Prosodic constituency in Hare (Athapaskan):

Lingua 82 (1990) 201-245. North-Holland

201

PROSODIC CONSTITUENCY IN HARE (ATHAPASKAN): Evidence for the Foot* Keren RICE Department of Linguistics, University of Toronto, Toronto. Ontario. Canada MSS I AI Received April 1990; revised version September 1990 In tiffs paper, 1 would like to argue that if a prosodic structure which i~J d;~fia,.t f~um morphosymactic structure is available, several apparently diverse fact~ of Athapaskan phonology and morphology receive a uniform explanation. In particular, 1 propos~ that a prosodic structure consisting of two syllables serves as a basic orga2i~ng unit both morphologically and phonologically. This prosodic structure functions as a minimal word template, a: a base for a~xation, and as the domain for several phonological processes. In the first section of this paper, I offer some background on Athapaskan languages in general and on the Hare dialect of Slave, the Athapaskan language that I examine in this paper, t in particular. In the second section I examine why a st-':c~t,:~ :iistinct from the morphological structure is required. I then present morphological and phonological evidence for this structure.

|. Introduction

There is a large descriptive literature on Athapaskan languages. See, for instance, !,i (1946) on Chipewyan, Sapir and Holier (1967) and Young and Morgan (1987) on Navajo, Golla (1970) on Hupa, Hargus (1988) on Sek~Lni, Cook (1984) on Sarcee, Kari (1979, 1989, 1990) on Ahtna, Randoja (1989) on Beaver, Rice (1989a) on Slave. and a~a.y others for details, in thi~ sr.ction, I touch on some of the major areas of Athaposkan phonology and morphology that are important for the discussion in this paper. * This research was funde.d by the Northern Social R e . a r c h Division o f the Department of Indian and Northern Affairs~ Ottawa, Ontario, Canada. Earlier versions of parts of this gaper were presented at the Chicago Linguistic Society in 1987 and at the _"lnadian Linguistic Ass~:iation in 1987. Many thanks to audiences at those conferences and ~ Peter A,:ery and Larry Hyman for further comments. Slave, [slevi], is an Athapaskda language of northern Canada. Hare ih~r] is one of ~b~. dialects of this hnguage+ ,See Ric: (1989a) for discussion. 0~22d:g41/9!/$03.50 © 1991 - - Elsevier Science Publishers 8.V. (North-Holland)

K. Rice / Prosodic constituency in Hare

202

1. I. Tone

Many Athapaskan lang~mges exhibit tonal contrasts between high and low tone. |n Hare, there are two phonetic tones, high and low. ~, ~ Some minimal pairs are given in (l). (la) gah -gfih (1 b) -i~ -la (lc) w'a

'rabbit' 'along' (postposition) 'hand' (possessed form) 'brother-in-law' 'moss'

High tunes participate in phono]ogica~ processes and can be morphemes on theia ~ n . For instance, high tone can mark ~nalienab;~ possession, as in (2a), it can indicate perfective aspect, as Jn (2b), and it can mark optative aspect, as in (2c):

2 1 employ a slightly modified versioT~ of the Hare standm-d orthography. The following symbols should be noted: ~.' = nasalized vowel, ~" = high toned vowel, V = low toned vowel, sh = [g], zh = [f~, y], gh = ['~], ch = [~1, wh = voiceless w, w ' = glottalized w, ,l = voiceless lateral fricative, ] = voiced lateral fricative, C' = ejective consonant. The symbols d, g, dz, dk j represent voiceless unaspirated stop~; t, k, ts, vk ch are voiceless aspirated stops. Nasalized vowels are derived in Hare (se~:: Rice (.~989a)); lhu,~ in underlying representations a vowel°nas~al sequence is used. A hyphen belbre a stem indicates that the stem is preceded by a possessor (nouns), an object (postpositions), or son, e syllabic material (verbs). 3 There is a third phonetic tone in Hare, an extra high tone, which derives l¥om the placement of a high stem tone on certain anderlyingly high tone prefixes. For instance, the morpheme i-'first ~yerson plura~ ,.~bject' has a lexica[ high tone. When a verb stem high tone falls on this syllable, an extra high tone is produced. (See section 3.3 for d~-ocu:~ion of t~e p]a~me.'-.t ef verb stem hig.h .~c.,,.~.~ . . . . r),,.~, ........ ~°. ",. . ..... . .~. ...,. ::rr'p::r'ag the following eialect forms. Bearlake is a Slave dialect that is closely related to Hare. Bearlake ?sghfilay~.yidfi ?~gh~lay~yldfi

H~,~re %g~fi'aycyida %gh~layey~da

q worked' (stem -rift) 'we worked"

([',] indicates an extra high toned vowel,) A high tone occurs on the verb stem in Bearlake while in H,,:e ~ high teme appears on the syllable preceding the sten), as is ev,eent m me nrst perso~ singular example. The first person plural example sh~w~ that when the s3,imble preceding the stem itself has a high tone, the placement of a stem high tone on this syllable in Hare yields an extrahigh tone. See Rice (19t~9a) for discussion.

K. Rice / Prosodic constituency in Hare

(2a) xa,-~hfi xu, -ghfi ia, -1:6 tu, -tu (2b) -di,-di -da, -d/l (2c) -ka, -kfi -re, -t6

203

'hair, nonpossessed, possessed' "tooth, nonpossessed, possessed" "hand, nonpossessed, possessed' "water, nonpossessed, inalienably possessed' 'say, imperfective, peffcctive" "see. ~mperfective, perfective' "handle contained object, imperfec~ ive, optative' 'handle animate object, imperfective, optative'

The active lexical and phonological role of high tone suggests that it is present in underlying representations. Low tone, on the other hand, does not generally participate in the phonology and never has moroholo~cal status. # Following r~'uUeyblank (1986) and others, I assume ~hat if a tone is not phonologically acuve, that tone is not marked underlyingly. Thus in Hare low tone is absent underlyingly and is filled in by a default rule in the phonetic implementation component of the ~ammar. s

1.2. Morphology All major category lexical items (nouns, verbs, postpositioas) in the Athapaskan languages contain a stem, which is comprised of a root plus a suffix or suffixes. Roots are generally monosyllabic, while stems ea:r~ be monosyllabic if a nonsyllabic suffix is added or bisyllabic if a vocalic st~flix is present. Suffixes in the Athapaskan ;anguages are of twos, types. Firs~: there are stemforming suffixes which indicate, for example, category and a~;pect. (See Rice (1989a) for discussion of such suffixes in Slave, Karl (1979) for discussion of Ahtna, and Leer (1979) for reconstruction of the su~xation s)stem of ProtoAthapaskan.) Second, there are derivational suffixes which are added ~o stems. Some of these are discussed in sections 2.1 and 3.10. While the smallest ~nit of lexicai structure is the root, tl~,e distinction between root and stem is not in general relevant in this paper. I will use the term 'stem' unless the distinction between root and stem is nece~sary to the discussion at hand. 4 T h e ~ statemen*~s are true of Slave° and of many other Athapaskan langu:~es. Some Athapaskan languages have le×icatly marked low tone and predictable high tone (e.g. Dogrib). In such languages low tone participates in the ohonology and high tone in general is not phonologically active. s ]fat all. See Beckman and P~errehumbert (1988) for some cbmments on underspecification o~" tones.

204

K. Rice / Prosodic constituency in Hare

All stems may be preceded by a prefix. Verbs differ from nouns and postpositions in that in the verb alone the stem must be preceded by a syllable. If no syllabic morpheme occurs before the verb stem, an epenthetic syllable is required. This distinction between verbs on the one hand and nouns and postposifions on the other wifl be attributed to a prosodic property unique to verbs.

2. Why p~asedic structure? Athapaskan languages have a rich morphosyntactic structure, so it is wortbwhile to begin a paper that proposes that they have an additional type o/" structure with an examination of why such a structure ~s necessary. A typical argument given for a second structure L ;hat mismatches exist between the structure given by the morphosynta× and tl;e structure required for the _t. . . . . ,_ ,~-- for example, $eikirk (i984, i986), |nkeias (1989), v.um,,ogy oce, Hayes (1989), Nespor and Vogel (1986), Cohn (1)89), McCarthy and Prince (1986)). In Hare, phonology/morphology mismatches are tbund, with the domain required for several phonological processes being distinct from that given by the rm-wphosyatactic structure.

2.1. Phonology/morphology m;.~matches A numker ef phonological processes in Hare take as their domain the prestem-stem sequence. A typical process is vowel assimilation. A mid front vowel is tensed before a following tense vowel (/i,e, u/ and their nasalized counterparts) and is optionally backed before a following back, non-tense vowe! (/~ o / a n d their nasalized counterparts). Otherwise (before/e/, optionally before /a,o/ and their nasalized counterparts) it surfaces as [el. (3a) shows assimilation of the vowel of a possessive prefix to the vowel of the following stem; (3b) illustrates assimilation of the vowel of the first member of a compound to that of the second element of the compound, and (3c) shows assimilation of the object of a postposition to the vowel of the following postposition stem. The trigger vowel is italicized and the target vowel is in phonetic brackets. (3a) Possessed forms s[e]fi s[e]tuk

'my head' 'my aaughter'

Stem -fi -tfi

205

K. .Rite / P.'.o~odic constituency in Hare

s[e]t~w/; s[~;]ts'0ne, s[a]i.:,'da~ sial?& s[a]?d

"my cane' "my excrement' 'my snowshoe"

t~w ts'6n ?ah

"water moss' "water animal' 'water lily' "water grass' 'open spot in water in winter'

nin -lu -t'6n t,ro fal

'inside of it' ~above it" 'to it'

-zhi -da -ts'~n

(3b) Compounds [e]hni t[e]hluni t[e]ht'~, t[a]ht'~ t[¢]h,ro, t[a]hfl'o t[e]hfth;

(3c) Postpositions b[e]zhi~ bf~:]da, b[a]da b[~;]ts'k

In these examples of vowel assimilation, the stem vowei is the trigger and the preceding vowel the target. In fact, as we sha!i see, vowel assimilation occurs only in this environment, with the stem vowel functioning as trigger and the prestem vowel as target. Stems can be followed by qualifying suffixes. The diminutive and augmentative are illu.~trated in (4): (4)

behzha ?ahsho tusho

'jackknife' (beh 'knife" + zha 'diminutive') 'hunter's snowshoe' (?ah 'snowshoe' + sho 'augmentative') 'ocean" (tu '~:ater" + sho augmentative )

A stem vowel never assimilates to the vowel of a qualifying suffix, as shown

in (5):

(5) t~ zha t[~]zha, *t[~]zha

'cane'

'diminutive' 'small cane'

Only the vowel quality [e] is pessibie i~: !he .~tarn 'cane'; if assimilation were possible, [a] would be an acceptable alternative. ! will now consider nouns with both a morpheme indicating possessor beK, i~ the stern and a qualifying suffix following the stern. Morphologically, the qualifying suffixes are closer to the stem than the possessive prefixes are.

