r o l F a m i l i e s
Robert L. Burgess
College of Human Development The Pennsylvania State University
Child Abuse refers to non-accidental physical and psychological injury to a child under the age of 18 as a result o£ acts of omission o r commission p e r p e t r a t e d by a p a r e n t o r c a r e t a k e r . Conceptual p r o b l e m s abound i n p a r t b e c a u s e we a r e c l e a r l y d e a l i n g w i t h b e h a v i o r which f a l l s a l o n g a c o n t i n u u m o f c a r e g i v e r - c h i l d r e l a t i o n s h i p s . At one end o f t h e c o n t i n u u m we have s e e m i n g l y i n n o c u o u s v e r b a l p u n i s h ment - d i s p a r a g e m e n t , c r i t i c i s m , t h r e a t and r i d i c u l e . Or, we h a v e f a i r l y t y p i c a l forms o f p h y s i c a l p u n i s h m e n t s u c h a s a s l a p on t h e hand o r a swat on t h e bottom. Then t h e r e a r e forms o f p h y s i c a l p u n i s h m e n t t h a t exceed c u r r e n t cowm~mity s t a n d a r d s - h i t t i n g t h e c h i l d w i t h a c l o s e d f i s t or w i t h an o b j e c t s u c h a s a r a z o r s t r a p , b e l t , c o r d , o r p a d d l e , slamming t h e c h i l d a g a i n s t t h e w a l l , k i c k i n g him, b u r n i n g t h e c h i l d with a c i g a r e t t e , s c a l d i n g the c h i l d with hot water, t o r t u r i n g , o r even k i l l i n g t h e c h i l d . I t i s n o t always c l e a r where a p a r t i c u l a r c a s e s h o u l d be p l a c e d on t h i s c o n c e p t u a l c o n t i n u u m . What i s more d e v a s t a t i n g t o t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f a c h i l d , a s i n g l e o c c a s i o n where a p a r e n t l o s e s c o n t r o l and s l a m s a c h i l d a c r o s s t h e room, i n t h e p r o c e s s k n o c k i n g o u t a t o o t h and b r e a k i n g a c h i l d ' s arm, o r t h e p e r s i s t e n t day-by-day, month-by-month, y e a r - b y - y e a r use of r i d i c u l e , c r i t i c i s m and s a r c a s m toward t h a t c h i l d ? Nor i s i t always c l e a r w h e t h e r a c t s o f o m i s s i o n which a r e h a r m f u l t o t h e c h i l d ( i . e . , n e g l e c t ) a r e f u n c t i o n a l l y equivalent to acts of commission that harm the child. This problem of definition and the establishment of a uniform response class is but one of many problems plaguing the systematic study of child abuse. Other problems such as the tendency to dramatize the bizarre and extreme use of physical violence or aggression at the expense of more subtle forms of verbal punishment, the tendency to equate child abuse either with psychopathology, on the one hand, or with poverty, on the other, and the tendency to rely upon impressionistic accounts of behavior also have retarded the accumulation of sound knowledge about the causes, consequences, treatment and prevention of abusive behavior. ThePs~chiatric Model The e a r l i e s t p u b l i s h e d r e s e a r c h on c h i l d a b u s e was i n i t i a t e d by p h y s i c i a n s ( e . g . , Kempe e t a l . , 1962); t h u s i t s h o u l d n o t be s u r p r i s i n g t h a t this e a r l y work was s t r o n g l y i n f l u e n c e d by a m e d i c a l model (Galdsron, 1965; S t e e l e and P o l l o c k , 1968). Basically, the chief assumption of the psychiatric approach is that the causes of child abuse are to be found in the parents who, in turn, possess certain personality characteristics that distinguish them from nonabusing parents. Not only do these adults possess distinctive personality traits, but these traits are essentially pathological. Child abuse, like other pathologies, was felt to be indicative of an underlying sickness. After all, who but a sick person would deliberately harm a defenseless child? 781
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There have been a number of difficulties associated with the psychiatric approach from its very inception. For example, the research upon which it was based consisted largely of small, nonrandom, clinical populations. Moreover, these studies rarely employed non-abusive families as control groups. Consequently, it is often difficult to determine whether the detected characteristics of the abusive parents were unique to them or were characteristics of the population at large. Undoubedly, there may be cases of psychopathological assault by parents that reflect psychotic functioning, but these probably involve a very small proportion of abuse cases in general. Indeed, Kempe (1973), a pioneer in the study of child abuse and in the development of the psychiatric model, has recently estimated that less than i0 percent of child abusing adults can accurately be labeled mentally i11. Were we to consider less severe psychological dysfunctions, some empirical support can be found. For example, in an early follow-up study of 51 children classified as abused, unclassified or not abused, Elmer (1967) found that emotional difficulties such as frequent crying spells, depression and disturbances in eating and sleeping occurred significantly more often among the abusive mothers. One of the more commonly noted characteristics of abusive parents is their tendency to have distored perceptions of the nature of childhood. There is said to be a tendency for the abusive parent to expect to be cared for and nurtured by the child (Morris and Gould, 1963). When the child fails to meet parental expectations, the parents presumably strike back in anger ~t the child (Brown and Daniels, 1968; Johnson and Morse, 1968; Spinetta and Rigler, 1972). There are a number of other characteristics that are supposed to be frequently found in abusive parents. For example, they are said to have difficulty in dealing with aggressive impulses (Wasserman, 1967), they are rigid and domineering (Johnson and Morse, 1968) and they are impulsive, immature, self-centered and hypersensitive (Kempe et al., 1962). Other characteristics linked to abusive parents include alcoholism (Blumberg, 1974; Johnson and Morse, 1968), low self-esteem and a history of having themselves been abused or neglected as children (Curtis, 1963; Kempe et al., 1962; Steele and Pollock, 1968; Spinetta and Rigler, 1972). In addition to the tendency to base such claims on small, unrepresentative clinical populations, another problem with the attempt to locate the causes of child abuse within the psyche of the abusing parents or caretakers is that it has been difficult to replicate the effects of these variables, especially in studies that have planned comparison or control groups (Gelles, 1973; Parke and Collmer, 197S). These problems led researchers to look for alternative, external determinants of abusive patterns.
The S o c i o l o g i c a l Model The psychiatric model was challenged by a number of researchers who argued that the focus should not be on individual psychological differences but on those forces within society that lead adults to abuse their childran (Gelles, 1973; Gil, 1970). There are three major characteristics of this approach. The first is that child abuse can best be understood in terms of "thc society's basic social philosophy and value premises" (Gil, 1974, p. 12), especially those values and attitudes towards violence and physical punishment as a means of interpersonal control. There certainly seems to be considerable agreement that physical punishment is an acceptable disciplinary tactic - especially with children. So far as the United States is
Project Interact
c o n c e r n e d , t h e r e seems t o be ample e v i d e n c e t h a t v i o l e n c e i s o f t e n condoned, j u s t i f i e d and p r e s c r i b e d by s o c i a l norms ( G i l , 1970; Geis and Monahan, 1975; Lystad, 1979; S t a r k and McEvoy, 1970). Nor i s t h i s p a t t e r n l i m i t e d t o t h e United S t a t e s (Levy, 1969; S i d e l , 1972; S t e v e n son, 1968). The second key element o f t h e s o c i o l o g i c a l approach i s t h e b e l i e f t h a t when f a m i l i e s a r e exposed t o s t r e s s , v i o l e n c e i s l i k e l y t o e r u p t . C h i l d abuse i s j u s t one form t h a t t h i s v i o l e n c e can t a k e . The t h i r d characteristic is that the position of the family within the larger s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e p l a y s an i m p o r t a n t r o l e i n d e t e r m i n i n g t h e l i k e l i h o o d o f d o m e s t i c v i o l e n c e . C e n t r a l t o t h e s o c i o l o g i c a l model i s t h e assumpt i o n t h a t the degree of s t r e s s is i n v e r s e l y r e l a t e d to s o c i a l s t a t u s . Thus, lower s o c l o - e c o n o m i c groups are f e l t t o e x p e r i e n c e g r e a t e r s o c i a l s t r e s s and a r e , t h e r e b y , mere l l k e l y t o d l s p l a y v i o l e n t a g g r e s s i v e behavior. The s o c i o l o g i c a l model has been s t r o n g l y shaped by r e s e a r c h based o n o f f i c i a l s t a t i s t i c s c o l l e c t e d from v a r i o u s s o c i a l s e r v i c e a g e n c i e s . Given t h e f a c t t h a t p o o r e r f a m i l i e s a r e more l i k e l y t o c o n t a c t t h e s e a g e n c i e s , t h e r e may be a t e n d e n c y f o r lower s o c i o - e c o n o m i c groups t o be o v e r - r e p r e s e n t e d . N o n e t h e l e s s , t h e r e i s r e a s o n t o s u s p e c t t h a t c h i l d abuse, e s p e c i a l l y p h y s i c a l abuse, may be c o r r e l a t e d w i t h s o c i a l c l a s s . G i l ' s n a t i o n a l survey (1970) i n d i c a t e d t h a t c h i l d abuse i s more l i k e l y i n lower c l a s s homes. Other s t u d i e s a l s o have documented t h e c o n t e n t i o n t h a t c h i l d abuse i s more frequen~ i n p o o r e r f a m i l e s (Garbarino, 1977), though a g a i n , t h e r e a r e r e a l problems i n t e r p r e t i n g r e s u l t s based on o f f i c i a l s t a t i s t i c s . Whatever t h e presumed crime, t h e lower t h e s o c f o - e c o n o m l c l e v e l , t h e g r e a t e r t h e l i k e l i h o o d t h a t law enforcement o r o t h e r s o c i a l a g e n c i e s w i l l be c a l l e d i n . R e s e a r c h e r s o p e r a t i n g from a s o c i o l o g i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e have i n v e s t i g a t e d a number o f s o c i a l s t r u c t u r a l c o r r e l a t e s o f c h i l d abuse. Some o f t h e s e a r e more l i k e l y t o be found i n lower s o c i o - e c o n o m i c groups. For example, unemployment seems t o be i m p l i c a t e d i n c h i l d abuse. Gil (1970) i n h i s survey found t h a t n e a r l y 50 p e r c e n t o f t h e f a t h e r s i n v o l v e d in c h i l d abuse were unemployed d u r i n g t h e y e a r i n which t h e a b u s i v e i n c i d e n t o c c u r r e d . This f i n d i n g h e l d up i n L i g h t ' s (1973) subsequent r e a n a l y s i s of G i l ' s data. Another f a c t o r found t o be a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h e i n c i d e n c e o f c h i l d abuse i s i s o l a t i o n from t h e l a r g e r coa~nmity (Bennie and S c l a r , 1969, 1969; Garbarino,1977; Lenoski, 1974). A number o f t h i n g s may be o p e r a t i n g h e r e . For example, due t o t h e i r r e l a t i v e s o c i a l i s o l a t i o n , t h e a b u s i v e p a r e n t s may simply n o t be s u b j e c t e d t o normal s o c i a l c o n t r o l p r e s s u r e s t h a t would o p e r a t e t o keep t h e i r b e h a v i o r w i t h i n s o c i a l l y sanctioned boundaries. A l t e r n a t i v e l y , or a d d i t i o n a l l y , the a b u s i v e p a r e n t s may simply n o t have a c c e s s t o o t h e r s - f r i e n d s , r e l a t i v e s , n e i g h b o r s - who could a s s i s t them d u r i n g p a r t i c u l a r l y . difficult times. The b a s i c assumption o f t h e s o c i o l o g i c a l model i s t h a t t h e r e a r e a number o f s t r e s s f a c t o r s t h a t can impinge upon f a m i l i e s , induce f r u s t r a t i o n , and e l i c i t v i o l e n t , a g g r e s s i v e b e h a v i o r , The p o t e n t i a l s t r e s s f a c t o r s a r e many and i n c l u d e such t h i n g s as poor p a r e n t a l h e a l t h , drug and a l c o h o l a b u s e , f i n a n c i a l d i f f i c u l t i e s , unemployment, l e g a l p r o b l e m s , overcrowded o r i n a d e q u a t e l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s , m a r i t a l i n s t a b i l i t y , too auLny c h i l d r e n , b i r t h s too c l o s e l y spaced and i s o l a t i o n from e f f e c t i v e s o c i a l s u p p o r t s y s t e m s . While t h e f r e q u e n c y o f t h e s e c o n d i t i o n s may be c o r r e l a t e d w i t h s o c i a l c l a s s , t h e y would u n d o u b t e d l y be e x p e r i e n c e d as a v e r s i v e r e g a r d l e s s o f o n e ' s p o s i t i o n i n the social s t r u c t u r e . Moreover, though t h e f r e q u e n c y o f domestic v i o l e n c e i n g e n e r a l , and c h i l d abuse in p a r t i c u l a r , may be c o r r e l a t e d w i t h lower s o c i o - e c o n o m i c s t a t u s , t h e f a c t remains t h a t n o t a l l poor f a m i l i e s abuse t h e i r c h i l d r e n , Nor i s i t c l e a r t h a t i f t h e i r f i n a n c i a l
783
784
R.L.
Burgess
problems were r e s o l v e d , abusive p a r e n t s would suddenly be t r a n s f o r m e d i n t o paragons o f p a r e n t a l v i r t u e . Such concerns have led t o t h e gradual e v o l u t i o n o f a t h i r d e x p l a n a t o r y p e r s p e c t i v e . The S o c i a l I n t e r a c t i o n a l Model D i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with a t t e m p t s t o e x p l a i n abuse s o l e l y as a f u n c t i o n o f i n d i v i d u a l p s y c h o l o g i c a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f t h e abusing p a r e n t s o r as due t o s o c i a l s t r u c t u r a l s t r e s s f a c t o r s has l e d t o an approach t h a t has a l t e r n a t i v e l y been d e s i g n a t e d t h e " s o c i a l s i t u a t i o n a l " model (Parke and Collmer, 1975), t h e " e f f e c t o f t h e c h i l d on h i s c a r e g i v e r " model (Belsky, 1977) or t h e " s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n a l " model (Burgess, 1978). Whatever i t i s named, t h i s approach, though s t i l l in a s t a g e o f c o n c e p t u a l development, has a number o f c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s t h a t s e t s i t a p a r t from t h e two e a r l i e r models d i s c u s s e d . F i r s t o f a l l , t h e r e i s an e ~ h a s i s upon t h e f a c t t h a t abusing p a r e n t s o f t e n seem t o lack c e r t a i n fundamental s o c i a l and p a r e n t i n g s k i l l s . Indeed, t h e v e r y absence o f e f f e c t i v e coping s k i l l s may n o t only e x a c e r b a t e t h e e f f e c t s o f any s t r e s s p a r e n t s may be e x p e r i e n c i n g , but i t a l s o may c r e a t e s t r e s s i n i t s own r i g h t . Thus, a c h i l d ,my be d i f f i c u l t t o handle and cause s t r e s s f o r a mother p r e c i s e l y because she does n o t know how t o handle t h e c h i l d i n t h e f i r s t p l a c e . Second, t h i s approach acknowledges t h a t abused c h i l d r e n , t h e m s e l v e s , may c o n t r i b u t e t o t h e abusive b e h a v i o r t h e y r e c e i v e , E f f o r t s t o i d e n t i f y t h e s o u r c e s o f p s y c h o l o g i c a l d i s t u r b a n c e i n t h e p a r e n t s may d i s t r a c t t h e i n v e s t i g a t o r from looking a t c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f t h e c h i l d t h a t may be c o n t r i b u t i n g t o the p u n i t i v e b e h a v i o r o f t h e p a r e n t . Third, t h e model i s m u l t l d i m e n s i o n a l i n c h a r a c t e r . That i s , eeq3hasis i s p l a c e d on t h e p o t e n t i a l importance o f b o t h p s y c h o l o g i c a l and s o c i o l o g i c a l v a r i a b l e s . Moreover, t h i s paradigm i s v i t a l l y concerned with how t h e s e v a r i a b l e s i n t e r a c t and j o i n t l y a f f e c t t h e p a r e n t - c h i l d r e l a t i o n s h i p . Fourth, t h i s model f o r t h e s t u d y o f c h i l d abuse a s s e r t s t h a t to understand the occurrence o f abusive behavior within f a m i l i e s , we must look a t t h e p a t t e r n e d forms o f i n t e r a c t i o n t h a t occur w i t h i n t h e e n t i r e family. PROJECT INTERACT PROJECT INTERACT was d e s i g n e d t o i n v e s t i g a t e p a t t e r n s o f i n t e r a c t i o n t h a t d i s t i n g u i s h abusive and n e g l e c t f u l f a m i l i e s from t h o s e with no known h i s t o r y o f abuse o r n e g l e c t . This r e s e a r c h e f f o r t has been s t r o n g l y i n f l u e n c e d by t h e i n t e r a c t i o n a l model. Moreover, i t has been shaped by two major a s s u a p t i o n s . F i r s t , i t was assumed t h a t too much emphasis has been p l a c e d on p h y s i c a l abuse, p e r s e , a t t h e expense o f more s u b t l e forms o f p s y c h o l o g i c a l abuse. Physic-al abuse, which i s o f t e n d r a m a t i c and s e n s a t i o n a l , t e n d s t o occur a t low f r e q u e n c i e s . Low frequency b e h a v i o r s a r e d i f f i c u l t t o s t u d y f o r a number o f r e a s o n s , such as our i n a b i l i t y t o be p r e s e n t when t h e y occur and t o p r e d i c t t h e i r occurence with any accuracy. B a s i c a l l y , i t was f e l t t h a t t h e r e i s a need t o a d d r e s s o u r s e l v e s t o h i g h e r f r e q u e n c y b e h a v i o r s - beh a v i o r s t h a t can be s p e c i f i e d p r e c i s e l y , t h a t occur on a day-by-day b a s i s and t h a t a r e c o r r e l a t e s o f abuse. Family i n t e r a c t i o n p a t t e r n s , v e r b a l and p h y s i c a l , meet t h e s e r e q u i r e m e n t s . Family members i n t e r a c t d a i l y and t h e q u a l i t y o f t h e s e i n t e r a c t i o n s as t h e y occur week-byweek, y e a r = b y - y e a r may be f a r more s i g n i f i c a n t f o r a c h i l d ' s and f a m i l y ' s development than d r a s t i c but s e l d o m - o c c u r r i n g p h y s i c a l a s s a u l t . The second asstueption which has i n f l u e n c e d t h i s work was t h a t i n d i r e c t a s s e s s m e n t p r o c e d u r e s such as i n t e r v i e w s , q u e s t i o n n a i r e s , r a t i n g s c a l e s and secondary s t a t i s t i c s a r e n o t c a p a b l e by t h e m s e l v e s o£ y i e l d i n g t h e i n f o r m a t i o n n e c e s s a r y f o r u n d e r s t a n d i n g t h e causes and consequences o f c h i l d abuse and n e g l e c t . Thus, our r e s e a r c h program was d e s i g n e d t o o b t a i n d a t a o f a d i r e c t o b s e r v a t i o n a l n a t u r e on t h e everyday interactions which occur in families. These observations were recorded in the home by trained observers at the time the behavior occurred rather than retrospectively.
