Pseudo-Turpin, the crisis of the aristocracy and the beginnings of vernacular historiography in France

Pseudo- Tw-in, the crisis of the aristocracy and the beginnings of vernacular historiography in France Gabrielle

M. Spiegel

in the social and political conditions of noble life experienced at that moment. The substitution ofprose for verse, and of history for legend, would seem to be the product of an ideological initiative on the part of the French aristocracy, whose social dominance in French society was being contested by the rise of royal power during the very period which witnessed the birth of vernacular prose historiography. By appropriatiizg the inherent authority of Latin texts and by adapting prose for the historicication of aristocratic literary language, vernacular prose history emerges as a literature of fact, integrating on a literary level the historical experience and expressive language proper to the aristocracy. No longer the expression of a shared, collective image of the community’s social past, vernacular prose history becomes instead a partisan record intended to serve the interests of a particular

The opening decades of the thirteenth century witnessed the birth of historical writing in Old French prose, marking a decisive evolution in the historical tastes of the lay aristocracy, whose interest in the past had until then been satisJied by chanted uerse histories and chansons de geste. The earliest products of the movement toward vernacular prose historiography were the first translations of the Pseudo-Turpin chronicle, of which no fewer than six independent versions were made within the confines of the French realm between 1200 and 1230. The translation of Pseudo-Turpin, and with it the creation of vernacular prose historiography, was the work of a small group of Franco-Flemish lords circulating in the orbit of the count of Flanders. This extreme chronological and geographical concentration suggests that vernacular histoin parriography in general, and Pseudo-Turpin ticular, addressed itself with special urgency to the needs of the French aristocracy at a moment of crisis and that historiographical innovation was, at least in part, a response to changes taking place

social group and inscribes, in

the very nature of its linguistic code, a partisan and ideologically motivated assertion of the aristocracy’s place and prestige in medieval society.

The writing of history enables complex societies to acquire knowledge of themselves. Primitive societies, whose rhythm of life is governed by custom and explained by the endless repetition of myth, have little use for history (Aries 1954:91). Since life changes very little, there is no compelling need to enlarge

the realm

of custom

or myth to

account for new facts of social and political experience. The customary ways of thought and practice are sufficient to inform society about its past, since there is a presumptive identity between things as they are and things as they were. History is useful, however, in complex and changing societies, for the present can be explained by comparison with the past.

Journal of Medieval History 12 (1986) 207-223. North-Holland 0304-4181/86/$3.50 0 1986 Elsevier Science Publishers B.V. (North-Holland)

207

The

past

supplies

the

standard

against

which the present can be evaluated; it is the repository of tradition understood as the way ‘things used to be’. To some it may offer a standard

of the way things ‘ought to

and measure

incompatible

with the histo-

rian’s pursuit of truth, laymen increasingly sought to satisfy their curiosity about the past in new ways. About 1200, a new, popular demand for historical works accessible

be’, but in either case history determines the extent of social continuity and, implicit-

to those untutored in Latin began to make itself felt. Little by little, vernacular prose,

ly, social discontinuity

until then confined to translations biblical, or homiletic texts became

or change.

It there-

fore offers to a society an important dimension of knowledge about itself which can hardly be acquired

any other way. Further,

ferred form 1890:82-106;

of legal, the pre-

of vernacular history (Meyer Sayers 1966; Woledge and

by committing that knowledge to a stable, that is written, form, a society is able to view itself objectively, to project an image

Clive 1964; Jodogne 1963:296-308; 1945; Tyson 1979:180-222; 1947:327-44-O).