206

K. Rice / Prosodic constituency in Hare

Three arguments for this statement are available. First, stem-suffi× sequences occur as independent words, without the possessor morpheme. This is expected if the possessor is added last. Second, the qualifie; has the stem without the prefix in its scope and, conversely, the stem and qualitier as a unit are within the scope of the possessor. If the possessive prefix is added before the qualifying suffix, such scope relationships are surprising, l f, on the other hand, the possessor is added last, exactly this scope relationship is predicted. Finally, the possessor morphemes ai'e inflectional (see Saxon (1986) for discussion) and the qualifying morpkemes derivational. Given the general tendency for derivation to occur inside inflection (see, for instance, Anderson (1982, 1988)), one expects to find derivational morphology preceding i~.flectionz', morphology. If the qualifying suffix is added before the possessors, then the Hare forms do not create counterexamples to this tertdency. Assurnit~g that the possessor morphemes are derivationally outside ef the qualifying suffixes, the morphosynt~ctic structure of words with both morphemes i g given in (6): (6) [prefix [[stem] qualifier]] Morphosyntactically, the stem and the qualifier are ~fisters. The str~cture required by the phonological process of vowel a~i,,shnilationis distract, as in this case the Oo~ses~or and the stem are sister~;, forming a constituent. The structure required by the phonology is given in (7): (7) [[prefix [stem]] qualifier] The process of vowel assimilation thus offers a classical case of a bracketins pz~radox, where a word requires one structure for the morphos!cntax and a distinct struclure for the phonology. The structure required for Ihe phonology | will call the prosodic structure.

2.2. Irrelevance of morphological material to the phonology Phonology/morphology mismatches provide one source of ovid,:nee that phonological rules do not take morphological s~ructure directly as their domains. In the case examined so ?ar, the prosodic and the morpho,.;yntactic representation both have hierarchical struct~tre, although the structure is not isomorphic in the two domains. The morphc~yntactic and prosodic representations can also differ in a second way: the prosodic representation may have

K. Rice / Prosodic constiluency in Hat,, o

207

less structure than the morphosyntacfic representation. Such a ca:. is examined in this section. in Ha~e, several distinct morphosyntactic structures can receive a single phonological interpretation, again suggesting that morphosyntactic and phonological structures need not be identical. Verb structure can be used to illustrate this point. The verb stem in Hare is the final element of the verb word, and can be preceded by a number of different prefi~,cs. These are usaa..m~' presenled in a templatic fashion, v~ith the .,.',~ . . . . . . h ~o~,..~°a :~ slot before the verb stem. S~e Rice ¢1989a) ~br discussion of the verb template in Hare and the references in section l0 in particular Karl (1989~, for discussion -" n~,~u for a ,,,.o ,,~...pl ,.,,~. . . . . H,~re .~..~,,i,~., for wh . . . . ". ~..... a...+ known in the Athapaskan literature as the conjunct portion of the verb word is given in (8): ~ •

II

(8) direct object agreement + third person subject + ge,*~/er + secondary aspect + conjugation/primary aspect ÷ subject agre..emcnt + voice/valence + stem In (9), a morpheme in each of these position, s is shown p~eceding a verb stem. The relevant morpheme is italicized. (9a) Direct object agreement before verb stem ?e.dq 's/he drinks (something)' ?c- 'unspecified object' + -dQ 'drink' (9b) Third person subject before verb stem ts'edq 'one drinks' ts'e- 'unspecified subject" + -dQ 'drink' (9c) Gender before verb stem doze 's/he spits' de- 'mouth (gender)' + - ~ ~spit' o See, however, Speas {forthcoming) and Rice (lt)90a) for a rather different analysis in which a template is not required. Rice ~1990a) argues that the verb wc, rd is a syntactic phrase, with its status as a phonological word being a by..produc| of pho, )logical phrasing. The results achieved in this paper are compatible with the conclusions drawn in Rice (1990a). although certain aspects would require rephrasing, | use innovative terras in some cases. For instance, the traditionally termed 'themalic and derivationa]' morphemes are labelled "gender' here and the traditional 'classifiers' are called "voice/valence" morphemes; see Rice (1990a~ for discussion. See Ri~c (1989a) for detailed discussion of Slave and the sources mentioned in section I for discussi ,~ of o;.her languages.

208

g. Rice / Pr~.'mdic censtitueno" in Hare

(9d) Secondary aspect before verb stem de~a 's/he starts off by land" de- 'inceptive' + -t4a 'sg., dual go by land' (9e) Subject agreement before verb stem nedq ~you sg. drink' ne- '2 sg. subject' + -dQ 'drink'

(90 Voice~valence before verb stem Object wet9 'sticklike object is located' we- 'conjugation/primary aspect' + -t9 'sticklike object lies' Object wehtp "s/he has sticklike object located' we- 'conjugation/primary aspect' + h- 'voice (causative)' + -t9 'sticklike object lies' Morphosyn:actically the different morphemes that can precede the verb stem do not aJ! bear the same r~.,,~.v,,sh~e , i . , : - - .- to the stem; see Kari (i979, i989), $peas (1986, 1987, forthcoming), Randoja (1989), Rice.(1990a), and others for detailed discussion. For instance, morphosyntactieaily, the gender and secondary aspect morphemes are closer to the verb stem than the subje~zt agreement morphemes as the forme: ~:an form part of the basic lexical entry of the verb. However, whatever morphosyntactic relationship a particular prestem morpheme bears to the stem plays no role in determining its phonological relationship to the stem. All these morphemes are treated phono!ogica!!y as if they were structurally adjacent to the stem. This can be seen by turning again to vowel assimilation. I u'~e examples of tenseness assirnila~io,~. The tense vowel is found before a tense stem vowel no matter which prefix precedes the verb stem. The trigger for tenseness e.ssimitation is itMiciz~d .:,d ~he target is in phonetic brackets.

(10) Direct object agreement before stem y[e]hs,i 's/he makes it' ye- 'disjoint anaphor' + h- 'voice' + -s~ 'make ~ y[~]hk~ 's/he freezes it' )e- 'disjoint anapho:' + h- '~oice (causative)' + -t~ 'freeze'

Deictic subject before stem [else 'they cry" ke- '3#. human subject" + -se 'cry' k[~:]d~9 'they drink' ke- '3 pl. human subject' + -dq 'drink'

K. Rice / J~rosodic constituency in Hare

209

Secondmv aspect before slem d[e]zu 's/he goes by boat' da- 'ine-ptive' + ¢ '3 subject' + -zu 'go by boat' d[e]'ia 's/he goes on land' ds- 'inceptive' + # '3 subject' 4- -fla 'go on land' Cor,jr~,:f~tion!primary aspect Oejbre stem w[e]hdlu "I almost froze' we- 'conjugation/primary aspect' + h- 'lsg. subject' + -dlu 'fr,,~eze' w[e]hiq 'I am old' ws- 'conjugation/primary aspect' + h- 'lsg. subject' + -jq 'be oJd' Subject agreement before stem n[else 'you sg. cry" he- '2sg. subject' + -se 'cry" nr,~:a~ "you sg. drink' he- '2sg. subject' + ~dq 'drink' For :he purposes of the phonology then, the stem can be considered to ~e ~ sister of whichever conjunct morpheme immediately orecedes it While the morphosyntactic structure of the verb is highly a~'ticulated., with different prestem morphemes having different strt~ctural reta~.ionships with the stem, this structure is not relevant to the phenology, where all pres~em (conjunct) material is treated iden6cally. This d,ifference in articula~,io,a of str~_~,r!~re required by the morphosyn~.ax and ;3y the phonology provides another' atgumenft for a prosodic structuv: d~stinct from the mor~b,~:~tactic s;,ructure.

2.3. Structural and linear adjaceno' in phonological rules A thl,d argume:,t t'or prosodic structure can be garnered from the fact that phonological rules apply to linearly rather than derivationally adjacent elements. When a derivationally more distant morpheme intervenes between a derivat~cnally close, morpheme and the stem, it i.,' the ~erivatior~ally more d~stant morrheme that assimi'.:.Les; ia other words, the morpheme that is linearly aajacent to ~he stem asstmitate~. Thi~ can be se-n m the example in (!1), where the conjugation/primary aspect mark,~'r ~s,:- :~ derb,~tionally closer and the sub iect he- li,early closer to the ve~r~,st~:m. Only the. ~inec~rly :~djacen~ morpheme parUcipates in assimilation.

210

(ll)

K. Rice / Prosodic constitue.ncy in Hare

wenelu "you sg. netted' wg- ~conjugation/pfimary aspect' + no- '2sg. subject' + -lu 'net, perfectire'

Hargus (1986) employs facts similar to these to argue against a model in which inflectional morphology follows derivational morphology. However, such a conclusion is not inevitable. If a process such as vt3wel assimi|~tion applies in a prosodically defined domain, morphosyntactic constituency of the elements involved in the rule is not necessarily expected. 8 The morphosy~ac!ic st r~ncture ff the verb is not directly relevant to the application of phonological rules; rather vowel assimilation requires a bisyllabic structure which r~eed :-~otbe a morphoiogic~l constituent. If the structure required for ~.he pho~ology is provided only indirectly by the morphosyntax, then the restriction of rules to linearly a~acent items can be accounted for; if, on the other hand, the phonology operates directly off the morphosyntactic structure, one might expect to find rules that apply to derivationally adjacent elements or rules that operate differently depending on the type of morphosyntactic relationship between the two linearly adjacent items.