785
Project Interact
Reponse D e f i n i t i o n The b e h a v i o r s s e l e c t e d f o r s t u d y were d e f i n e d i n s u c h a way a s t o m i n i m i z e i n f e r e n t i a l o r s u b j e c t i v e j u d g m e n t s on t h e p a r t o~ t h e o b s e r v e r s and t o b e s u £ £ i c i e n t l ) , g e n e r a l t o be m e a n i n g f u l a c r o s s age g r o u p s . The o b s e r v a t i o n a l code u s e d f o r s c o r i n g s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n s h a s u n d e r g o n e s e v e r a l r e v i s i o n s . The v e r s i o n p r e s e n t l y b e i n g u s e d can be s e e n i n Table 1.
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A digital d a t a acquistion system is used t o collect t h e observational data. It is a small portable system that allows £or the direct measurement o f r e s p o n s e f r e q u e n c y . When a p a r t i c u l a r behavior occurs, the o b s e r v e r d e p r e s s e s a k e y and an e l e c t r i c a l impulse is transmitted onto a magnetic tape. The d a t a a r e t h e n t r a n s c r i b e d t h r o u g h an i n t e r f a c e i n t o t h e c o m p u t e r f o r s t o r a g e and s u b s e q u e n t a n a l y s i s . The s c o r i n g p r o c e d u r e s u s e d c a n be s e e n i n T a b l e 2. PROJECT INTERACT SCORING PROCEDURES
Table 55S55 00001 09097 00101 00001 00001 66666 00001
2
Begin Data Entry Family Number Date (E.G. Sept. 9, 1977) Keyboard #/Recorder # Observer # Task Ready to Begin Observing Subject # (Focus)
!
DATA
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99999 00003
Change t o Next Focus S u b j e c t # (New Focus)
v
DATA
!
99999 00OON
Subject # (New Focus)
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99999 77777
End o£ Task
EXAMPLE 00001 Subject # (Mother) 12021 Mother Gives P o s i t i v e Request to Father 41023 Mother Receives An Object From Father In Compliance With Her Request 14995 She Smiles As She Makes A Negative Remark To The Group
Project Interact
Sample Three types of families were selected for study: (i) those where there were authenticated occurrences of non-accidental physical injury (abuse} to one or more children by a caretaker (N=25); (2) t h o s e where one or more c h i l d r e n e x p e r i e n c e d a l a c k of p a r e n t a l a t t e n t ion ( n e g l e c t ) so s e v e r e t h a t i t r e a c h e d t h e a t t e n t i o n o f l e g a l a u t h o r i t i e s (N=26). These f a m i l i e s were r e c r u i t e d t h r o u g h t h e P e n n s y l v a n i a Department o f P u b l i c W e l f a r e . The t h i r d t y p e o f f a m i l y , ( c o n t r o l ) bad no o f f i c i a l r e c o r d o f a b u s e o r n e g l e c t b u t were matched on t h e dimens i o n s o f a g e , number o f c h i l d r e n , income and e d u c a t i o n a l l e v e l s o f t h e p a r e n t s (N=29). A l l p a r t i c i p a n t s r e s i d e i n r u r a l P e n n s y l v a n i a and were p a i d a s t a n d a r d f e e f o r t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n t h e r e s e a r c h . Settin~ In an effort to minimize bias, teams of two observers, uninformed as to family type and systematically shifted in composition, were used to code the behaviors of interest. The observers were scheduled to see the families in their homes for six hours during a given week. Four hours of this time were spent in actual observation. Each of the four observation sessions was separated into three distinct tasks: . construction, skill and discussion. These tasks were selected to encourage interaction in situations common to most families. The construction tasks were selected to set the occasion for cooperative interaction, the development of a division of labor, i.e. the assignment of specific roles to family members, and to increase the likelihood of physical contact. The skill tasks were selected to allow for the families to make up their own rules and to set the occasion for competitive interaction. Finally, the discussion tasks were designed to facilitate verbal exchange among the family members. Within each task a particular family member was focal subject twice for a minimum of one and one-half minutes each period. Thus, each family member was a focal subject for at least thirty-six minutes during the four observation sessions. The order of focal subjects was determined by a table'of random numbers chart before a session began. R e s u l t s A number o f h i g h l y i n t e r e s t i n g f i n d i n g s h a s emerged from t h i s r e s e a r c h . For example, t w o - p a r e n t a b u s i v e and n e g l e c t f u l f a m i l i e s displayed lower rates of interaction, overall, than did matched control families (Burgess and Conger, 1978). This is especially the case for positive interactions (e.g., affectionate and supportive behavior) where, for example, the mothers in the abuse families displayed rates of positive behavior toward their children approximetely 50 percent less often than the control parents. The pattern was quite different, however, for negative or coercive interactions. The mothers in the abuse families exhibited rates of negative behavior (e.g., threats and complaints) toward their children over 60 percent higher than the control mothers. The pattern was even clearer in the neglect families where the mothers displayed rates of negative behavior over twice as high as the control mothers and the fathers 75 percent higher than their matched controls. A d m i t t e d l y , t h i s i s a s m a l l sample d e r i v e d from a l a r g e l y r u r a l e n v i r o n ment, b u t t h e f a m i l i e s do s h a r e many o f t h e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s found i n t y p i c a l l y lower s o c i o - e c o n o m i c a b u s i v e f a m i l i e s . These f a m i l i e s have low i n c o m e s , a r e p o o r l y e d u c a t e d , and t h e y have more c h i l d r e n t h a n t h e norm. I m p o r t a n t l y , t h e matched c o n t r o l f a m i l i e s a l s o a r e poor b u t w h i l e t h e y have enough p r o b l e m s o f t h e i r own, t h e y do n o t d i s p l a y p a t t e r n s o f i n t e r a c t i o n a s c o e r c i v e a s t h o s e o f t h e a b u s e and n e g l e c t families. In comparing two-parent with single-parent families, the children experience fewer parent to child verbal and physical contacts than do children in intact families (Kimball, Conger and Burgess, 1978). However, the single parent families exchange negative verbal and physical behavior at twice the level found in two-parent families. For example, children in the single parent control families receive q
787
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33 pprcent fewer verbal contacts from their mothers than do children in t h e t w o - p a r e n t c o n t r o l f a m i l i e s from t h e i r p a r e n t s . Moreover, t h e y r e c e i v e 41 p e r c e n t fewer p h y s i c a l c o n t a c t s , 96 p e r c e n t fewer p o s i t i v e c o n t a c t s , and 65 p e r c e n t more n e g a t i v e c o n t a c t s than do c h i l d r e n in the two-parent f a m i l i e s . We a l s o have examined p a t t e r n s of r e c i p r o c i t y in a b u s i v e compared t o c o n t r o l i n t a c t f a m i l i e s (Anderson, Conger, and Burgess, 1978). To a s s e s s p a t t e r n s o f r e c i p r o c i t y between p a r e n t s and c h i l d r e n , f o u r c l a s s e s o f f a m i l y dyads were d e f i n e d : mothers t o d a u g h t e r s and daught e r s t o mothers; mothers t o sons and s ~ m o - t ' h e r s ; fathers to daught-ers and d a u g h t e r s to fa-'t-~rs; f a t - q ~ r ] - t o sons and sons to fathers. TWo s c o r e s were comput-~--e'e~fore--"e~c~-yad--}'orboth p o s ~ - i v e and p h y s i c a l i n t e r a c t i o n and n e g a t i v e v e r b a l and p h y s i c a l interaction. These two s c o r e s were c o r r e l a t e d and Z s c o r e s were computed t o t e s t f o r d i f f e r e n c e s between t h e c o r r e l a t i o n s . These c o r r e l a t i o n s were our measures o f r e c i p r o c i t y . In o t h e r words, we d e f i n e d r e c i p r o c i t y as t h e t e n d e n c y f o r i n d i v i d u a l s t o respond t o one a n o t h e r s i m i l a r l y o v e r t h e c o u r s e o f a l l our o b s e r v a t i o n s . The two family types, abuse and control, were significantly different (P5.05) along a number of dimensions. For example, the data indicate that fathers and daughters in the abuse families are more likely to reciprocate negative behaviors than are the fathers and daughters in the control families. Similarly fathers and sons in the abuse families reciprocate negative behaviors more often than in control families. In contrast, the fathers and daughters in the control families tend to reciprocate positive behaviors more than do the fathers and daughters in the abuse families. So far as mother-child relations are concerned, mothers and sons in the abuse families, just , l i k e f a t h e r s and s o n s , d i s p l a y a g r e a t e r t e n d e n c y t o r e c i p r o c a t e o r exchange n e g a t i v e b e h a v i o r s than do t h e i r c o u n t e r p a r t s i n t h e c o n t r o l f a m i l i e s . C o n v e r s e l y , t h e mothers and d a u g h t e r s in t h e c o n t r o l f a m i l e s r e c i p r o c a t e n e g a t i v e b e h a v i o r a t a h i g h e r l e v e l than t h e mothers and d a u g h t e r s in t h e abuse f a m i l i e s .