to which it can refer .other kinds of knowl-

The earliest products of the movement toward vernacular prose.historiography were

edge about its basic character and modes of operation gathered from other sources of knowledge< As an activity, the writing of history, or historiography,

represents

an im-

portant aspect of society’s search for self. It follows then that major shifts in the historical writings of a social group can provide us with points of access to its underlying image of itself - its ‘ideology’, broadly construed - and to those parts of its experience which it perceives as problematic. This paper seeks to explore one such shift which took place in medieval France, namely the creation of a prose historiography in the vernacular by the French-speaking aristocracy of the thirteenth century. Until the beginning of the thirteenth century, lay taste for history had been satisfied by rhymed chronicles or epic chansons de geste, chanted

history

with a large component

of legend and fiction. But an expanding body of literate laymen, prepared to engage in what Malcolm Parkes has called the ‘literacy of recreation’ (Parkes 1973:555), nurtured an apparent suspicion of poetized history. Finding the poet’s search for rhyme

208

Chaytor Walpole

the first translations of the Pseudo-Turpin chronicle, that audacious clerical rewriting of the largely legendary account of Charlemagne’s expedition to Spain and the epic matter of Roncevaux, best known through the verses of the The song of Roland, in the service of ecclesiastical propaganda and piety (de Mandach 1961; Meredith-Jones 1936). Between 1200 and 1230 no fewer than six independent translations of the Pseudo-Turpin chronicle were made within the confines of the French realm, exclusive of an Anglo-Norman version by William of Briane which dates from the same period (Short 1973 and 1970:525-32; de Mandach 1970b:533-7). Strikingly, all these translations resulted from the patronage of the French-speaking Flemish aristocracy of northern France. The first was made by Nicolas of Senlis at the request of Yolande, countess of SaintPol, and her husband Hugh IV around the year 1200. Yolande was the sister of Count Baldwin VIII of Flanders (Baldwin V of Hainaut) who, sometime between 1180 and

Figure

.l. Map showing sites of Pseudo-Turpin

1189, had dispatched his clerks to Cluny, Tours, and Saint-Denis to search out and copy a text of the ‘true history’ of Charlemagne. This he did because, according to Nicolas of Semis: Li bons Baudoins li cuens de Chainau si ama molt Karlemaine ni ne veut onques croire chose que l’om

chronicles.

en chantast, ainz fit chercher totes les bones abeies de France e garder par totz les armaires por saver si l’om i trouveroit la veraie ystoire.’ This text - the fictive Pseudo-Turpin, doubtless recovered from the abbey of Saint-Denis Baldwin bequeathed to Yolande at his death in 1195, requesting

209

that she for amor de lui gardast le livre tant cum possession ele vivroit.’ It was in Yolande’s

Renaud and Michel claimed to have commandeered translations directly from a

when it came to serve as the Latin source for Nicolas’s translation. Although Nicolas’s original French version no longer

Latin text (found, naturally, in the library of Saint-Denis), Walpole has conclusively

survives, it was later associated with a corpus of local history known as the Chronique saintongeaise, through which it is preserved in three extant manuscripts (de Mandach 1970a; Bourdillon 1907; Auracher 1877; Meredith-Jones The

second

1938: 160-79) branch

.2

of the

vernacular

Pseudo-Turpin derives from a translation executed sometime before 1206 by the so-called “Master Johannes”, possibly the same ‘(Johannes” whose presence is recorded at the court of King John of England as the chaplain of Renaud of Dammartin, count of Boulogne.3 This “Johannes” authored the most popular version of the vernacular Pseudo-Turpin, for his text was copied and adapted several times within a few years of its appearance. Pierre de Beauvais transcribed it, also before 1206, joining to it his own translation of the Latin account of Charlemagne’s legendary journey to Jerusalem, the Descriptio qualiter Karolus Magni clavum et coronam a Constantinopoli transtulit (Berkey 1964-5; Paris 1892; Walpole 1953-4 and 195 1). Pierre’s Descriptio was in turn highly abbreviated and utilized as a prefatory chapter to Johannes’s Turpin by a second anonymous redactor, and it was in this combined form, as a Descriptio-Turpin, that Johannes’s text was to find favor at the courts of the Flemish aristocracy. In 1206, Count Renaud of Boulogne sponsored a transcription of the Johannes Turpin while in the same or following year another copy was made for Michel III, lord of Harnes and ‘justiciar’ of Flanders. Although both