2.4. Epenthesis One further argumeat lhat the structure accessible to the phonology is not simply the morphosymactic structure comes from a process of epenthesis in the verb. It has long been recognized that the verb word in many Athapaskan ~a~;g,ages is obiigatoriiy bi.~y~i~bic, ~oL~sisting rninimaily c~ a sterr and a pre:,teza~ syllable (see, for instance, Li (i 946), Kari(1975)). If no morphological material p~'ccedes the stem, then a syllable is inserted. The examples in (12) contrast a verb with a secondary aspect morpheme de- 'inceptive aspect' preceding the stem (12a) with one where no syllabic morpheme precedes the stem (12b). o a The conclusion that rules apply in prosodic domains is not a necessary one, as lhe same results can be obtained by postponing the application of phonological rules until after word formation is completed. o Two types of epenthesis are actually exemplified in these data. The first is for tile purposes of syllabic licensing, and it supplies the vowel [el to morphemes like/d/ 'inceptive' and/n/"second person ~ingular subjecf 0ndica',ed in morpheme breakdowns wi~h the epenthetic vowel present). This ',ype of epcnthesis is discussed in detail in Randoja (t989) for Beaver, an Athapaskan language that is quite closely re!ated to Slave. The second type of epenthesis, and the one of concern here, is not a consequence of syllable wdl-formedness conditions, but rather a result of well-formedness conditions at a higher level of structure.

K. Rice / Prc,sodic constituen O, in Hare

21 !

~,12a) dehj~ 'I start to sing' de- "inceptive' + h- +1 sg. subject + -j~' 'sing' dO~ 'you sg. s:art to sing' de- 'inceptive' + no- '2sg. subject' + -j~ 'sing' dej~ 's/he starts to sing' de- 'inceptive' + ~ '3 sL,,bject' + -j~ 'sing' (12b) [he]hj~ 'l sing' he,. 'epenthetic' + h- '! sg. subject' -:- -j~ 'sing" nej~ 'you sg. sing' m:- '2sg. subject' + -jt~ 'sing' [he]j~ "s'he starts to sing' he- 'epen:hetic' + 0 "+ subject'+ -je+ 'sing" ~n___the first ..... and third ~.'~,,-'~,~nforms of ~v)h~t.,.,,,,,"+'°,,,,-syllae,!¢ ~,,~j,:"--:a sy.ao~e" '~+ with no morpholov, iral coixtent, ~is ,present. It is required in the verb for prosodic reasons • a V~:rb mu.,. o+ minimally .... contain a syllabi-+ before the stem. From the first person singular for.,r, alone, one ,night c,~,nclude that epenthesis is required in order to syllabify the first person singular subject morpheme/h/. However, the third person si"~gular subject is null ar, d thus epenthesis cannot be argued to be a con~sequence of syllabification (see It6 (1986, 1989)). It must rather exist, i'or higher level prosodic reasons. The fact that phcmological processt J are found for which there is no morphosyntactic basis but a clear prosodic :ms s, to safisgy' a weight requirement, s~+,pport the dual structure view.

2.5. Summary I have suggested taut phonological processes in Hare can operate on domains that are not morphosyntacdcaily well-defined, and can create structure that has nc, :aorphosyntactic base. I~ the following sections | turn to the nature of this structur~ I argue that this domain is the minimal word, as defined by McCarthy and Prince (1986, 1990), consisting of the bisyi;abic unit s~em and prestem s~,'llable. I will call this unit the foot.

3, Evidence for the foot

3.1. Morphological evidencejbr the foot 1" The verb template As discussed in .~ecdon 2.4, r.he minimal verb word in Hare consists of ~he

~.. Rice / Prosodic constitueno' in Hare

212

stem and a preceding ~yli:ble. If no morphological syllable is present, an epenthetic syllable is inse, ted. This syllable has been analyz~.d in various ways. Rice (1983, 1989a) proposes that a syllable position is inserted before the verb stem as part of an obligatory word formation process that fo~.~s a verb. The verb word thus must include a bisyllabic template. Rice (1987a) presents phonological arguments that the stem and the prestem syllable of the verb form a foot. Speas (1987, forthcoming) makes a similar proposal for Navajo, another Athapaskan language, arguing that the stem and the prestem syllable constitute a foot. These proposals have in common that the verb word must consist, minimally, of two syllables, the stem and the prestem syllable. The prosodic ~emplate for the H a ~ ~cr~ ,,o,,~ ..... ~o~,,,,,.,, ,a (~.~; (13)

W,,In~.~um= F 6 a (for the verb; the right branch must be the stem)

Epenthesis has no direct morphosyntactic basis, as morphosyntacticaily ~.eii-defined verbs may consist of a single syllable. E~nthesis applies solely to satisfy the prosodic condition on minimal word size. The template Jn (~3) must be satisfied, requiring that epenthesis take place if no morphological syllable is present. The functioning of this te:mpI=',e =aa ~ seen by examining the structure of the forms in (12). The stem in (12) has the lexical entry in (14a). The assignment of the minimal word template is shown in (14b). In the forms in (~2a) and in the second person singular subject form in (12b) this template is satisfied by a raorpheme. In the forms in (12b) where no morpheme is present, tempJate satisfaction is gaaranteed by epenthesis. This is illustrated in (14c). (14a) d-shen

(14b) Wmin

J /x, F

d-shcn ] verb

K. Rice / Prosodic constituency m Hare

(|4c)

213

Wtuitt !

I F

A o

O

hc d-shcn ] verb phonological rules ~o In this section I have suggested that the minimal verb word in Hare must meet a prosodic condition: it must contain a branching foot. I now turn to several sources of phonological evidence for the claim that a foot is pr,.sent in the verb. 3.2. Phonological evidence for the foot 1: Vowel assimilation in verb~~

The process of vowel assimilation was introduced in section 2 as evidence that the domains of phonological rules are not isomorphic to the structure given by the morphosyntax. In this section I return to vowel asimilation, showing that its domain is the rainimal word, or foot. I will look specifically at tenseness assimilation, the obligatory part of vowel :~ssimilation. Hare has the vowel system in (15): (15) i

u

¢ a

o

These vowels have :he features in (16). See Rice (1988b) for discussion. (16)

i hi back

e -

a

o

u

+

+

+

low tense

~: -

+

+

+

The full six vowel system is found in stems, while in the prefixes under 1o T h e / d / a n d the stem combine by a process known in the Athapaska~ literature as the DEffect to produce U]. See Rice (1989a) for discussion of the DoEffect in Slave. Nasalized vowefls are derived from tautosy|flabic vowel-n sequences.

214

K. Rice / Prosodic constitueno' in Hare

consideration the vowel system is more limited, with /i, a, u/ but predominantly/s/, occurring. Tenseness assimilation creates a mid front tense vowel when the following vowel is tense, as in (17). (Tones on the prestern syllable are ir:elevant to the present discussion; see section .~.o.I The trigger vowel is ~tau:,.ec. and the target vowel is in pho.~c;.ic brackets. 'I am' (! 7a) h[elhl( he-'epenthetic' + h- ' ! sg. subject' + -!~.'be' 'you sg. eat piece by piece' (l 7b) n[~!]de na- '2sg. subject" + -d~ 'eat piece by piece' "you sg. net' (17c) n[6]lu no- '2sg. subject' + -Ifi 'net' °you sg. drink' (~7d) n[~]dq rig- '2sg. subject' +-dq 'drink' 's/he eats' (lYe) b[~]?a he- 'epe~thetie' + -?h 'eat' (17f) h[ak: 's/he sings' he- 'epenthetic' +-jr, "sick' Tenseness assimilation is triggered by the stem vowel and targets the prestem vowel Other vowels do not form a target for assimilation. The vowel preceding the prestem vowel does not assimilate to a derived tense vowel, as shown in (i8): ( J8a) w[e]lu °s/he netted' w~- ~coJ~jugation/prima.,'y. aspect'+ ~ °3 subject' + qu '~e~. (perfective)' (18b) n[@u 'you sg. net' ne- '2sg. subject' + -lh ~net' (18c) w[e]nelu 'you sg. netted" we- ~conjugation/primary aspect' + ha- '2sg. subject' + -In ~net (perfeed,;e)' In (18a) the vowel of the conjugation/primary aspect molpheme assimilates to the tenseness of the following stem vowel; in (|8b) the vowel of the second person singular subject morpheme assimilates, in (18c), where both the conjugation/primary aspect morpheme and the second person singular subject are present. ,~nly the vowel of the subject morpheme, which is adjacent to the stem, assimi!ates.

K. Rice / Prosodic constituency in Hare

215

A vowel also fails to assimilate to the tenseness of a prestem vowel whose tenseness is not derived, as illustrated in (19): (!9)

d[e]wi.ta 'let's we two go' ,,,c~r,,,ve + w- ,.vnj,,gat,,.,n/pnmary ,,op,.ct -o " " _L , :. ! p!. subject'+-t'la 'singular, dual go by land' *d[e]wi'la

The first person plural subject has the representation /i/ The vowel of the inceptive morpheme does not assimilate ~o the t~nseness of this vowel. Tenseness assimilation thus has a two-syllable domain, the stem and the prestem syllable. This is precisely the unit discussed in section 3.1, the minimal word or foot. It is worthwhile to reiterate the di~cuities in defining a morphosyntactic domain for tensene".s assimilation. First, as discussed in section 21 the prestem-stem is not ;,.eeessarily a well-defined morphosyntactic unit: the two morphemes, while a constituent phonologically, need not be a morphosyntactic constituent. Second, given the possibility of suffixation, the unit is not phonologically we!l-defined on a linear string: it is not possib!e to allow the rule simply to apply to the last two syllables of the word since it applies only when the stem vowel is trigger and the prestem vowel target. I conclude that while the domain for tenseness assitnilation is weli-defined~ it is a prosodic domain, the foot, or minimal word.