In an a t t e m p t t o u n d e r s t a n d t h e s e d a t a b e t t e r , we looked a t the abuse families more closely bY comparing the abuser-victim dyad to the abuser-non-victim dyad and non-abuser-victim dyad (Edmunds and Burgess, 1978). These comparisons were made for eleven intact families where only one parent had been cited for abuse and where the abuse was selective, ie., where not a11 children in the family were presumably abused. One of the more interesting findings from this analysis is that the children in these families are more likely to reciprocate the abusers' positive behaviors and the nonabusers' negative behaviors. This is true for non-victims as well as victims. One interpretation of these data is that the children's negative behaviors are quickly supressed by counter responses from the abusive parent. Similarly, they may reciprocate that same parent's positive contacts to them to reduce the likelihood of abusive behavior. These data should, however, be considered only suggestive. The sample is obviously small and, as a consequence, the correlation coefficients are likely to be unstable. More detailed sequential analyses of interactive episodes should help clarify the data. We have also examined the effects of family size on patterns of family interaction (Burgess, Kimball and Burgess, 1978). We correlated rates of interaction between various dyads with the number of children in the home. Generally speaking, the data indicate that as family size increases, total contacts of both a physical and verbal nature decrease significantly between parents and any one child. The major exceptions to this being overall child to child interaction and negative parent to child behavior. Thus, as the size of the family increases so does the frequency of negative exchange while the frequency of positive interaction actually decreases.
P r o j e c t Interact
Conclusion I t i s a c e n t r a l f e a t u r e o f t h e s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n a l model t h a t an a c c u r a t e u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f t h e c a u s e s o f c h i l d abuse end n e g l e c t as w e l l as t h e i r s u c c e s s f u l t r e a t m e n t and p r e v e n t i o n r e q u i r e an exami n a t i o n o f abuse and n e g l e c t w i t h i n a s o c i a l c o n t e x t . Abuse and n e g l e c t do n o t o c c u r i n a vacuum. They happen w i t h i n a s o c i a l m a t r i x and t h a t m a t r i x c o n s i s t s l a r g e l y o f t h e r e c u r r i n g t r a n s a c t i o n s t a k i n g p l a c e between v a r i o u s members o f t h e f a m i l y . While i t i s c e r t a i n l y t r u e t h a t abuse and n e g l e c t o c c u r w i t h i n a b r o a d e r h i s t o r i c a l end cultural context tolerant of aggressive behavior, these dysfunctional p a t t e r n s a r e more immediately t r a c e a b l e t o c o n t i n g e n c y h i s t o r i e s within the family itself. Given t h i s , we need t o p l a c e s p e c i a l emphasis on i s o l a t i n g t h e causes or d e t e r m i n a n t s o f c o e r c i v e s t y l e s o f s o c i a l interaction. For i t s p a r t , PROJECT INTERACT p l e n s t o i n v e s t i g a t e t h e e x t e n t t o which t h e c o e r c i v e s t y l e s o f i n t e r a c t i o n observed i n t h e homes o f a b u s i v e and n e g l e c t f u l f a m i l i e s are a l s o p r e s e n t i n t h e i r a s s o c i a t i o n s with one a n o t h e r o u t s i d e t h e home as well as w i t h nonf a m i l y members. In p a r t i c u l a r , we w i l l be e x p l o r i n g t h e p a r e n t s ' r e l a t i o n s with o t h e r a d u l t s end c h i l d r e n , t h e c h i l d r e n ' s r e l a t i o n s with t h e i r p a r e n t s o u t s i d e t h e home, t h e i r r e l a t i o n s w i t h o t h e r a d u l t s as w e l l as t h e i r r e l a t i o n s w i t h p e e r s . In t h i s manner we hope t o l e a r n more about how t h e s e b e h a v i o r s a r e a c q u i r e d i n t h e f i r s t p l a c e , what t h e i r s i t u a t i o n a l a n t e c e d e n t s a r e , and t h e k i n d s o f environmental consequences t h a t s u s t a i n them. Acknowledgement The a u t h o r wishes t o thank t h e many d e d i c a t e d p e r s o n s who have Lade t h i s p r o j e c t p o s s i b l e and, i n p a r t i c u l a r , Dr. Rand D. Conger who p l a y e d a c e n t r a l r o l e in the design of the p r o j e c t . Thanks a r e a l s o given t o t h e s t a f f o f t h e N a t i o n a l C e n t e r on Child Abuse and Neglect which funded t h e p r o j e c t through HEW Grant 90-C-445. REFERENCES i.
Anderson, E.A., Conger, R.D., end Burgess, R.L. P a t t e r n s o f R e c i p r o c i t y between p a r e n t s and c h i l d r e n i n abuse end c o n t r o l f a m i l i e s . J o u r n a l o f t h e American Academy o f Child Psychiatry/, 1978, i n p r e s s .
2.
Belsky, J . Child abuse: from r e s e a r c h t o r e m e d i s t i o n . Paper p r e s e n t e d a t t h e Groves Conference on Marriage and t h e Family, 1977.
3.
Bennie, E . , ~ S c l a r , A. The b a t t e r e d c h i l d syndrome. American J o u r n a l o f P s y c h i a t r y , 1969, 12~5, 975-979.
4.
Blumberg, H. L. Psychopathology o f t h e abusing p a r e n t . American J o u r n a l o f P s y c h o t h e r a p y , 1974 28, 21-29.
5.
Brown, J . , S V a n i e l s , R. Some o b s e r v a t i o n s on a b u s i v e p a r e n t s . Child Wel£arep 1968, 4~7, 89-94.
5.
Burgess, R.L. In B. B. Clinical 1978, i n
7.
Burgess, R. L., ~ Conger, R. D. Family i n t e r a c t i o n i n a b u s i v e , n e g l e c t f u l and normal f a m i l i e s . Child Development, 1978, in p r e s s .
Child abuse: a s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n s 1 a n a l y s i s Lahey ~ A. E. Kazdin (Eds.) Advances i n Child Psychology. New York: Plenum P u b l i s h i n g Company, press.
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Burgess, J, M., Kimball, W. H., ~ Burgess, R. L., Family interaction as a function of family size. Paper presented at the Southeastern conference on Human Development, 1978.
9.
Curtis, G. Violence breeds violence. American Journal of Psychiatry, 1963, 12___00,586-587.
i0. Edmunds, M. ~ Burgess, R. L. Selectivity of abuse and patterns of r e c i p r o c i t y between parents and children in abusive f a m i l i e s . Unpublished manuscript, 1978. II. Elmer, E. Children in Jeopardy: A Study of Abused Minors and ~heir Families. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1~67. 12. Garbarino, J. The human ecology of child maltreatment: a conceptual model for research. Journal of Marriage and ~he Family, 1977, November, 721-755. 15. Geis, G., ~ Monahan, J. The social ecology of violence. In T. Likona (Ed.), Man and Morality. New York: Holt, Rinehart ~ Winston, 1975. 14. Gelles, R. J. Child abuse as psychopathology: a sociological critique and reformulation. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 1975, 45, 611-621. 15. Gil, D. G. Violence Against Children: PhTsical Child Abuse in the United States. Cambridge, MA: Harvard Univer sity Press, 1970. 16. Gil, D. G. A holistic perspective on child abuse and its prevention. Paper presented at a conference on child abuse and neglect at the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development, Washington, DC, 1974. 17. Heifer, R.E., ~ Kempe, Ch. H. (Eds.), Child Abuse and Neglect: The Pamil~ and the Communit T. Cambridge, MA: Ballinger/ 1976. 18. Johnson, B., ~ Morse, H. A. Injured children and their parents. Children, 1968, 15, 147-152. 19. Kempe, C. H. A practical approach to the protection of the abused child and rehabilitation of the abusing parent. Pediatrics, 1973, 51, 804-812. 20. Kempe, C. H., Silverman, F. N., Steele, B. B., Droegemueller, N., ~ Silver, H. K. The battered-child syndrome. Journal of the American Medical Association, 1962, 181, 1724." 21. Kimball, W. H., Conger, R. D. ~ Burgess, R. L. A comparison of family interaction in single versus two parent abusive, neglectful and control families. In T. Field, S. Goldberg, D. Stern and A. Sostek (Eds.) Interactions of High Risk Infants and Children, New York: Academic Press, 1978, In press. 22. Lenoski, E. G. Translating injury data into preventive and health care services - physical child abuse. Onpublishe manuscript, University o£ Southern California School of Medicine, 1974.