210

demonstrated that they can only be credited with having sponsored independent copies of the second

redaction,

or composite

scriptio-Turpin (Walpole 1976:58). off-shoot of this redaction appears sion commissioned a lord of Ponthieu, remains today.4

by William

De-

Another in a ver-

of Cayeux,

of which only a fragment

A fifth translation

of the Pseudo-Turpin is found in a version stemming from Artois, from about 1218 (Wulff 1881). This translation was subsequently utilized by an anonymous Artesian minstrel in the employ of Robert VII of Btthune, whose fortunes he followed during the period when Robert served among the mercenary forces of King John of England in his wars against Philip Augustus. To the pen of this Anonymous of Btthune we owe two of the most important early histories in Old French prose, a Histoire des dues de Normandie et des rois d’ilngleterre and a companion Chronique des rois de France, the latter completed before 1223, in which the account of Pseudo-Turpin was for the iirst time inserted into the body of French history as an integral part of the Carolingian history of the French monarchy.5 The sixth and final translation of the Pseudo-Turpin which will concern us here was made in Hainaut in the decade between 1220 and 1230. It is the work of an anonymous translator who, in all likelihood, lived and worked in that same region bordering the counties of Hainaut, Flanders, and Artois which functioned as the center for the diffusion of the vernacular Pseudo-Turpin.’ The translation of Pseudo-Turpin, and with

it the creation

of vernacular

prose historiog-

raphy, seems thus to be the work of a small group of France-Flemish lords circulating in the orbit of the count of Flanders

in the

opening decades of the thirteenth century. This extreme chronological and geographical concentration historiography in particular,

suggests

that vernacular

in general, and Pseudo-Turpin addressed itself with special

urgency to the needs of the French aristocracy at a moment of crisis and that historiographical

innovation

was,

at least

in

part, a response to changes taking place in the social and political conditions of noble life experienced at that moment. Recent studies of the French aristocracy have indicated that the years from 1180 to 1220, a period roughly coterminous with the reign of Philip Augustus, were crucial ones in the definition

and transformation

of the

aristocracy in France (Duby 1977a and b). Threatened from below by the villein upstart who benefited from the increased prosperity of the twelfth century

to raise himself

to a position of economic equality with the knight; threatened from within by their own growing indebtedness which forced them to sell lands and homages; and threatened most of all from above by the rising power of the monarchy with its demand for support and obedience, the French aristocracy responded by closing its ranks, by constituting itself as an ordo, governed by common juridical rules, accepted manners, and a shared knightly culture (Duby 197713: 173). As Duby has shown, one of the signs of the aristocracy’s coalescence during this period is provided by the emergence of genealogical literature which gave voice to a growing sense of dynasticism centered on the veneration of ancestors, itself a product

of the rise of the agnatic itself

into a lignage (Duby

family organizing 1973b;

Genicot

1975). Genealogy was both cause and consequence of this development, for its appearance as a literary genre in the twelfth century helped to impose dynastic awareness on members of the lineage group. Genealogical literature exalted aristocratic families noble

through origins

the demonstration and

the

virtually

of their genetic

transmission of that nobility by blood and semen to succeeding generations (Spiegel 1975 and 1983). As genealogies were amplified in the course of the twelfth century, pushing out in every direction, filling in each sequence with more detail, adding names of younger sons, daughters, and ancestors not previously mentioned, the profile of the family tree became a skeleton of aristocratic society, revealing the multiple threads which crossed and recrossed, binding regional nobilities into ever more integrated congeries of family relationships. At the same time, such genealogies carefully elaborated principles of social exclusion and thus served to draw ever more firmly the lines which separated those with claims to nobility from all other manner of men. The appearance of genealogy as a literary genre, a phenomenon which in the county of Flanders can be traced to the end of the eleventh and beginning of the twelfth century, thus signals the aristocracy’s consciousness of itself and its illustrious past. And it was this emergent awareness of the ideological prestige to be garnered from the ancestral past which, I hope to show, played a part in the choice of Pseudo-Turpin as the initial historical subject matter of vernacular historiography. While the aristocracy throughout France