3.3. Phonological evidence for the Jbot 2: Tone placement in verbs Verb stems in Hare are strikingly different from verb stems in other Slave dialects. While a verb stem may bear high or low tone phonetically in most Slave dialects, in Hare the verb stem always is phonetically low toned. In the early literature on Hare (Hoijer (1966), based on field notes of Li Fang-Kuei (1929)), there is an implicit claim that Hare differs from other Slave dialects in having lost stem tone completely. This is, ~n fact, not true. Stem tones in Hare are maintained; however, they appear o~ the prestem syllable rather than on the stern itself. That Hare stem tones occur on the prestem syllable: is evident when Hare forms are compared with those from the nearby 8earlake dialect (20). In Bearlake, verb stems may carry a high or a low tone phonetically, while in Hare they always have low tone. However, this is not the only difference between the dialects. Notice in (20b) that when a high tone occurs on a verb

K. Rice / Prosodic conslituenc)' in Hare

216

stem in Bearlake a high tone consistently appears on the syllable precedie, g the verb stem in Hare. (There :re minor segmental differences between Hare and Bearlake that are irrelevant to the discussion at hand; see Rice (1989a) for discussion.)

(20)

Hare (a) w[e]la w[i]hdzo n[eldq (b)w[/:]hshu w[[]hk'e n[~]?a w[6]dQ

Bearlake

Stem

wh[e}la wh[i]hdzo n[eldq wh[e]hch/l wh[i]hk~ n[e]?~i w[o]d()

-la -dzo -do -chfi -k'/: -7§ -dff

'plural objects are located' 'I trapped' 'you sg. drink' ~ciothlike object ig located ~ '! shot it' 'you sg. eat' '~,'~le will drink, must drink'

The existence of a high tone on the pro-verb .... stem syllable in H.~.,,~-*jus,~' when a high tone occurs on the verb stem in Bearlake suggests that stem tone is not completely levelled in Hare. It is present at the level of underlying representation but it simply fails to surface on the stem. An alternate hypothesis, that ~be high tones are iexicaily associated with the prestem syllable~ can be easily dismissed. First, the same item preceding the verb s~em may occur with either a high or a low tone, as in (21).

(21)

Sgem

(a) Conjugation/primary asp,~ct beJbre stem w[e]hdzo ~s/he trapped' -dzo w[~]hk'e "s/he shot' (b) S,~bjecr agreement before stem

n[e]dq n[~]?a

'you sg. drink' 'you sg. eat"

-dq -7~

(c) Epenthetic syllable before stem h[e]hj~ q sing' h[~]hlu '| net' tx

-j~ -lu

lJ the high tones are not part of the stem entry, then each morpheme that can precede t~'~e stem would require two lexical entries, one with high tone ~nd one unsp~:cified for tone, and each stem must be marked for the prefix l~ The eff~ts of vowel assimilation are suppressed in this and other examples where it is irrelevant.

K. Rice / Prosodic constituency in Hare

2|7

type that it chooses, tn addition, the forms in (21c) contain the eper:.thetic syllable, forcing two epenthetic vowds, one with high tone and one with low tone. If the high tones are part of the stern entry, only the tone marking on the stem is required. ,,~n additionai argumcat for allowing verb roots to have a high tone lexically is based on the relationship between noun and verb steaas. Numerous Hare roots exist that form both noun and verb stems. Some examples are given in (22). The stems are enclosed in phonetic brackets. Vowel assimilation is suppressed.

(22)

Noun (a) [s~] [Wu] [shq] {h~r+,,~l ~"Jt~ "J [xh] [sM] Ui]

'spit, saliva' 'rope' 'old age' 'charcoal' 'club' "knot' 'baited hook'

Verb h~h[se] h~h[Wu] h~h[jq] I'" el tightt ?ed~h[xa] rakesh~.ts'edeh[sha] xad~h[ji]

q spit' 'I braid' 's/he is oid'lZ q cook' 'I hit with club' 'one ties shoes' "I hook one after another'

If the high tone of the prestem syllable of the verbs in (22b) is part of the root lexically, then the noun and verb stems can share a common root. If; on the other hand, the high tone is part of the lexical entry of the noun but not of the verb, some additional mechanism is required to capture the le×ical relatedness between the noun and the verb. ! conclude that verb roots can be either lexicaHy high toned or lexically toneless. Hare thus has high tones associated with roots underlyin~ly; however, in the verb this tone surfaces on the preceding syIJab|e. The examples given so far illustrate that the domain of tone placement is the now familiar prestem-stem unit, or minimal word. The verbal tone shift phenomenon occurs only in this domain. (23) illustrates that prefix lexicai high tones appear on the morpheme that they are associated with lexically./i/ 'first person plural subject' and /i/ 'seriative' have lexical high tones, and always occur with their high tone in situ (23)

Hare Bearlake Gloss ?~ghfilay[i]da ?~ghfi!ay[i]da 'we work' ?e- ~unspecified object' + gh~ 'postposition' + [a °work' + y~ 'gender' + i- 'l pl. subject' + -da stem

x2 The verb contains the voice morpheme d-, which combines by the D-Effect Rule with/sh/to yield U]~

218

K. Rice / Prosodic constitueno' in Hare

rah[i]hdze nah[i]hdzz '! shout' ha- 'customary' + h- 'epenthetic' + i- 'seriafive' + h- ' I sg. subject' -4- -dze 'shout' The high tone of a stem thus associates to the left while the high tone of a prestem morpheme does not. The examples in (24) show that a verb stem high tone occurs on the prestem syllable even when the verb is suffixed. These examples are similar in nature to the suffixed nouns discussed in section 2. The suffix/-e/is a stemforming suffix found with descriptive verbs. 'it is sticky, gummy' (24a) h[.dzeg~ hi- 'epenthetic" + -dz~g "gum' + -e 'stem-,"ormafive" cf. dz~h "gum' (noun) 13 (24b) hiw¢n¢ "it is pimply' hifi ' + -~,,.. ,6,, 'star' + =e 'stem-formauve' ..~ ' epenthe..c el. w~ 'star' Forms such as (24) reinforce the claim that :he domain of tone placement is the prestem-stem, or the foot: the stem ~igh tone occurs on the prestem syllable regardless of whether the stem is the final syllable of the verb or n o t . 14

To summarize, verb stem high tones in Hare verbs are iexica!!y part of the stem, but occur phonetically on the syllable preceding the stern. This placement of stern high tones is easily captured in prosodic terms: tones are attractea to the left branch ef the foot within the minimal word. The placement of the verb stem high tone allows for an examination of a further proper~y of foot structure in Hare. I suggest that in the verb the leer branch of the |bet is metrically strong and the high tone that is lexically part t3 Syllable-final obslruents neu~.ralize to [hi in Hare. See Rice (1989a). ~4 Phonetically, a verb stem tone agrees with the tone of a suffix/el o r / ~ / i n Hare: stems with these suffi×es thus have the surface canonical forms CVCV and CVC~'. Krauss (1978) suggests that in a language such as Hare the tone of the sumx spreads to the roolt vowel, producing forms h~ which t.he root and suffix vowel agree in tone. Under this analysis, one rule is required in Hare to place the tone of a single syllable stem on the prestem syllable and a separate rule is needed lo account for tone placement in bisyllabic stems. Additionally, ihe tone spread analysis for bisyllabic stems requires lexical marking of low tone on the suffix -~ while low tone is not marked elsewhere. This anaiysis is less general than the prosodic analysis offered in this paper, and can be rejected in favor of the prosodic treatment which allows a unified account of tone placem.e~ in verbs.

K. Rice / Prosodic constituency in Hare

219

of the stem is attracted to the strong branch of the foot (see Goidsmitb (1987a, b) and Peterson (1987) on Chichewa, Hyman (1987) on Kukuya, Poser (1984) on Japanese, lnkelas and Zec (1988) on Serbo-Croatian for similar analyses of other languages). The minimal verb word template can be revised to include dominance relationships, as in (25): (25) IF trs 6,,] = minimal verb word Tone association in Hare is stated in (26): (26) Associate a tone to the strong branch of the for~*, A derivation of a typical two-syllable word is given in (27). (27a) shows the lexical entry of the verb stem. In (27b), the result of supplying the verb with the foot template is illustrated. In (27c), the tone is shown to associate to the metrically strong branch within the foot. The metrical position is realized segmentally as the epenthetic syllable [he] if syllabic morphological material is not inserted. Thus, the third person form, with no syllabic morphological material, is [h~?a]. (27a) ?a H (27b)

stem entry (-7~ 'eat')

W

foot template

J

Wm|n

),

O's ffw

?a H (27c)

W

tone associazi~ ~n

I Wmln

I

/',, ".3a

H

g. Rice / Prosodic constituency in Hare

220

(27d)

W

epenthesis ,_5

Wmln

A

O'~

O"w

h~ ?a

I

H

[h~?a] 's/he ate' The derivation of a form with a vocaii~ ,..~,'~:.,,~ given in (28). (28) n-dzeg H

root entry ~-d~e~, be gummy')

n-dzeg-e

stem formation (-E sumxation)

H Wl

foot tem#ate

m Wml

I

jr

F

n-dzeg H

~s h is unclear to me whether epenthesis is distinct from the foot lem#ate formation process of the first step of this derivation. The template creates a syllable position; how roach segmental material comes along with it is a question that can be answered once a better understanding of constraints on feature representations is achieved.