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23. Levy, R. I. On getting angry in the Society Islands. In W. Cande11 ~ T. Y. Lin (Eds.), Mental Health Research in Asia and the Pacific. Honolulu: East-West Center Press, 1969o' 24. Light, R. J. Abused and neglected children in America: a study of alternative policies. Harvard Educational
Review, 1973, 4_33, 556-598. 25. Lystad, M. H. V i o l e n c e a t home: a r e v i e w o f t h e l i t e r a t u r e . American J o u r n a l o f O r t h o p s z c h i a t r T, 1975, 45,
328-~4S.
26. Morris, M. G., ~ Gould, R. W. Role reversal: a necessary concept in dealing with the 'battered child syndrome.' In The Neglected/Battered Child STndrome. New York: C h i l d Welfare League o£ America, 1963.
27. Parke, R., ~ Collmer, C. C h i l d abuse: an i n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y analysis. In M. H e t h e r i n g t o n ( E d . ) , Review o£ C h i l d Development Research CVol. 5 ) . Chicago: The U n i v e r s i t y o£ Chicago Press, 1975. 28. S i d e l , R. Women and C h i l d Care i n China. Wong, 1972. 29. S p i n e t t a , J . J . , ~ R i g l e r , D. a p s y c h o l o g i c a l review.
New York:
Hill
The c h i l d - a b u s i n g p a r e n t : P s y c h o l o ~ i c a l B u ! l e t i n , 1972
77, 296-304. 30. S t a r k , R., ~ HcEvoy I l l , J . Middle c l a s s v i o l e n c e . Today, 1970, 4_, 52-65.
Psychology
51. S t e e l e , B. F . , ~ P o l l o c k , C. B. A p s y c h i a t r i c s t u d y o f p a r e n t s who abuse i n f a n t s and small c h i l d r e n . In R. E. H e l f e r C. H. Kempe ( E d s . ) , The B a t t e r e d C h i l d . Chicago: The U n i v e r s i t y o f Chicago P r e s s , (1968) 1974. 52. S t e v e n s o n , H. W. Developmental Psychology. In E. S i l l s International Enczclopedia of the Social Sciences. York: Macmillan, 1968. 53. Wasserman, S.
The abused p a r e n t o f t h e abused c h i l d .
1967, 14, 17S-179.
(Ed.) New
Children,
0145-2134/79/0901-0781 $02.00/0.
PROJECT INTERACT: A Study o f P a t t e r n s o f I n t e r a c t i o n i n A b u s i v e , N e g l e c t f u l and C o n t r o l F a m i l i e s
Robert L. Burgess
College of Human Development The Pennsylvania State University
Child Abuse refers to non-accidental physical and psychological injury to a child under the age of 18 as a result o£ acts of omission o r commission p e r p e t r a t e d by a p a r e n t o r c a r e t a k e r . Conceptual p r o b l e m s abound i n p a r t b e c a u s e we a r e c l e a r l y d e a l i n g w i t h b e h a v i o r which f a l l s a l o n g a c o n t i n u u m o f c a r e g i v e r - c h i l d r e l a t i o n s h i p s . At one end o f t h e c o n t i n u u m we have s e e m i n g l y i n n o c u o u s v e r b a l p u n i s h ment - d i s p a r a g e m e n t , c r i t i c i s m , t h r e a t and r i d i c u l e . Or, we h a v e f a i r l y t y p i c a l forms o f p h y s i c a l p u n i s h m e n t s u c h a s a s l a p on t h e hand o r a swat on t h e bottom. Then t h e r e a r e forms o f p h y s i c a l p u n i s h m e n t t h a t exceed c u r r e n t cowm~mity s t a n d a r d s - h i t t i n g t h e c h i l d w i t h a c l o s e d f i s t or w i t h an o b j e c t s u c h a s a r a z o r s t r a p , b e l t , c o r d , o r p a d d l e , slamming t h e c h i l d a g a i n s t t h e w a l l , k i c k i n g him, b u r n i n g t h e c h i l d with a c i g a r e t t e , s c a l d i n g the c h i l d with hot water, t o r t u r i n g , o r even k i l l i n g t h e c h i l d . I t i s n o t always c l e a r where a p a r t i c u l a r c a s e s h o u l d be p l a c e d on t h i s c o n c e p t u a l c o n t i n u u m . What i s more d e v a s t a t i n g t o t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f a c h i l d , a s i n g l e o c c a s i o n where a p a r e n t l o s e s c o n t r o l and s l a m s a c h i l d a c r o s s t h e room, i n t h e p r o c e s s k n o c k i n g o u t a t o o t h and b r e a k i n g a c h i l d ' s arm, o r t h e p e r s i s t e n t day-by-day, month-by-month, y e a r - b y - y e a r use of r i d i c u l e , c r i t i c i s m and s a r c a s m toward t h a t c h i l d ? Nor i s i t always c l e a r w h e t h e r a c t s o f o m i s s i o n which a r e h a r m f u l t o t h e c h i l d ( i . e . , n e g l e c t ) a r e f u n c t i o n a l l y equivalent to acts of commission that harm the child. This problem of definition and the establishment of a uniform response class is but one of many problems plaguing the systematic study of child abuse. Other problems such as the tendency to dramatize the bizarre and extreme use of physical violence or aggression at the expense of more subtle forms of verbal punishment, the tendency to equate child abuse either with psychopathology, on the one hand, or with poverty, on the other, and the tendency to rely upon impressionistic accounts of behavior also have retarded the accumulation of sound knowledge about the causes, consequences, treatment and prevention of abusive behavior. ThePs~chiatric Model The e a r l i e s t p u b l i s h e d r e s e a r c h on c h i l d a b u s e was i n i t i a t e d by p h y s i c i a n s ( e . g . , Kempe e t a l . , 1962); t h u s i t s h o u l d n o t be s u r p r i s i n g t h a t this e a r l y work was s t r o n g l y i n f l u e n c e d by a m e d i c a l model (Galdsron, 1965; S t e e l e and P o l l o c k , 1968). Basically, the chief assumption of the psychiatric approach is that the causes of child abuse are to be found in the parents who, in turn, possess certain personality characteristics that distinguish them from nonabusing parents. Not only do these adults possess distinctive personality traits, but these traits are essentially pathological. Child abuse, like other pathologies, was felt to be indicative of an underlying sickness. After all, who but a sick person would deliberately harm a defenseless child? 781
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Burgess
There have been a number of difficulties associated with the psychiatric approach from its very inception. For example, the research upon which it was based consisted largely of small, nonrandom, clinical populations. Moreover, these studies rarely employed non-abusive families as control groups. Consequently, it is often difficult to determine whether the detected characteristics of the abusive parents were unique to them or were characteristics of the population at large. Undoubedly, there may be cases of psychopathological assault by parents that reflect psychotic functioning, but these probably involve a very small proportion of abuse cases in general. Indeed, Kempe (1973), a pioneer in the study of child abuse and in the development of the psychiatric model, has recently estimated that less than i0 percent of child abusing adults can accurately be labeled mentally i11. Were we to consider less severe psychological dysfunctions, some empirical support can be found. For example, in an early follow-up study of 51 children classified as abused, unclassified or not abused, Elmer (1967) found that emotional difficulties such as frequent crying spells, depression and disturbances in eating and sleeping occurred significantly more often among the abusive mothers. One of the more commonly noted characteristics of abusive parents is their tendency to have distored perceptions of the nature of childhood. There is said to be a tendency for the abusive parent to expect to be cared for and nurtured by the child (Morris and Gould, 1963). When the child fails to meet parental expectations, the parents presumably strike back in anger ~t the child (Brown and Daniels, 1968; Johnson and Morse, 1968; Spinetta and Rigler, 1972). There are a number of other characteristics that are supposed to be frequently found in abusive parents. For example, they are said to have difficulty in dealing with aggressive impulses (Wasserman, 1967), they are rigid and domineering (Johnson and Morse, 1968) and they are impulsive, immature, self-centered and hypersensitive (Kempe et al., 1962). Other characteristics linked to abusive parents include alcoholism (Blumberg, 1974; Johnson and Morse, 1968), low self-esteem and a history of having themselves been abused or neglected as children (Curtis, 1963; Kempe et al., 1962; Steele and Pollock, 1968; Spinetta and Rigler, 1972). In addition to the tendency to base such claims on small, unrepresentative clinical populations, another problem with the attempt to locate the causes of child abuse within the psyche of the abusing parents or caretakers is that it has been difficult to replicate the effects of these variables, especially in studies that have planned comparison or control groups (Gelles, 1973; Parke and Collmer, 197S). These problems led researchers to look for alternative, external determinants of abusive patterns.