211

underwent response political

an ideological

in

to the mounting economic and difficulties it experienced during

the reign

of Philip

Augustus,

these difficulties attained There an abundant flourishing

textile

economic

in Flanders

crisis proportions. agriculture and

industry

the economic prosperity Ghent, Bruges, Douai, whose

transformation

had

enhanced

of cities such as Lille and Ypres,

dominance

increasingly

determined the political strategies of the count of Flanders and whose growing military

resources

in

men

and

money

threatened the aristocracy’s monopoly of even such customarily privileged realms as participation in warfare.7 The burgeoning wealth of the cities was not matched, however, in the fortunes-of the aristocracy. On the contrary, the late twelfth and thirteenth centuries witnessed the progressive impoverishment of Flemish lords, whose chronic lack of funds led them to sell their rights and movables to rich burghers and churches. Among the Flemish sponsors of Pseudo-Turpin translations, only the house of BCthune was a lender, not a borrower, in this period (Warlop 1975a; Dept 1928). Most serious of all, however, was the threat posed to the political independence by the centralizing of the aristocracy

the French

capital.

Only when the two ar-

mies faced each other across the Somme did the count yield to a peace treaty, at Boves in July

concluded

1185. It was to be the last

time the power of the count of Flanders was sufficient to counterbalance that of the king. In 1192 Philip Augustus

took possession

of

the county of Artois which had been carved out of Flemish lands as part of the dowry settled on his first wife, Isabelle of Hainaut, a possession which included suzerainty over the counties of Lens (in which the lordship of Harnes was situated), Guines, Saint-PO1 and Boulogne.

By 1197, practically

the en-

tire Flemish nobility, led by the new count, Baldwin IX, were in open rebellion against Philip Augustus over the Artois succession.8 According to the Anonymous of BCthune, whose Chronique des rais de France narrates the events of these years, only William, the advocate of Bithune, Saint-Omer remained

and the castellan of faithful to Philip (De-

lisle 1904:759): N’en ot gaires baron en cele marche de Flandres, fors Willaumes, 1’avoC de Bethune et Guillaume le chastelain de Saint Homer, qui malvais samblant ne li feissent.

The Anonymous’s own patron, Robert of BCthune, on the other hand, had joined the Flemish maining

coalition, sponsors

which included of Pseudo-Turpin

the re-

policies of Philip Augustus. In 1179, when Philip ascended the French throne, he was a child of fourteen, helpless to prevent the depredation of his lands by powerful vas-

tions known to us, that is, Renaud Boulogne, Hugh of Saint-Pol, Michel Harnes and William of Cayeux.

sals. Between 1181 and 1185, the count of Flanders, Philip of Alsace, relentlessly prosecuted his wife’s claim to the territories of Amiens, Vermandois, and Valois in a series of wars against the French monarch, advancing his frontiers to within sixty kilometers of Paris and threatening the security of

Peace was concluded in 1200. The death of Baldwin IX on the Fourth Crusade in 1205, the accession of the weak Philip of Namur in his place, acting as regent for his minor niece, Jeanne, and Jeanne’s eventual marriage to Ferrand of Portugal, all conspired to turn the tide in favor of the French

212

translaof of

king and to prepare

for his final triumph.

By 1214 Philip celebrated rebellious Flemish lords Bouvines.