K. Rice / Prosodic constituency in Hare

221

tone associatien and epenthesis t~

O"s

¢~=, \

he n-dzeg c H other rules [h[dzeg~] Tone placement in Hare is another foot domain rule, again su.~porting the m,ed for this constituent. 3.4. Phono!egica! ~"";A,,~,~,,~ . . . . . ~,',r~=¢he foot 3." Vowel pro~inence

A phonetic distinction in vowel prominence is found in Hare. In particular, the prestem vowel in ve~:bs is phonetically more prominent, having greater stress and fuller vowel quality, than the stem vowel. This is illustrated in (29), where pr,~minence is ,.'ndica~ecl by italics, with the more prominent vowel marked: (29a) scts'~ 7at'~. yii~ l sg. to 3 go~s negative (29b) ts'ah dedel-i hat 3 is red-relativizer

's/he is not coming to me' verb stem: q'in ~go' 'the red hat' verb stem: -dgi 't~e red'

The difference in prominence between the prestem vowel and the stem is also found in :suffixed verbs, as in (30):

(30) h,/~olc h~'bag~:

k/jor

'it is flabby' (verb stem: -flol 'be flabby') 'it is light-weight" (verb stem" -bag "be ..=,...-..,,.~..,lioh~ ,,,~h~,~l 'it ~s ghort' (verb stem: -jot *be short')

The prestem syllable retains its prominence even if it is preceded by another syllable. This can be seen in the form in (31): (31)

16

[4edewaMa] 'you dual will go on land' ~e- 'dual' + de- 'inceptive' + w- 'co ajugation" + ah- "2pl. subject' + -fla 'sg, dual go by !and'

See section 3.8.2 for discussion of the position of the suffix vowel.

K. Rice Prosodic constituency in Hare

222

In (31), [wah], the prestem syllable, is the most prominent syllable in the word. Prominence distinctions thus are found within the familiar domain of the foot. The prominence of the left-hand vowel supports the hypothesis put forth in section 3.3 that the left branch of the verbal foot is strong as it is the left branch that is more prominent.

3.3. Phono!ogicai evidence for the foot 4: Vowel deletion A further rule found in the Hare verb that supports the existence of a foot that is left-strong is vowel deletion. The vowel of a verb stem may be lost when the stem is utterance-final, as in (32). Vowel assimilation is not shown. (32a) (32b) (32c) (328) (32e) (32I")

rfiw6h~ha rfigowizhe ?Edk,,ht4'g sh+kuzh,e rfits'edi rfireyiht'u

rfiw6hsh rfigowizh ?~.dk.ht~l sh~kuzh rfits'~d rfireyiht

stem stem stem stem stem stem

-sha -zhe -t,r~ -zhe -di -t'u

'I will go' "we will play' 'I write' 'they will eat' 'one helps' 'I hit (perfective)'

Even when the stem vowel is not lost, it is often quite low in prominence when it is utterance-hnal. While the vowel of a verb stem may delete, vowels of qualifying suffixes never delete, as shown in (33). The first form of e=ch pair is a su~xed verb. The second form shows that the suffix vowel must be present phonetically. The ~;;uffixis separated from the verb by a hyphen. Vowel assimilation is suppressed. (33~ bizhe gots'ide-i 3.into one talks-nominalizer *bizhe gots'ide (stem -d6 'talk') (33b) h[sha-sho 3 is b~g-augmentative *hisha-sh (stem -chfi 'be big') (33c) kff~ gffsha-n~. house area is b@comp!ementizer * k ~ gffsha°n (stem -c~fi 'be big') (33d) h~sele-zha it is small-diminutive *hi~scle-zh (stem -ts~l 'be small')

'radio'

fit is really big'

°the house that is big'

'it is very small'

K. Rice / Prosodic consti,;uency in Hare

223

The target vowel for deletion can be identified prosodical! 3 : it is the vewe! on the right branch of the foot. Suffix vowels fail to delete as they do not occur in a branching foot. Vowel Deletion can be expressed as in (34): (34) VowelDeletion I~Vm| n

I A, ~w] utterance ! F

V

1

¢ Note that in (34) I have not included the label 'verb stem' as an identifying feature of the vowel that undergoes deletion. While it would be possible to state this rule without access to the foot (i.e. a verb stem vowel deletes at utterance-edge), this formulation is marked, as access to information such as verb s~em ~s generally considered to be unavailable at the utterance level (see, for instance, Selkirk (1986), Nespor and Vogel (1986), Kaisse (1985)). The proro~ed ~malysis allows the identitication of the stem vowel in a prosodic way: the vowel that deletes is the weak vowel of a foot at utterance edge. The loss or reduction of a vowel in a metrically weak position is not surprising, befllg a common phenomenon, while the deletion of a vowel of a verb stem hag no functional explanation. The loss or reduclion of a metrically weak vowel lends support to the treatment of vowel deletion in Hare as a prosodically-based process.

3.6. Phonological evidence for the foot 5: Beyond Hare Several arguments have been given for the existence of a foot in the Hare verb. First, it forms a morphological template for the minimal verb. Second it serves as the domain for a variety of phonological processes, some of which also give evidence for prominence relattons Phonological evidence is not restricted to Hare; similar arguments can be evinced from other Athapaskan languages. I will briefly examine some of this evidence here. In 8earlake and other Slave dialects, a prestem syllable is required in the verb, suggesting a prosodic template. Phonological evidence from 8earlake

224

K. Rice / Prosodic eonslituency in Hare

also suggests the need for the foot. Tenseness assimilation is found in Bearlake in an identical environment to Hare. Parallel prominence distinc~iO~'lS o c c u r IN ,~,,.,.,,.~,,,,, however, the stem vowel is more intense than the • a°,-,,v,~, prestem vowel. Stem vowel deletion and the dramatic tone shift effect found in Hare verbs are not present in Bearlake. This is to be expected given that prominence facts in Bearlake suggest that the foot has a strong right branch rather than a strong left branch. Navajo also provides both morphological and phonological evidence for a foot. First, a pre-verb stem syllable is required. Second, Haile (1941) describes the pronunciation of the prefix vowel [i] before a velar consonant in a way that suggests that it takes the foot as its domain. Haile points out that 'the primary vowel timbre o oossessive pronouns is low i for ~i-, hi-, bi-, nixi-' {p. 36). According tc~ H,.,,e 'the vowel of the first, .gecond, and third with gutturals g, gh, k, k' when these are followed by the a- or o- vowels' (pp. 36-37). Thus both, si-ghwos and so-ghwos (the [o] indicates this dulling) and both ~iga:n and ~aga:n (the [a] indicates dulling) are found, x7 Hai~e points out that bore nouv,s and verbs pattern the same way with respect to dulling. There are conditions on dulling: the vowel must be short, the syllable cannot be closed or have a marked tone. However, the details are likely not relevant; what is important is that dulling is found only when the vowel directly precedes the stem vowel, or in the foot.

3.7. Summary Pho~o!ogica] evidence from Athapaskan languages lends strong support to the claim that the structures required for the morphology and the phonology are not isomorphic. The prestem-stem is prosodically a well-defined unit, but is not well-defined morphosyntactically. Phonological rules take as their domain the prosodic rather than tk~ morphosyntactic structure.

3.& Phonologicalevidencefor the foot: Other categories So far i have confined my discussion largely to the verb, arguing that the verb has a minimal prosodic template of a branching foot, which also serves as the domain for a number of phonological processes In this section I turn my attention to the other major categories in Hare, noun and postposition. In 1, The s-g alternations in the first person singular morpheme (si- or gi-) is a result of sibilant harmony, with the alveopalatal being underlying in this case.

K. Rice / Prosodic constituency in Hare

225

these categories too there is phonological and morphological evidence for the foot. While this evidence is of a similar nature to that seen so far, the actual surface manifestations of this prosodic structure in nouns and pcstt~sitions is strikingly different from that in verbs.

3.8.1. Preliminaries Some examples of noun and postposition stems are given in (35). Noun stems (35a) do not require a branching template: they generally are a single syllable both morphologically and prosodically. While bare postpositions do not require a branching template, postpositions are normally preceded by an ot,~,.,,, ~ither nominal or pronominal, as indicated by the hyphen (35b). | as:~urne that with nouns and postpositions the minimal word template is met by a single syllable; these categories are thus distinguished from verbs where Jle minimal word template obligatorily branches. • .,.~,,,~, L ~

(35a) Nouns beh ?ah tu bfi t~h (35b) -ts'/~ -k'eh -dagc

'knife ~ 'snowshoe' 'water' 'mitts" 'mat' 'to' 'on' 'above, over"

Historically at least, all roots consisted minimally of a heavy syllable. Only tense vowel roots could be w:~wei-final; all reduced vowels occurred in closed syllables. While such an analysis remains synchronically possible in Hare, the general loss of word-final consonants makes it somewhat less obvious (see Rice (1989a)). This, h,owever, is not the focus here.

3.8.2. Phonological evidence for the foot 6: Tenseness assimilation again As in the verb, the process of vowel assimilation applies between the stem and the prestem syllable in possessed nouns (36), i~ postpositions (37), and in compounds (38). Tenseness assimilation is illustrated in these forms. The trigger vowel is italicized and the target vowel is in phonetic brackets.