The S o c i o l o g i c a l Model The psychiatric model was challenged by a number of researchers who argued that the focus should not be on individual psychological differences but on those forces within society that lead adults to abuse their childran (Gelles, 1973; Gil, 1970). There are three major characteristics of this approach. The first is that child abuse can best be understood in terms of "thc society's basic social philosophy and value premises" (Gil, 1974, p. 12), especially those values and attitudes towards violence and physical punishment as a means of interpersonal control. There certainly seems to be considerable agreement that physical punishment is an acceptable disciplinary tactic - especially with children. So far as the United States is
Project Interact
c o n c e r n e d , t h e r e seems t o be ample e v i d e n c e t h a t v i o l e n c e i s o f t e n condoned, j u s t i f i e d and p r e s c r i b e d by s o c i a l norms ( G i l , 1970; Geis and Monahan, 1975; Lystad, 1979; S t a r k and McEvoy, 1970). Nor i s t h i s p a t t e r n l i m i t e d t o t h e United S t a t e s (Levy, 1969; S i d e l , 1972; S t e v e n son, 1968). The second key element o f t h e s o c i o l o g i c a l approach i s t h e b e l i e f t h a t when f a m i l i e s a r e exposed t o s t r e s s , v i o l e n c e i s l i k e l y t o e r u p t . C h i l d abuse i s j u s t one form t h a t t h i s v i o l e n c e can t a k e . The t h i r d characteristic is that the position of the family within the larger s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e p l a y s an i m p o r t a n t r o l e i n d e t e r m i n i n g t h e l i k e l i h o o d o f d o m e s t i c v i o l e n c e . C e n t r a l t o t h e s o c i o l o g i c a l model i s t h e assumpt i o n t h a t the degree of s t r e s s is i n v e r s e l y r e l a t e d to s o c i a l s t a t u s . Thus, lower s o c l o - e c o n o m i c groups are f e l t t o e x p e r i e n c e g r e a t e r s o c i a l s t r e s s and a r e , t h e r e b y , mere l l k e l y t o d l s p l a y v i o l e n t a g g r e s s i v e behavior. The s o c i o l o g i c a l model has been s t r o n g l y shaped by r e s e a r c h based o n o f f i c i a l s t a t i s t i c s c o l l e c t e d from v a r i o u s s o c i a l s e r v i c e a g e n c i e s . Given t h e f a c t t h a t p o o r e r f a m i l i e s a r e more l i k e l y t o c o n t a c t t h e s e a g e n c i e s , t h e r e may be a t e n d e n c y f o r lower s o c i o - e c o n o m i c groups t o be o v e r - r e p r e s e n t e d . N o n e t h e l e s s , t h e r e i s r e a s o n t o s u s p e c t t h a t c h i l d abuse, e s p e c i a l l y p h y s i c a l abuse, may be c o r r e l a t e d w i t h s o c i a l c l a s s . G i l ' s n a t i o n a l survey (1970) i n d i c a t e d t h a t c h i l d abuse i s more l i k e l y i n lower c l a s s homes. Other s t u d i e s a l s o have documented t h e c o n t e n t i o n t h a t c h i l d abuse i s more frequen~ i n p o o r e r f a m i l e s (Garbarino, 1977), though a g a i n , t h e r e a r e r e a l problems i n t e r p r e t i n g r e s u l t s based on o f f i c i a l s t a t i s t i c s . Whatever t h e presumed crime, t h e lower t h e s o c f o - e c o n o m l c l e v e l , t h e g r e a t e r t h e l i k e l i h o o d t h a t law enforcement o r o t h e r s o c i a l a g e n c i e s w i l l be c a l l e d i n . R e s e a r c h e r s o p e r a t i n g from a s o c i o l o g i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e have i n v e s t i g a t e d a number o f s o c i a l s t r u c t u r a l c o r r e l a t e s o f c h i l d abuse. Some o f t h e s e a r e more l i k e l y t o be found i n lower s o c i o - e c o n o m i c groups. For example, unemployment seems t o be i m p l i c a t e d i n c h i l d abuse. Gil (1970) i n h i s survey found t h a t n e a r l y 50 p e r c e n t o f t h e f a t h e r s i n v o l v e d in c h i l d abuse were unemployed d u r i n g t h e y e a r i n which t h e a b u s i v e i n c i d e n t o c c u r r e d . This f i n d i n g h e l d up i n L i g h t ' s (1973) subsequent r e a n a l y s i s of G i l ' s data. Another f a c t o r found t o be a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h e i n c i d e n c e o f c h i l d abuse i s i s o l a t i o n from t h e l a r g e r coa~nmity (Bennie and S c l a r , 1969, 1969; Garbarino,1977; Lenoski, 1974). A number o f t h i n g s may be o p e r a t i n g h e r e . For example, due t o t h e i r r e l a t i v e s o c i a l i s o l a t i o n , t h e a b u s i v e p a r e n t s may simply n o t be s u b j e c t e d t o normal s o c i a l c o n t r o l p r e s s u r e s t h a t would o p e r a t e t o keep t h e i r b e h a v i o r w i t h i n s o c i a l l y sanctioned boundaries. A l t e r n a t i v e l y , or a d d i t i o n a l l y , the a b u s i v e p a r e n t s may simply n o t have a c c e s s t o o t h e r s - f r i e n d s , r e l a t i v e s , n e i g h b o r s - who could a s s i s t them d u r i n g p a r t i c u l a r l y . difficult times. The b a s i c assumption o f t h e s o c i o l o g i c a l model i s t h a t t h e r e a r e a number o f s t r e s s f a c t o r s t h a t can impinge upon f a m i l i e s , induce f r u s t r a t i o n , and e l i c i t v i o l e n t , a g g r e s s i v e b e h a v i o r , The p o t e n t i a l s t r e s s f a c t o r s a r e many and i n c l u d e such t h i n g s as poor p a r e n t a l h e a l t h , drug and a l c o h o l a b u s e , f i n a n c i a l d i f f i c u l t i e s , unemployment, l e g a l p r o b l e m s , overcrowded o r i n a d e q u a t e l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s , m a r i t a l i n s t a b i l i t y , too auLny c h i l d r e n , b i r t h s too c l o s e l y spaced and i s o l a t i o n from e f f e c t i v e s o c i a l s u p p o r t s y s t e m s . While t h e f r e q u e n c y o f t h e s e c o n d i t i o n s may be c o r r e l a t e d w i t h s o c i a l c l a s s , t h e y would u n d o u b t e d l y be e x p e r i e n c e d as a v e r s i v e r e g a r d l e s s o f o n e ' s p o s i t i o n i n the social s t r u c t u r e . Moreover, though t h e f r e q u e n c y o f domestic v i o l e n c e i n g e n e r a l , and c h i l d abuse in p a r t i c u l a r , may be c o r r e l a t e d w i t h lower s o c i o - e c o n o m i c s t a t u s , t h e f a c t remains t h a t n o t a l l poor f a m i l i e s abuse t h e i r c h i l d r e n , Nor i s i t c l e a r t h a t i f t h e i r f i n a n c i a l
783
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Burgess