When

victory over the at the battle of

the dust had settled

after

his disdain

for the base-born

men (un gras chevalier, un petit chevalier, and il de basse gensg) and administrative arrivistes among whom Philip Augustus regularly took council, nevertheless focused his narrative on the

Bouvines, two-thirds of the Flemish aristocprisons, including racy were in French Count Ferrand, Renaud of Boulogne, and

political

struggle

vassals,

a conflict

Robert

which medieval

of Btthune

(Hugh

of Saint-PO1 had

died) (Warlop 1975:265; Malo 1898). Only Michel of Harnes escaped the ruin visited upon his countrymen,

having passed over to

the French party in the years immediately preceding Bouvines. After Bouvines, reported the Anonymous of Bithune, “there was no one who dared

make

war against

the king”; his bail& en tel sewage mist tote la terre de Flandres . . . que tot cil ki en ooient parler s’en esmerveilloient cement il le pooient souffrir ne endurer (Delisle 1904:770). Eight hundred years later, Henri Pirenne concurred in this “after Bouvines,” he asserted, judgement: “the power of the French king became preponderant, so much so that at the end of the thirteenth century, the Low Countries seemed no more than an annex of the Capetian monarchy”

(Pirenne

Such were, in somewhat

1921:232). simplified

terms,

the varieties of social and political changes experienced by the Flemish aristocracy within the brief compass of a few decades. Although the long-range consequences of economic impoverishment and loss of social status were possibly the more significant, the political reversals and dramatic shift in the balance of power between monarchy and aristocracy struck contemporaries more Thus the Anonymous of forcefully. BCthune, the sole guide among the authors of Pseudo-Turpin translations to attitudes about contemporary events, while revealing

between

the king and his

involving

historiography

those res gestae as a literary

genre was, in any case, committed to chronicling. At first glance, however, the declining political fortunes of the Flemish aristocracy would appear unrelated to any motives which might have inspired the historiographical patronage of Pseudo-Turpin chronicles so copiously conducted in the courts of Flanders. What possible connection could there be between the fields of Flanders and the fantasies of Charlemagne’s exploits in the Spanish hills of Roncevaux, between the all too real sting of political defeat near at hand and the all too fictive glory of temporally and spatially distant chivalric combat in the past? Yet it remains a striking fact that every single patron of an early vernacular Turpin was involved, either centrally or peripherally, in the struggle against the French monarchy. Hugh of Saint-Pol, William of Cayeux, Renaud of Boulogne, and Robert of BCthune were the mainstay of the English (anti-Capetian) Even Michel of Harnes,

party in Flanders. a devoted partisan

of Philip Augustus at the battle of Bouvines, cannot be placed in the Capetian camp until 1208 at the earliest, while secure evidence of his alliance with Philip is not found until 12 12. lo He cannot be viewed as necessarily pro-royalist until anywhere from two to five years after his sponsorship of a Turpin text. To date, those who have studied the first

213

.phase of vernacular pressed Turpin

historiography

have ex-

puzzlement at the choice for translation. To

of PseudoJodogne

(1963:302), for example, the popularity of Turpin parait Arange, a sentiment recently echoed by Diana Tyson in her study of the patronage of French vernacular history writers

in the twelfth

turies

(1979:222

note

and thirteenth 1).

Paul

Ronald Walpole, William Sayers, Short, to be sure, have attributed awakening

French

patriotism,

cen-

Meyer, and Ian it to an

which settled

on Pseudo-Turpin because of its exaltation of the French monarchy in the guise of Charlemagne 1947:376-7;

(Meyer 1890: 103; Walpole 1966:133; Sayers Short 1969: 19). To these scholars, the vernacular Turpin constitutes a kind of proto-national chronicle, awkwardly anticipating senti-

ments of devotion to the national ruler only fully voiced later. But even the brief survey of France-Flemish relations undertaken here should make us suspicious of the validity of this interpretation. What, then, explains the ubiquity of Pseudo-Turpin as the originating text of prose historiography, and what special attraction did it hold for those Flemish lords who commissioned the translations? And, in the broadest sense of the question to which the Pseudo-Turpin translations are merely the first (and partial) response, what problematic aspects of aristocratic experience and/or ideology were being defined and expressed with the rise of the To answer vernacular prose chronicle? these questions, it is necessary to examine carefully the prologues to the translations, for they contain important clues which hisallow us to situate the Pseudo-Turpin tories within the sociopolitical context outlined above.