226

K. Rice Prosodic constituency in iiare

(36) Nouns (a) s[e]fi st.- ' i

sg. possessor" +

(b) st- ' lsg. possessor' +

(c) s~- ' Isg. possessor' + (d) s[t]k'oh se- ' I sg. possessor' + (e) s[e]th st- ' I sg. possessor' + s¢- ' I sg. possessor' + /'1"71 ~.,..r t )

'my head' fi 'head' 'my jacket, clothing" 7e 'clothing' + -' 'possessive agreement' "my daughter' tfi "daughter' -/; 'possessive agreement' 'my neck' k'oh 'neck' 'my father' tfi 'father' 'my flesh' f~ 'flesh'

D~,,,n.~o;,;~o z uJ~pu',Jl~ttllCO

(a) b[e]zhiga 'inside of it' be- '3 object' + zhig 'inside' + -a suffix (b) b[e]te '~cross it' be- '3 object' + te 'across' (c) s[e]zhu 'under me' st- ' 1sg. object' + zhu 'under' + -~ suffix (d) s[~]26nk, 'beyond me' s~- ' ! sg. object' + 76n 'away' + 4: suffix (e) s[t]gh6 'near me, with me' se- 'lsg. object' + gha 'near, with' (f) s[ ]h h 'with me' ~z- ' 1sg. object' + h~h 'with' (38) Compounds (a) t~h (b) t[e]hluni tth 'water' (c) t[e]hni t~h 'water' (d) t[~]hzh t£h 'water' (e) @]hWo t~h 'water'

+ + + +

'river bed' 18 'water monster, large water animal' lu stem + ni 'relativizer' 'water moss' n[ 'species of moss' 'polar bear' sa 'bear' + • 'possessive agreement' 'water grass" Wo 'grass'

13 This morpheme does not actually occur in isolation in Hare; however, it does in closely related Slave dialects,

K. Rice / Prosodic constituency in Hare

227

(f) t[c]hfclc 'open spot in water in winter' tEh 'water' + f~i 'anus' + -~: suffix Assimilation operates in these structures as in the verb, applying between a stem and prestem syllable, disregarding any suffixes (see section 2). It is not iterative, as can be seen in (39). In these forms, the stem and the prestem syllable form the domain for vowel assimilation while a morpheme that appears outside of this domain fails to assimilate to a following tense vowel. The form on the first line of each data set shows a stem with a prestem syllable, either a noun (39a) or an inflectional prefix (39b). This unit forms the domain of assimilation. The noniterative nature of vowel assimilation can be seen by examining the form on the final line of each data set, where tenseness assimilation is shown to be unacceptable between t'he prestem and the pre-prestem syllable. (39a) tehni. 'water moss' (stem nin) tsh 'river bed' + n[ 'moss' s[e]tehnin~ 'my water moss' *s[e]tehmng (39b) ?~t'~ 'flower, plant' (stem t'6n) ?~.- 'unspecified possessor' + t'ff 'flower, plant' s[c]?~.t'~ 'my flower, plant' *s[e]?~t'~ The phonology of possessed nouns, postpositions, and compounds suggests that they require an analysis similar to that given for the verb. The possessed noun, postposition, and compound all consist of a bra ,ching foot, as in (40): (40) Fo o (i.e. minimal word) The lack of iterativity of assimilation, as shown in (39), suggests that if a possessive prefix is added to a structure that already satisfies the minimal word, the additional morphological material is not incorporated into this unit of structure as it is already prosodically full. I suggest that it adjoins directly to the word level. Thus, a word such as (39a) would have the prosodic structure in (41): 19 to Facts of vowe| prominence suggest that the possessors, the stemqbrmative -~ (section 3,3), and the possessive agreement marker (section 3.10) do not form feet on their own. The reasoning behind this claim can be ~een by contrasting the patterning of these morphemes with that of the

K. Rice / Prosodic comtiiuen¢y b~ Hare

..-.'~°

~:41) setehnin~ W

/l\

/wr.\

/#.) s~ t~h mn

3.63. Phonological evidence for the foot 7." Tone placement, vowel deletion. and vowel prominence iv, nouns, postposrtions, and compounds Possessed nouns, compounds, and postpositions do not share tone placemc~t properties with verbs, as ~n these categories iexical stem high tones appear on the stems themselves. This can be seen in the examples in (42) for possessed nouns and in (43) for postpositions. The stem vowel is enclosed in phonetic brackets; it is phonetically high toned. Verb forms, with low tones on ~he stem and high tones on the p r e s t e m sy!!ab!e0 are given where possible for comparison in (42). Vowel assimilation is suppressed.

(42) Nouns sr.f[i] 'my head' so- ' I sg. possessor ° + -fi 'head' cf. k'inak'oh~t~i] ~s/he turns head around' sahw[~] sah 'bear' + w~ 'skin'

~bearskin'

quaiiiying suffixes (sections 2 and 3.10). The vowels of the former set of morphemes are not pho~:~:fically prominent, while those of the latter set are. Additionally, the vowels of the former sol ,T~ay be weak or even absent; vowels in the latter set may not be. The qualifying sulfixes are simii,~ ~in phonological patterning to bare noun stems (i.e. the vowels are prominent and do not weaken or delete), and ! conclude that they, like bare noun stems, form a nonbranching foot. Based on the phonological propertie of the possessors, stem formative, and possessive agreement marker (lack of prominence, susceptibility to weakening and deletion), | assume that they cannot form a foot on their own, but rather adjoin to the word. These morphemes are clearly no~ part of the f~,~! as *.hey never participate in foot-based processes and, as discussed above, they are not a foot oa ~heir own as they do not have the properties required e r a non-branching foot. I have no ev:der~:e bearing on the question of whether these, morphemes attach to the minimal word ol to the word. | will assume that the minimal word is maximally binary, and that these mo~ ~hemes there~bre adjoin at the word level; all representations are constructed under t|ds assumption.

K. Rice / Prosodic constituency in Hare

229

bezh[fi] "its knot' be- '3 possessor' + zhfi 'knot' cf. ts'~d~zh[a] 'one unties' sej[i] 'my hook' s~- ' I sg. possessor' + ji 'hook' cf. h~hj[i] 'I hook' s~dz[6]g~ 'my gum' s~- ~lsg. possessor' + dz6g 'gum' + -~ 'possessive agreement" cf. h[dz[e]gc 'it is sticky, gummy' (43)

Postpositions $~ts'[~]

'to me'

st- 'lsg. object' + ts'~: 'to' ~_h[~_]h 'with m,=' s~- ' I sg. object' + h~=h 'with' Possessed nouns and pos~positions do not show the surface high tone shift effect found in verbs. In addition to failing to show any tone shift effect, nouns and postpos~fians are not affected by utterance-final vowel deletion. Some examples showing the failure of vowel deletion are given in (44), where the stem vowel is italicized. (44) gofihxp ragohxci f6zhe

*gofihx *ragohx *f6zh

'butterfly' 20 'eyebrows, eyelashes" ~canyoo (rock + in)'

Given the need for the foot in possessed nouns and pos~positions as well as in verbs based on a process like vowel assimilation, then. under the assumption that tone placement and vowel deletion apply generally (see section 3.5). we must conclude from their absence in these categories that the strong node of the foot is marked on the stem syllable rather than on the prestem syllable. This in turn predicts greater prominence on the stem vowel in these categories. This is exactly what is found, as shown in (45). zl Italics again indicate 20 The high tone on [fih] is lexically associated with this syllable: its placement there is thus underlying rather ~han derived. z~ it is interesting to speculate on why a shift in dominance relations occurred only in the verb. The verb in Hat,:, as in other Athapaskan languages, is sentence-final, and a sentence-final low ~',,cuts. It appears that this lone became lexicalized in Hare Since nouns and lone o=~e.~ _r. postpositions .~ldom are found in this position, the tone did not become lexicalized wilh them. See Rice (1987a) for some discussion.

°

K. Rice / Prosodk constituency in Hare

230

prominence. (45c, d) show nouns contrasting with related verb forms where the stern vowel is prominent in the noun and the premiere ~yllable in the related verb: (45a) s~:k'oh (45b) sets'~ (45c) ?ek'a cf. itk'a (45d) godih cf. gode

*m~ neck; 'from me' 'fat" 'it is fat' 'large game animals' ~s/he talks, speaks'

3.9. Morphological evidence for the foot 2." Voicing of continuants In Hnre

~nd

in rn~n~

~th~,.

A*h ....

b.~

I. . . . . . .

,k-..

iS a p r o c e s s

ol-c

voicing i~ continuants. Basically, continuants are voiceless when they are word-initial and voiced when they follow another syllable. The environments in which continuants are voiced are summarized in (46) through (49). The higa tone or [~] in the column labelled 'possessed' is a possessive agreement morpheme. Phonetics brackets enclose the continuants. T~:e hyphen in the ~possessed' column indicates that a possessor morpheme obligatorily precedes the stem. In a possessed noun the initial continuam of the stem is voiced:

(46) Nonpossessed [s]a [~]~h Is]6 [shl~ [sh]fi [x]ay [x]oh [x]oy

Possessed -[:~]~ -[z]~ o[z]61~: -[zhl~n~ -[zh]fi -[gh]fiy~ -[gh]6 -[gh]6y~

'month, sun' 'bear' 'stick with forked end' ~song' 'knot' *winter' ~thorn' 'snare'

possessed noun x

N

vd In a compound, the initial continuant of the second member of the compound is voiced:

K. Rite / Prosodic constituency in Hare

23|

(47) sah[gh]/~

'beartooth' sah 'bear' + [x]u 'tooth' +"possessive' fi[gh]a 'head hair' fi 'head' + [x]a 'hai~," tsnih[z]~l/: 'pot handle' tsnih 'pot' + [s]~l 'hook' + -~ 'possessive' N

/x, N

N vd

When a noun stern is preceded by a prefix, the initial continuant of the noun stem is voiced: (48) dah[z]~h 'hook' dah- 'above' + [s]~l 'hook' dah[z]o 'frost on trees' d'ah- 'above' + [s]o 'frost' N

/X prefix

N vd

The inititial consonant of a postposition is voiced w h e n i t is preceded by an obj~t:

(49) Object of postposition + postposition sc[gh]~ 'next to me' ss- first person singular s~[gh]q 'about me' ss[zh]fi~ 'under me' PP

A

x

P vd

K. Rice / Prosodic constituency in Hare

232

There are also cases where continuants fail to voice following another syllable. These environments are summarized in (50) through (52). A continuant that is the initial consonant of a compound fails to voice:

(50) [s]adz6

-[s]adz6 sa 'sun, month' + dze 'heart' cf. so, -zh 'sun, month'

'watch, cfock'

[s]ahw~ -[s]ahw~ sah 'bear' + w~ 'skin, hide' cf. sah,-zfi 'bear'

'bearskin'

[s]6h4'61~ -[s]6hWfil~ 'string holding forked stick' sbl 'forked stick' + t~t'61~ 'string, possess~;d form' cf. s6, °z61~ 'forked stick' [sh]ihdag• -[sh]ihdag~ shih 'mountain' +dag¢ 'above' cf. shih, -zhfi~ 'mountain'

'mountain ridge'

[x]ahfi -[x]ahfi ×ah 'goose' + fi 'head' cf. :oah, -gh~ ~goose'

'stovepipe elbow' z2

N x

N

/\ N vl

N vd

The initial continuant of a possessed deverbal noun f a i l ~o voice: (51)

~t

g

rshl~ ~, o r-%~ ~h~

[x]Ede

~

p

-[sh]~ts'ezhe -[x]ad6

°mear °wor d~s'

N x

V

/\ V vl

22

Nom

Note that [fJ does not function as a continuant in Hare. See Rice (1989a).