problems were r e s o l v e d , abusive p a r e n t s would suddenly be t r a n s f o r m e d i n t o paragons o f p a r e n t a l v i r t u e . Such concerns have led t o t h e gradual e v o l u t i o n o f a t h i r d e x p l a n a t o r y p e r s p e c t i v e . The S o c i a l I n t e r a c t i o n a l Model D i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with a t t e m p t s t o e x p l a i n abuse s o l e l y as a f u n c t i o n o f i n d i v i d u a l p s y c h o l o g i c a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f t h e abusing p a r e n t s o r as due t o s o c i a l s t r u c t u r a l s t r e s s f a c t o r s has l e d t o an approach t h a t has a l t e r n a t i v e l y been d e s i g n a t e d t h e " s o c i a l s i t u a t i o n a l " model (Parke and Collmer, 1975), t h e " e f f e c t o f t h e c h i l d on h i s c a r e g i v e r " model (Belsky, 1977) or t h e " s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n a l " model (Burgess, 1978). Whatever i t i s named, t h i s approach, though s t i l l in a s t a g e o f c o n c e p t u a l development, has a number o f c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s t h a t s e t s i t a p a r t from t h e two e a r l i e r models d i s c u s s e d . F i r s t o f a l l , t h e r e i s an e ~ h a s i s upon t h e f a c t t h a t abusing p a r e n t s o f t e n seem t o lack c e r t a i n fundamental s o c i a l and p a r e n t i n g s k i l l s . Indeed, t h e v e r y absence o f e f f e c t i v e coping s k i l l s may n o t only e x a c e r b a t e t h e e f f e c t s o f any s t r e s s p a r e n t s may be e x p e r i e n c i n g , but i t a l s o may c r e a t e s t r e s s i n i t s own r i g h t . Thus, a c h i l d ,my be d i f f i c u l t t o handle and cause s t r e s s f o r a mother p r e c i s e l y because she does n o t know how t o handle t h e c h i l d i n t h e f i r s t p l a c e . Second, t h i s approach acknowledges t h a t abused c h i l d r e n , t h e m s e l v e s , may c o n t r i b u t e t o t h e abusive b e h a v i o r t h e y r e c e i v e , E f f o r t s t o i d e n t i f y t h e s o u r c e s o f p s y c h o l o g i c a l d i s t u r b a n c e i n t h e p a r e n t s may d i s t r a c t t h e i n v e s t i g a t o r from looking a t c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f t h e c h i l d t h a t may be c o n t r i b u t i n g t o the p u n i t i v e b e h a v i o r o f t h e p a r e n t . Third, t h e model i s m u l t l d i m e n s i o n a l i n c h a r a c t e r . That i s , eeq3hasis i s p l a c e d on t h e p o t e n t i a l importance o f b o t h p s y c h o l o g i c a l and s o c i o l o g i c a l v a r i a b l e s . Moreover, t h i s paradigm i s v i t a l l y concerned with how t h e s e v a r i a b l e s i n t e r a c t and j o i n t l y a f f e c t t h e p a r e n t - c h i l d r e l a t i o n s h i p . Fourth, t h i s model f o r t h e s t u d y o f c h i l d abuse a s s e r t s t h a t to understand the occurrence o f abusive behavior within f a m i l i e s , we must look a t t h e p a t t e r n e d forms o f i n t e r a c t i o n t h a t occur w i t h i n t h e e n t i r e family. PROJECT INTERACT PROJECT INTERACT was d e s i g n e d t o i n v e s t i g a t e p a t t e r n s o f i n t e r a c t i o n t h a t d i s t i n g u i s h abusive and n e g l e c t f u l f a m i l i e s from t h o s e with no known h i s t o r y o f abuse o r n e g l e c t . This r e s e a r c h e f f o r t has been s t r o n g l y i n f l u e n c e d by t h e i n t e r a c t i o n a l model. Moreover, i t has been shaped by two major a s s u a p t i o n s . F i r s t , i t was assumed t h a t too much emphasis has been p l a c e d on p h y s i c a l abuse, p e r s e , a t t h e expense o f more s u b t l e forms o f p s y c h o l o g i c a l abuse. Physic-al abuse, which i s o f t e n d r a m a t i c and s e n s a t i o n a l , t e n d s t o occur a t low f r e q u e n c i e s . Low frequency b e h a v i o r s a r e d i f f i c u l t t o s t u d y f o r a number o f r e a s o n s , such as our i n a b i l i t y t o be p r e s e n t when t h e y occur and t o p r e d i c t t h e i r occurence with any accuracy. B a s i c a l l y , i t was f e l t t h a t t h e r e i s a need t o a d d r e s s o u r s e l v e s t o h i g h e r f r e q u e n c y b e h a v i o r s - beh a v i o r s t h a t can be s p e c i f i e d p r e c i s e l y , t h a t occur on a day-by-day b a s i s and t h a t a r e c o r r e l a t e s o f abuse. Family i n t e r a c t i o n p a t t e r n s , v e r b a l and p h y s i c a l , meet t h e s e r e q u i r e m e n t s . Family members i n t e r a c t d a i l y and t h e q u a l i t y o f t h e s e i n t e r a c t i o n s as t h e y occur week-byweek, y e a r = b y - y e a r may be f a r more s i g n i f i c a n t f o r a c h i l d ' s and f a m i l y ' s development than d r a s t i c but s e l d o m - o c c u r r i n g p h y s i c a l a s s a u l t . The second asstueption which has i n f l u e n c e d t h i s work was t h a t i n d i r e c t a s s e s s m e n t p r o c e d u r e s such as i n t e r v i e w s , q u e s t i o n n a i r e s , r a t i n g s c a l e s and secondary s t a t i s t i c s a r e n o t c a p a b l e by t h e m s e l v e s o£ y i e l d i n g t h e i n f o r m a t i o n n e c e s s a r y f o r u n d e r s t a n d i n g t h e causes and consequences o f c h i l d abuse and n e g l e c t . Thus, our r e s e a r c h program was d e s i g n e d t o o b t a i n d a t a o f a d i r e c t o b s e r v a t i o n a l n a t u r e on t h e everyday interactions which occur in families. These observations were recorded in the home by trained observers at the time the behavior occurred rather than retrospectively.
785
Project Interact
Reponse D e f i n i t i o n The b e h a v i o r s s e l e c t e d f o r s t u d y were d e f i n e d i n s u c h a way a s t o m i n i m i z e i n f e r e n t i a l o r s u b j e c t i v e j u d g m e n t s on t h e p a r t o~ t h e o b s e r v e r s and t o b e s u £ £ i c i e n t l ) , g e n e r a l t o be m e a n i n g f u l a c r o s s age g r o u p s . The o b s e r v a t i o n a l code u s e d f o r s c o r i n g s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n s h a s u n d e r g o n e s e v e r a l r e v i s i o n s . The v e r s i o n p r e s e n t l y b e i n g u s e d can be s e e n i n Table 1.
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786
R.L. Burgess
A digital d a t a acquistion system is used t o collect t h e observational data. It is a small portable system that allows £or the direct measurement o f r e s p o n s e f r e q u e n c y . When a p a r t i c u l a r behavior occurs, the o b s e r v e r d e p r e s s e s a k e y and an e l e c t r i c a l impulse is transmitted onto a magnetic tape. The d a t a a r e t h e n t r a n s c r i b e d t h r o u g h an i n t e r f a c e i n t o t h e c o m p u t e r f o r s t o r a g e and s u b s e q u e n t a n a l y s i s . The s c o r i n g p r o c e d u r e s u s e d c a n be s e e n i n T a b l e 2. PROJECT INTERACT SCORING PROCEDURES
Table 55S55 00001 09097 00101 00001 00001 66666 00001
2
Begin Data Entry Family Number Date (E.G. Sept. 9, 1977) Keyboard #/Recorder # Observer # Task Ready to Begin Observing Subject # (Focus)
!
DATA
!
99999 00003
Change t o Next Focus S u b j e c t # (New Focus)
v
DATA
!
99999 00OON
Subject # (New Focus)
!