214

The

Turpin prologues

disclose

a surpris-

ing unanimity concerning the motives and goals which prompted their authors to undertake

the laborious

task of translation.

In

general, their claims can be summarized four programmatic statements present varying

degrees

in all the texts. First,

in to

a de-

sire to revive chivalric virtues deemed to be in decline; second, a belief in the exemplary value of Charlemagne and the moral profit to be gained from a knowledge of his crusading deeds; third, a less overtly stated, but nonetheless clear pride in Charlemagne as the distant progenitor

of the patron’s own lineage, for whom the Pseudo-Turpin chronicle functions as ancestral history; and, finally, the explicit adoption of prose as the proper language of history, with a corallary condemnation of epic and romance styles of historical writing. Taken together, these statements frame the terms of the revolution in historical expression represented by the rise of the vernacular prose chronicle. The first of the chronicle’s stated aims to revive chivalric

virtues - received

its most

powerful articulation in the prologue to Renaud of Boulogne’s Turpin, a work he commissioned, the prologue asserts, l1 because les bones vertuz sont au siecle auques defaillies et fes corages des grans seigneurs afoibliz, por ce que on ne voit mais si voulentiers comme on souloit les fais des preudomes et les anciennes histoires es queles on treuve comment on se doit avoir envers dieu et contenir au siecle honnorablement.

For,

the prologue

concludes,

vivre sans hon-

neur est mort et decroissement. Pseudo-Turpin is here offered as an antidote to chivalric decay, in the hopes that the perusal of its pages might work a salutary effect on the minds of an aristocratic public fully conscious of a crisis in its code of behavior and

in those values of honor and courage to which it lent support. Given the situation of the Flemish aristocracy in the early thirteenth

century,

facing invasion

from above

sessed special value for the moral edification of its audience

was shared

lators. Behind commendation

the chroniclers’ repeated reof their works as moral pre-

by all the trans-

and below of its age-old prerogative to wage war in a distinctive noble style, it is permis-

cepts one senses the need among the courtly classes for a more practical basis for moral

sible to credit this expression of crisis with status. rhetorical more merely than

decision-making than that afforded in contemporary theological or even romance literature. These chronicles are permeated with a moral conception of history whose

Throughout

the translation

from the origi-

nal Latin there occurs a pattern of interpolation regarding the privileged participation of the aristocracy in matters of government and war. From this perspective, Pseudo-Turpin as the initial of vernacular historiography

the choice of historical topic indicates a de-

primary function is seen as the encouragement of virtue and the disparagement of evil through an objective narration of examples drawn from the past. As Johannes put it: molt sont bien a oir les oevres et les bones estoires ou li bien fait et li bon essample sont qui ensaignent

sire to revive the moral and political conditions of an earlier age of aristocratic glory as a form of ethical reassurance to an in-

comment on se doit auoir en Deu et maintenir au siecle honorablement. I2 In the Pseudo-Turpin chronicle the principal

tended audience of aristocratic hearers and readers that they continue to occupy a vital place in the social order. The prologue’s implicit assumption of the power of history to provide such ethical stimulus is seen in the

exemplary

author’s corollary assumption that it was the neglect of the past, the inattention paid to the “deeds of preudomes and ancient histories”, which resulted in the loss of moral virtue and courage to begin with, a criticism levelled not only, one suspects, at the ethical comportment of contemporary society and its presumed non-compliance with chivalric codes of behavior, but also at the relative neglect of history itself, due to the rise of romance genres in the second half of the The vogue of romance twelfth century. genres had diverted aristocratic literary preferences away from the public recitation of precisely those epic chansons de geste of which the prologue complains. The author’s conviction that history pos-

matter

of history

derives

from

the crusading exploits of Charlemagne in Spain, the verite’d’Espaigne as the translators again, call it. Here the personal backgrounds conditioning

of the patrons doubtless was a factor in the popularity of Tur-

pin, for Flemish participation in the Third and Fourth crusades ran high (Longnon 1978). In a large number of manuscripts, Pseudo-Turpin is bound together with material pertinent to crusading themes. Of far greater significance, however, was the use of Pseudo-Turpin as ancestral history. It is my belief that the sponsors of vernacular history turned to Turpin not because it presented them with a vehicle through which they could give form to inchoate sentiments of patriotism, but because they saw in it the history of their own, most glorious progenitor. According to Nicolas of Senlis, Count Baldwin had searched far and wide for a copy of Turpin because si ama molt

215

Karlemaine,13 from whom he claimed descent

gustus.