233

K. Rice / Prosodic constituency in Hare

The initial c~::~tinuant of an incorporated stem fails to voice" (52) k'ina[gh]sn~d~da 's/he walks around singing' k'ina-~around ' + shsns- 'sing' ~-d~- 'noise' + -da 'sg. walk' cL she~-zh~n~ 'song' In Rice (|98~a) I analyze these facts as follows. I s u ~ s t that the voicing in (46) through (49) is ~figgered by the presence of a morpheme [VOiCe] z3 that links elements in a branching noun or postpostion by associating to the initial conse,nant of the fighthand element. The morpheme has the insertion frame in {53): (53) ~nser~ [+ voice] in [ _ [ ] N, 1'] . .morpheme . . can . !ink ;" the x o ~ s in ~.,~,j This ~'~:~ ~hrougu (,~,), as shown in the schematic diagram in (54)" (54).

N

/N x

N,P | |

[ + voice] [+voice] fails to link Jn (50) through (52). In Rice (1988a) I argue that this is the result of the cyclic application of default rules. In such forms, the default value [-voice] is filled in by the time the higher cycle is reached, al~d [+ voice] is unable to link. This is illustrated in the dcfivatio;~ in (55), wb¢,,Je '~' abbreviates [voice]. At the first stage, [+voice] is inserted on the N! cycle. Following this, [-voice] is filled in on NI. On the N2 c~cle, the in[~i,~,d confinuant in N 1 is specified for a value of [voice], and [ + voice] cannot link: (55)

N2

imert [+ v] (NI) Ni

x

N

N2 x

N

default (NI) NI

N

N

!

+v 23 This morpheme is identified as [spread glottis] in Rice (1988a)J See Rice (1989b) i~.~,~ arguments against this analysis.

234

K. Rice / Prosodic constiluen 0' in Hare

N2 ×

insert [ + v] (N2) N1

N

N2 x

N

I

I

-v

+v

NI N

+v

N

!

I

--v

+v

I would like to suggest an alternative analysis, one in which affi×ation has a prosodic base. To illustrate this analysis, consider the structures in (56), the environment in which the continuant is voiced. Both the morphosyntactic and the prosodic structure are included: (56) Possessed noun, postposition, and compound structure N

x

N,P

'x/ F

I

Wm~n The realization of the morpheme [voice] can be accounted for morphosyntactiealty (it is inserted in the frame in (53)) or prosodically (it is inserted on the right branch of a branching foot). The morphosyntactic and prosodic structures of environments in which the continuant~ fail to voice are given in (57). The particular structure illustrated in (57) is that of a possessed compound:

K. Rice / Prosodic constituency in Hare

(57)

235

N

/N x N /N N vl

N vd

m|n

W Again, either a morphosyntactic analysis or a prosodic analysis is possible. Under the morphosyntactic analysis, the cyclic application of the default rule inserting [ - voice] blocks the association of [ + voice] in the relevant environment (see (55)). Under the prosodic analysis, the morpheme fails to be inserted because its structurai description is not met when the two syllabics do not fall within the same foot. In both analyses, bare nouns and postpositions, which do not branch either morphosyntactically or prosodicaUy, do not provide the environment for the insertion of [voice]. The distribution of [voice] thus can be characterized morphosyntactically, as in (53), or prosodically. The prosodic insertion frame is summarized in (58). Note that a morphosyntactic frame is also necessary, as the morpheme is inserted only when a noun or postposition is on the right branch. (58) Insert [Voice] in (a)

(b)

-~] N. P Wm|n

Foot

A, t

Voice Some sample derivations using the prosodic analysis arc gwen ia (59). (59a) shows a nonpossessed noun and (59b) the possessed'counterpart. (Note that the addition of the possessive suffix and the voice morpheme are not crucially ordered.)

235

(59) (a)

K. Rice / Prosodic constituency in Hare

Xay

lexicai entry (xay 'winter')

(b) Xay

prosodic structure

W

W

0

I

Wm|n

Wmin

I

I !

F

xay

xay

F

I word formation (possessive prefix)

W

0

Wmin

I

F

s~

xay W

word formation (possessive agreement suffix)

;\ ,

s~:

N

xay W

g word formation (addition of morpheme [voice])

Ik

Wmin

s~

xay [

[

[voice] Several sources of evidence suggest that t.he prosodic analysis is superior to

K. Rice / Prosodic constituency in Hare

237

the morphosyntactic analysis. This evidence is discussed in detail in R i ~ (1990b); here I present the most critical empirical test between the two hypotheses. Bisyllabic roots lend support to the prosodic analysis of the distribution of [voice] over the morphosyntactic analysis. A few continuant-initiai twovT!lable roots are found in Hare. When these forms are possessed, the initial continuant fails to voice and the vowel of the possessor fails to undergo vowel assimilation, as shown in (60): (60a) Stems sfihga xeni

's"gar" 'raft'

(6Oh) Possessedforms (no continuant voicing, no vowel assimilation) s~sfihgb. ~rny sugar' s~xeni 'my raft' The prosodic analysis offers an account of these facts. Since these lexical items are two syllables, uillike the lexica! items examined so far, they themselves are assigned a foot, and constitute a minimal word (see (61a)). When these words are possessed, as in (61b), the foot is already filled, so the possessive prefix appears outside the foot. The prosodic analysis predicts that the initial continuant of such stems will fail to voice since the possessor and the noun are not within the same foot and thus the structural description for the insertion o c [voice] is not met. It also predicts that the vowel cf the possessive prefix will fail to assimilate to the stem vowel, again since these two syllables are not within a single foot. As (60) shows, these are exactly the results. If these words have the prosodic structure in (61), exactly these properties are predicted. (61) (a)

W

W

(b)

J Wmin

I

F O

sfih

ga

s~ sfih

ga

If, on the other hand, the morpheme [voice] takes the morphosyntactic

K. Rice / Pro:iodic constituency in Hare

238

structure as its base, these properties are mysterious. The morphosyntactic structure is shown in (62). N

(62) x

N sfihga

The noun is on a right branch, and the structural description for the insertion of [voice] (53) is met if the morphosyntactic analysis is adopted, wrongly predicting that the stem-initial continuant should voice. No particular prediction is made about the operation of vowel assimilation or the other phonological rules. This analysis is thus empirically inadequa'te and must be rejected in favour of the prosodic solution. The placement of [voice] thus provides confirming morphological evidence for the foot it: Hare as its distribution is defined with respect to this domain, and cannot be, de~ned appropriately with respect to the morphosyntactic domain.

3.10. Morphological evidence for the foot 3: The possessive agreement su~x An additional morpaosyntactic argument for a prosodic base for affixation is evidenced by a word formation process that adds a possessive agreement suffix to a noun. This word formation process can be seen as adding an affix to a branching foot, creating the effect of infixafion when both a qualifying suffix and the possessive agreement suffix are present. To begin, there are qualifying suffixes that can be added to nouns. These were il!ustrated in section 2; some are repeated in (63). (63) zha sho zhon~

~diminutive' ~augmentative' 'old'

The possessive agreement marker (/-g/or high tone) indicates that a noun occurs in a branching construction, with the actual possessor marked by the person/number prefixes illustrated in many of the examples given so far. 24 The possessive agreement suffix is found in both possessive constructions (64a) and compounds (64b). • 4 The possessor can also be indicated by a noun. This introduces additional complications into the analysis which are beyond the scope of the present paper.

K. Rice / Prosodic constituency in Hare

(64a) tu ts'ah ?ah (64b) ?ah

'water' 'hat' "snowshoe" 'snowshoe'

239

-tfi~ 'water, possessed' -ts'fir~ 'hat, possessed' -?fi 'snowshoe, possessed' ?ahWfil~ 'babiche' (?ah 'snowshoe" + Wul 'rope' + -~ possessive agreement)

Phonetically the suffix may either be [~] or a high tone on the stem vowel. The phonology is discussed in detail in Rice (1989a). When both a qualifying suffix and the possessive agreement suffix are present, the former is found linearly outside the latter. This is illustrated in (65). (65)

Nonpossessed

Possessed

(a) ?ahsho -?fisho 'hunter's snowshoes' ?ah 'snowshoe' + sho 'augmentative' 7ah 'snowshoe' + ' "possessive zgreement' + sho 'augmentative' -tfikzha 'small lake, pond' (b) tuzha tu 'water' + -~ 'possessive tu 'water' ~ zha 'diminutive' agreement' + zha 'diminutive' -t61ksho 'large mat" (c) t6hsho t61 'mat' + -~ 'possessive agreement' t61 'mat' + sho 'augmentative' + sho 'augmentative' The possessive agreement morpheme is either a high tone on the stem vowel or the vowel [~] directly following the stem; the diminutive and augmentative morphemes occur linearly to the right of this morpheme. In the morphology literature, the question of the ordering of derivation and inflection has been a topic of continuing debate. Many argue that inflectional affixation must follow all defivational affixation (e.g. Anderson (1982, 1988), Williams (1981), DiSciullo and Williams (1987), Speas (1987, forthcoming)). The HEre facts are problematic for this claim as the possessive agreement marker is inflectional, being relevant to the syntax, and the qualifying suffixes are derivationai. (See Rice (1987b) for discussion.) However, the inflectional possessive agreement suffix appears linearly inside the derivational morphemes, creating an unexpected ordering if linear ordering and derivationai ordering are identical. I now turn to an analysis of the suffixation frame of the possessive agreement marker that allows this morpheme to be added last, as expected of inflection, but at the same time be located at the appropriate site inside the

240

K. Rice / Prosodic constituen 0, in Hare

derivational suffixes. If a prosodic insertion frame that "efers to the foot is allowed, tken the distribution of this morpheme is accounted for and the apparent ordering problem of inflection inside of derivation is obviated. Recall that in the possessive construction the stem forms the right branch of the foot and the possessor the left branch. This foot is precisely the constituent that the inflectional suffix takes as its base, as illustrated by the insertion frame in (66). See note 19 for discussion of the position of attachment of the possessive agreement marker. (66)

W

I\

W, nin \

The frame in (66) defines the prosodic environment in which the possessive agreement marker is found: it attaches to a bisyllabic foot, the minimal word. The suffix requires a morphological subcategorization frame as well as it attaches only to nouns. The entire subcategorization frame for this agreement marker (shown as/~/) is given in (67): (67) Insert-g in:

(a)

---]N

(b)

W

i\

Wmln

Now censider the structure of a word with a derivational suffix. The defvadonal suffix is added first, followiag the dictum that derivational processes precede inflectional processes. 2s I assume that the qualifying suffix 2s One might think that the possessive agreement marker could attach to a bisyllabic derivational suffix, appearing at the right edge of this suffix. However, no derivationa'~ suffixes have bisyl!abic feet. These suffixes are usually monosyllabic. Those that are bisyllabic consist themselves of a monosyllabic root followed by the suffix ~, and thus constitute a monosyllabic foot.