99999 77777
End o£ Task
EXAMPLE 00001 Subject # (Mother) 12021 Mother Gives P o s i t i v e Request to Father 41023 Mother Receives An Object From Father In Compliance With Her Request 14995 She Smiles As She Makes A Negative Remark To The Group
Project Interact
Sample Three types of families were selected for study: (i) those where there were authenticated occurrences of non-accidental physical injury (abuse} to one or more children by a caretaker (N=25); (2) t h o s e where one or more c h i l d r e n e x p e r i e n c e d a l a c k of p a r e n t a l a t t e n t ion ( n e g l e c t ) so s e v e r e t h a t i t r e a c h e d t h e a t t e n t i o n o f l e g a l a u t h o r i t i e s (N=26). These f a m i l i e s were r e c r u i t e d t h r o u g h t h e P e n n s y l v a n i a Department o f P u b l i c W e l f a r e . The t h i r d t y p e o f f a m i l y , ( c o n t r o l ) bad no o f f i c i a l r e c o r d o f a b u s e o r n e g l e c t b u t were matched on t h e dimens i o n s o f a g e , number o f c h i l d r e n , income and e d u c a t i o n a l l e v e l s o f t h e p a r e n t s (N=29). A l l p a r t i c i p a n t s r e s i d e i n r u r a l P e n n s y l v a n i a and were p a i d a s t a n d a r d f e e f o r t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n t h e r e s e a r c h . Settin~ In an effort to minimize bias, teams of two observers, uninformed as to family type and systematically shifted in composition, were used to code the behaviors of interest. The observers were scheduled to see the families in their homes for six hours during a given week. Four hours of this time were spent in actual observation. Each of the four observation sessions was separated into three distinct tasks: . construction, skill and discussion. These tasks were selected to encourage interaction in situations common to most families. The construction tasks were selected to set the occasion for cooperative interaction, the development of a division of labor, i.e. the assignment of specific roles to family members, and to increase the likelihood of physical contact. The skill tasks were selected to allow for the families to make up their own rules and to set the occasion for competitive interaction. Finally, the discussion tasks were designed to facilitate verbal exchange among the family members. Within each task a particular family member was focal subject twice for a minimum of one and one-half minutes each period. Thus, each family member was a focal subject for at least thirty-six minutes during the four observation sessions. The order of focal subjects was determined by a table'of random numbers chart before a session began. R e s u l t s A number o f h i g h l y i n t e r e s t i n g f i n d i n g s h a s emerged from t h i s r e s e a r c h . For example, t w o - p a r e n t a b u s i v e and n e g l e c t f u l f a m i l i e s displayed lower rates of interaction, overall, than did matched control families (Burgess and Conger, 1978). This is especially the case for positive interactions (e.g., affectionate and supportive behavior) where, for example, the mothers in the abuse families displayed rates of positive behavior toward their children approximetely 50 percent less often than the control parents. The pattern was quite different, however, for negative or coercive interactions. The mothers in the abuse families exhibited rates of negative behavior (e.g., threats and complaints) toward their children over 60 percent higher than the control mothers. The pattern was even clearer in the neglect families where the mothers displayed rates of negative behavior over twice as high as the control mothers and the fathers 75 percent higher than their matched controls. A d m i t t e d l y , t h i s i s a s m a l l sample d e r i v e d from a l a r g e l y r u r a l e n v i r o n ment, b u t t h e f a m i l i e s do s h a r e many o f t h e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s found i n t y p i c a l l y lower s o c i o - e c o n o m i c a b u s i v e f a m i l i e s . These f a m i l i e s have low i n c o m e s , a r e p o o r l y e d u c a t e d , and t h e y have more c h i l d r e n t h a n t h e norm. I m p o r t a n t l y , t h e matched c o n t r o l f a m i l i e s a l s o a r e poor b u t w h i l e t h e y have enough p r o b l e m s o f t h e i r own, t h e y do n o t d i s p l a y p a t t e r n s o f i n t e r a c t i o n a s c o e r c i v e a s t h o s e o f t h e a b u s e and n e g l e c t families. In comparing two-parent with single-parent families, the children experience fewer parent to child verbal and physical contacts than do children in intact families (Kimball, Conger and Burgess, 1978). However, the single parent families exchange negative verbal and physical behavior at twice the level found in two-parent families. For example, children in the single parent control families receive q
787
788
R.L. Burgess
33 pprcent fewer verbal contacts from their mothers than do children in t h e t w o - p a r e n t c o n t r o l f a m i l i e s from t h e i r p a r e n t s . Moreover, t h e y r e c e i v e 41 p e r c e n t fewer p h y s i c a l c o n t a c t s , 96 p e r c e n t fewer p o s i t i v e c o n t a c t s , and 65 p e r c e n t more n e g a t i v e c o n t a c t s than do c h i l d r e n in the two-parent f a m i l i e s . We a l s o have examined p a t t e r n s of r e c i p r o c i t y in a b u s i v e compared t o c o n t r o l i n t a c t f a m i l i e s (Anderson, Conger, and Burgess, 1978). To a s s e s s p a t t e r n s o f r e c i p r o c i t y between p a r e n t s and c h i l d r e n , f o u r c l a s s e s o f f a m i l y dyads were d e f i n e d : mothers t o d a u g h t e r s and daught e r s t o mothers; mothers t o sons and s ~ m o - t ' h e r s ; fathers to daught-ers and d a u g h t e r s to fa-'t-~rs; f a t - q ~ r ] - t o sons and sons to fathers. TWo s c o r e s were comput-~--e'e~fore--"e~c~-yad--}'orboth p o s ~ - i v e and p h y s i c a l i n t e r a c t i o n and n e g a t i v e v e r b a l and p h y s i c a l interaction. These two s c o r e s were c o r r e l a t e d and Z s c o r e s were computed t o t e s t f o r d i f f e r e n c e s between t h e c o r r e l a t i o n s . These c o r r e l a t i o n s were our measures o f r e c i p r o c i t y . In o t h e r words, we d e f i n e d r e c i p r o c i t y as t h e t e n d e n c y f o r i n d i v i d u a l s t o respond t o one a n o t h e r s i m i l a r l y o v e r t h e c o u r s e o f a l l our o b s e r v a t i o n s . The two family types, abuse and control, were significantly different (P5.05) along a number of dimensions. For example, the data indicate that fathers and daughters in the abuse families are more likely to reciprocate negative behaviors than are the fathers and daughters in the control families. Similarly fathers and sons in the abuse families reciprocate negative behaviors more often than in control families. In contrast, the fathers and daughters in the control families tend to reciprocate positive behaviors more than do the fathers and daughters in the abuse families. So far as mother-child relations are concerned, mothers and sons in the abuse families, just , l i k e f a t h e r s and s o n s , d i s p l a y a g r e a t e r t e n d e n c y t o r e c i p r o c a t e o r exchange n e g a t i v e b e h a v i o r s than do t h e i r c o u n t e r p a r t s i n t h e c o n t r o l f a m i l i e s . C o n v e r s e l y , t h e mothers and d a u g h t e r s in t h e c o n t r o l f a m i l e s r e c i p r o c a t e n e g a t i v e b e h a v i o r a t a h i g h e r l e v e l than t h e mothers and d a u g h t e r s in t h e abuse f a m i l i e s .
In an a t t e m p t t o u n d e r s t a n d t h e s e d a t a b e t t e r , we looked a t the abuse families more closely bY comparing the abuser-victim dyad to the abuser-non-victim dyad and non-abuser-victim dyad (Edmunds and Burgess, 1978). These comparisons were made for eleven intact families where only one parent had been cited for abuse and where the abuse was selective, ie., where not a11 children in the family were presumably abused. One of the more interesting findings from this analysis is that the children in these families are more likely to reciprocate the abusers' positive behaviors and the nonabusers' negative behaviors. This is true for non-victims as well as victims. One interpretation of these data is that the children's negative behaviors are quickly supressed by counter responses from the abusive parent. Similarly, they may reciprocate that same parent's positive contacts to them to reduce the likelihood of abusive behavior. These data should, however, be considered only suggestive. The sample is obviously small and, as a consequence, the correlation coefficients are likely to be unstable. More detailed sequential analyses of interactive episodes should help clarify the data. We have also examined the effects of family size on patterns of family interaction (Burgess, Kimball and Burgess, 1978). We correlated rates of interaction between various dyads with the number of children in the home. Generally speaking, the data indicate that as family size increases, total contacts of both a physical and verbal nature decrease significantly between parents and any one child. The major exceptions to this being overall child to child interaction and negative parent to child behavior. Thus, as the size of the family increases so does the frequency of negative exchange while the frequency of positive interaction actually decreases.
P r o j e c t Interact
Conclusion I t i s a c e n t r a l f e a t u r e o f t h e s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n a l model t h a t an a c c u r a t e u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f t h e c a u s e s o f c h i l d abuse end n e g l e c t as w e l l as t h e i r s u c c e s s f u l t r e a t m e n t and p r e v e n t i o n r e q u i r e an exami n a t i o n o f abuse and n e g l e c t w i t h i n a s o c i a l c o n t e x t . Abuse and n e g l e c t do n o t o c c u r i n a vacuum. They happen w i t h i n a s o c i a l m a t r i x and t h a t m a t r i x c o n s i s t s l a r g e l y o f t h e r e c u r r i n g t r a n s a c t i o n s t a k i n g p l a c e between v a r i o u s members o f t h e f a m i l y . While i t i s c e r t a i n l y t r u e t h a t abuse and n e g l e c t o c c u r w i t h i n a b r o a d e r h i s t o r i c a l end cultural context tolerant of aggressive behavior, these dysfunctional p a t t e r n s a r e more immediately t r a c e a b l e t o c o n t i n g e n c y h i s t o r i e s within the family itself. Given t h i s , we need t o p l a c e s p e c i a l emphasis on i s o l a t i n g t h e causes or d e t e r m i n a n t s o f c o e r c i v e s t y l e s o f s o c i a l interaction. For i t s p a r t , PROJECT INTERACT p l e n s t o i n v e s t i g a t e t h e e x t e n t t o which t h e c o e r c i v e s t y l e s o f i n t e r a c t i o n observed i n t h e homes o f a b u s i v e and n e g l e c t f u l f a m i l i e s are a l s o p r e s e n t i n t h e i r a s s o c i a t i o n s with one a n o t h e r o u t s i d e t h e home as well as w i t h nonf a m i l y members. In p a r t i c u l a r , we w i l l be e x p l o r i n g t h e p a r e n t s ' r e l a t i o n s with o t h e r a d u l t s end c h i l d r e n , t h e c h i l d r e n ' s r e l a t i o n s with t h e i r p a r e n t s o u t s i d e t h e home, t h e i r r e l a t i o n s w i t h o t h e r a d u l t s as w e l l as t h e i r r e l a t i o n s w i t h p e e r s . In t h i s manner we hope t o l e a r n more about how t h e s e b e h a v i o r s a r e a c q u i r e d i n t h e f i r s t p l a c e , what t h e i r s i t u a t i o n a l a n t e c e d e n t s a r e , and t h e k i n d s o f environmental consequences t h a t s u s t a i n them. Acknowledgement The a u t h o r wishes t o thank t h e many d e d i c a t e d p e r s o n s who have Lade t h i s p r o j e c t p o s s i b l e and, i n p a r t i c u l a r , Dr. Rand D. Conger who p l a y e d a c e n t r a l r o l e in the design of the p r o j e c t . Thanks a r e a l s o given t o t h e s t a f f o f t h e N a t i o n a l C e n t e r on Child Abuse and Neglect which funded t h e p r o j e c t through HEW Grant 90-C-445. REFERENCES i.
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