Moreover,

through Judith,

lemagne stronger

and the Carolingians were much than those of the royal family who,

a daughter

of Charles

the

(compare

Sot

Bald, as did his sister Yolande 1978:434).

Interestingly,

Turpin not of Flemish

the one patron origins,

naud of Dammartin, adjoined false genealogy of the counts

of

that is, Reto his text a of Boulogne

and the counts of Flanders in which he pretended descent from Charles of Lorraine through Ermengarde.14 To those Flemish lords

who

could

not

boast

direct

ties

to

Charlemagne Pseudo-Turpin appealed, as Walpole has noted, as “the story of their own forebears, whose exploits they sought to emulate in the feudal and crusading life of their

own day”

(1979:7).

Virtually

every

prologue affirms the importance of knowledge of ancestral deeds to be learned by the recitation and reading of Pseudo-Tur$n: par the qu’il fust as vivans et as haus homes en mimoire et raconte que 2 venir estoient et i pressent garde et lor souuenist des anchiseurs.15 The translations of Pseudo-Turpin can, thus, be seen as a continuation of that dynastic im-

Flemish

ties

to Char-

despite repeated marriages with women who could claim Carolingian descent, had not yet framed its own claim to Carolingian descent as it would later theory of the reditus doctrine,

appear in the the notion that

the throne of France had returned to the heirs of Charlemagne in the person of Louis VIII, Carolingian stirps through his mother, Isabelle of Hainaut (Spiegel 197 1; Werner 1952:203-25). In this connection, there is an interesting exemplum which makes its appearance

in a Franciscan

collection

of

the latter part of the thirteenth century and which recounts that Philip Augustus one day lamented that there were no longer in his time any knights like Roland and Oliver; to this lament Hugh le Noir, is sire, but there lemagne either” the Carolingian Viewed

the well-known jongleur, said to have replied, “true, isn’t any longer a Char(Le Goff 1982:9). Clearly, legend could cut both ways.

in this perspective,

pulse which in the preceding century had disseminated genealogical literature. Far from being proto-nationalist, the vernacular

Pseudo-Turpin served as a mediated criticism of Capetian kingship by a group of Flemish aristocrats

chronicle erects an ideology based on family origins and to that extent is ethnocentric in

acutely aware of the challenge to their own independence posed by the revival of royal power. Clearly intended as a performed text (Crosby 1936; Bloch 1983:15fl), Pseudo-Turpin functioned, in this socio-political setting, both as a ritualistic confirmation of the

focus and, I would argue, anti-royalist or, more precisely, anti-Capetian in motive. The very ideal character

of Charlemagne

as presented through the legitimizing lens of the original ecclesiastical author of Pseudo-Turpin made him an apt figure for the esthetic correction of the present on the basis of what the past had been.16 Like Arthur in courtly romance (Kijhler 1974:26; Bloch 1977:220) Charlemagne could be set forth as an anti-type of the increasingly assertive French monarchy under Philip Au-

216

shared values of an aristocracy in the throes of social change and as a historiography of resistance, verbalizing hostility to the monarchy in the guise of a widely shared fantasy masquerading as historical fact concerning a glorious, collective past which, by the genetic logic of historical consciousness then current, was potentially present in

each

succeeding

generation

of noble

heirs.