K. Rice / Prosodic constituency in Hare

241

is itself a nonbranching foot that is added to the prosodic word. (See note 19 for some discussmn.) Defivational suffi×ation thus yields the structure in (68):

(68) W

F

F

I

I

tu

sho

This structure can serve as input to the possessive formation rule, which creates a branching minima~ word: (69)

W

F

F

tu

sho

At this point, the structural description for the insertion of the possessive agreement marker is met. This morpheme attaches to the word following the minimal word, as in (70) `26

(70)

W

ta

~ sho

'~ It is worth noting that a nonprosodie infixatior~ analysis for the possessive agreement marker is not possible because neither material that precede~ the stem nor derivationaD suffixes are welldefined in terms of CV frames, number of syllables, or the like.

242

K. Rice / Prosodic constituem T in Hare

Given this analysis, the ordering paradox disappears: while the posseasive agreement suffix is linearly inside the derivational suffix, giving the effect of infixation, this is a surface effect only. The inflectional suffix is in fact added last, allowing it to fulfill its morphosyntactic functions. When word formation is prosodically based, there is no particular reason to expect that phonological ordering will be an exact mirror of morphosyntactic ordering, and asymmetries such as those found in Hare are not unexpected.

4. Summary I have investigated the minimal word in Hare, arguing that a prosodic unit of foot, where the foot forms the minimai word~ plays an important role in the phonology and morphology of Hare. The minimal word is obligatorily branching in the verb and in possessed nouns, compound nouns, and postpositional phrases, while nouns and bare postpositions can consist of a nonbranching minimal word. This analysis is supported in scvera~ ways. First, it allows an account of the lack of isomorphism between morphosyntactic and phonological domains. Second, it provides the environment for a range of phonological rules. Third, it allows for the statement of word formation processes. Fourth, it accounts for discrepancies between morphological ordering and phonological ordering of affixes. The analysis presented here lends support to many claims made in the phonology literature. The claim that phonological processes apply in prosodically defined domains has been argued by Seikirk (1984), Szpyra (1989), Nespor and Vogel (1986), Hayes (1989), Inkelas (1989), and others. The facts of tone placement in Hare are consistent with facts in many other languages where tones and metrical structure also interact (see references in section 3.3). The need for word templates is well-supported in the literature; see Archahgeli (1984), Poser (1984), McCarthy and Prince (1986, 1990), It6 (1989), and others. Finally, that prosodic domains can serve as the base for affixation, and can sometimes yield the effect of infixation, has been argued by Broselow and McCarthy (1983), McCarthy and Prince (1986, 1990), Inkelas (1989), and others. ! have offered a view of the structure of the Athapaskan word that is substantially different from that offered elsewhere in the literature. I have argued that the word in Hare and other Athapaskan languages requires not ' 1 only a morphosyntactic structure but also a prosodic structure. | have aea,t largely with the, minimal word, or words consisting of a stem and prestem

K. Rice / Prosodic constiluency in Hare

243

syllable only. In order to achieve a complete picture of Athapaskan word structure, it is necessary to go beyond the minimal word and examine verbs with more prefix structure and nouns of greater complexity. The obvious path to take in investigating the verb is to examine the structure, both morphosyntactic and prosodic, of the verb as a whole. (See Rice (1990a) for a beginning.) In order t,s :thieve a better understanding of nouns and postpositions in Hare, it is necessary to examine structures with nominal possessors and objects of postpositions. In Hare the possessor and object in these structures are in a sense incorporated into the noun or postposition; however, their phonological properties are not identical to those of pronominal possessors and objects. Such constructions suggest that the structure required is more complex than discussed in this paper. Nevertheless, I would like to suggest that a structure in addition to the morphosyntactic structure is required and that an understanding of this structure, the prosodic structure, will provide fresh insig~ht into the basic operation of Athapaskan languages and will ultimately yield an understanding of Athapaskan languages that make ~_ them look less bizarre and more like better understood languages.

References Anderson, S.R., 1982. Where's morphology? Linguistic Inquiry 13, 571-612. Anderson, S.R., 1988. Morphological theory. In: F.J. Newmeyer (ed.), Linguistics: The Cambridge series. Vol. I. Linguistic theory: Foundations, 146-191. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Archangeli, D., 1984. Underspecification in Yawelmani phonology and morphology. Ph.D. dissertation, MIT. Beckman, M. and J. Pierrehumbert, 1988. Japanese tone structure. Linguistic Inquiry Monograph 15. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Broseiow, E. and J. McCarthy, 1983. A theory of internal reduplication. The Linguistic Review 3, 25-88. Cohn, A., 1989. Stress in Indonesian and bracketing paradoxes. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 7, 167-216. Cook, E.-D., 1984. Sarcee grammar. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press. DiSciullo, A.-M. and E. Williams, 1987. On the definition of word. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Goldsmith, J., 1987a. Tone and accenL and getting the two together. Proceedings of the 13th Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society. Goldsmith, J., 1987b. The rise of rhythmic structure in Bantu. In: W. Dressier, H. Lusch~tTky, O. Pfeiffer, J. Rennison (eds.), Phonologica 1984, 65-78. London: Cambridge University Press. Golla, V., 1970. Hupa grammar. Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Berkeley. Haile, B., 1941, Learning Navaho. Volume I and 2. St. Michael's, AZ: St. Michael's Press. [Reprinted 1971]

244

K. Rice / Prosodic constituency in liare

Hargus, S., 1986. Phonological evidence for prefixation in Navaho verbal morphology. In: Proceedings of the West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics 5, 53-67. Stanford, CA: Stanford Linguistic Association. Hargus, S., 1988. The iexical phonology of Sckani. New York: Garland Publishing. (1985 Ph.D. dissertation, UCLA). Hayes, B., 1989. The prosodic hierarchy in meter. In: P. Kiparsky, G. Youmans (eds.), Phonetics and phonology: Rhythm and meter, 201-260. Orlando, FL: Academic Press. Holier, H., 1966. Hare phonology: An historical study. Language 42, 499-507. Hyman, L., 1987. Prosodic domains in Kukuya. Natural Language and Linguistic Th.~ry 5, 31 i-334. Inkelas, S., 1989. Prosodic constituency in the lexicon. Ph.D. dissertation, Stanford University. lnkelas, S. and D. Zec, 1988. Serbo-Croatian pitch accent: The interaction of tone, stress, and intonation. Language 64, 227-248. It6, J., 1986. Syllable theory in prosodic phonology. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Massachusetts, Amherst. It6, J., 1989. A prosodic theory of epenihesiz. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 7, 217259. Kaisse, E., 1985. Connected speech: The interaction of syntax and phonology. Orlando, FL: Academic Press. Karl J., 1975. The disjunct boundary in the Navajo and Tanaina verb prefix complexes. Inter~ationa~ ,Iou~hal of American Linguistics 4i, 330-345. Karl, 2, 1979. Athabaskan verb theme categories: Ahtna. Alaska Native Language Center Research Papers No. 2. Fairbanks: Alaska Native Language Center. Karl, L, 1989. Alex positions and zones in the Athapaskan verb complex: Ahtna and Navajo. International Journal of American Linguistics 55, 424--454. Kari, J., 1990. Ahtna d~cfionary. Fairbanks: Alaska Native Language Center. Krauss, M., 1978. Athabaskan tone. Typescript, Alaska Native Language Center, Uni,¢ersity of Alaska. Leer, .L, 1979. Proto-Athabaskan verb stern variation. Part l: Phonology. Alaska Native Language Center Research Papers No. l. Fairbanks: Alaska Native Language Center. Li, F.-K., 1946. Chipewyan. In: C. Osgood (ed.), Linguistic structures of native America, 393423. New York: Viking Fund Publications in Anthropology 6. McCarthy, J. and A. Prince, 1986. Prosodic morphology. Manuscript, Uni,/ersity of Massachusetts, Amherst and Brandeis University. McCarthy, J. and A. Prince, 1990. Foot and word in prosodic morphology: The Arabic broken plural. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory g, 209-284. Nespor, M and i. Vogel, 1986. Prosodic morphology. Dordrecht: Foils. Peterson, K., 1987. Accent in the Chichewa verb. In: A. Bosch, B. Need, E. Schiller (eds.), 23rd Annual Regional Meeting of the Chicago Linguistics Society. Part Two: Parasession on autosegmental and metrical phonology, 2!0-222. Chicago, IL: Chicago Linguistics Sociely. Poser, W., 1984. The phonetics and phonology of tone and intonation in Japanese. Ph.D. dissertation, MIT. Pulleyblank, D., 1986. Tone in le×ical phonology. Dordrecht: Reidel. Randoja, T., 1989. The phonology and morphology of Halfway River Beaver. Ph. D. dissertation, University of Ottawa. Rice, K., 1983. Epenthesis in the Athapaskan languages and the linking of levels. Paper presented at the annuaJ meeting of the Canadian Linguistic Association.

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