Such an interpretation of the vernacular Turfiin connects it to the tradition of the French epic of revolt and, more generally,

authentic Latin text which is accurately reconstituted in French by means of a literal

to Arthurian romance; in other words, to that body of courtly literature created for

prose translation. It is obvious, of course, that the Turpin is forged history, taken by the sponsors from texts either already transcribed in French

and by the French aristocracy through which it sought to explore and valorise its own ideological premises in opposition to the hegemonic aspirations of monarchy.

within their own courtly libraries. While the ironies of this enterprise surely strike us more forcefully than them, the assertions of

If this is so, the question

logically

arises

as to why epic and romance were no longer perceived as adequate modes of discourse for the expression of aristocratic ideology, since the translation of Turpin is conducted in the context of a militant rejection of verse and an equally militant insistence on prose as the necessary language of history. Indeed, the chronicle’s principal claim to literary distinction lies in its adoption of prose and its critique of the mendacious tendencies of verse historiography. As the first translator, Nicolas of Senlis, recognized: Maintes gens si en ont oi’ canter e chanter mes n’est si menconge non co qu’il en dient e en chantent cil chanteor ne cil iogleor. 17 For, he asserted, nus contes rimies n’est verais, tot est menconge co quz’l en dient car il n’en sievent rienz fors quant par oir dire. This is so, as the prologue to Michel’s Turpin explains, because in order to fit the rhyme it borrows mots conquis hors d’istoire. 18 These translations, on the contrary, “are written in French without rhyme according to the order (le raison) of the Latin” in the “true history” by Archbishop Turpin preserved in a book at the abbey of SaintDenis, lg the latter invoked (falsely we know) as an additional guarantee of the text’s historical authenticity. The vernacular Turpin, therefore, makes a privileged claim to authority on the basis of its utilization of an

or, if from the Latin,

truthfulness

in versions

and accuracy

circulating

which abound

in

the prologues nevertheless are significant, for they bespeak a desire to create or answer a demand for a new form of historical discourse more relevant

to the historical

needs

of its public than the versified histories of epic and romance. The problem of the rise to generic autonomy of the prose chronicle is, therefore, necessarily also the problem of the failure of these two earlier forms of courtly literature to continue to satisfy the requirements of courtly audiences for historical edification and orientation. Scholars concerned with the beginning of prose history have identified the demand expressed in the Turpin prologues as one for greater factual accuracy and realism on the part of an increasingly sophisticated and‘literate public. According to William Sayers, for example, the chronicler’s choice of prose over verse “seems a necessary complement to the passage from romance to reality, from literary

ornamentation

to factual

communi-

cation” (Sayers 1966:439), a view largely shared by most students of the genre. While I would not ‘disagree that the ultimate consequence of the adoption of prose was greater realism and, perhaps, accuracy in historical writing, these consequences are not necessarily-identical impelled chroniclers

to the motives which to utilize prose in the

217

first instance. Apart from the problematic nature of Turpin itself as history, the proce-

suggests

that the failure

of romance

occur-

dures employed by the first translators seem to me to run counter to the proposition that

red, as Professor Hanning has proposed (1972:24), on the level of metaphor, in the sense that the specific literary devices

they were interested primarily in greater accuracy or factuality. To begin with, all the translators re-

employed by courtly romance, and to a lesser extent epic, were no longer perceived as an adequate means of articulating the aris-

placed the indirect discourse of the Latin text with direct speech in an obvious attempt to enliven the narrative

in conformity

with forms of discourse characteristic of epic and romance. Similarly, the historical narrative

is formed

as a sequence

of separate,

juxtaposed-events in chronological order, a narrative pattern inherited from epic and shared with romance (Sayers 1966:240; compare

Ryding

1971

and

Partner

1977:chap. 8). At least one of the chroniclers, the Anonymous of Btthune, inserted additional episodes taken from epic themes to relieve the plain recounting of historical ‘fact’ found in his mode12’; all of them reworked their received material to suit the literary tastes and expectations of audiences formed by the experience of courtly literature. The very use of vernacular for history almost necessarily meant that the translators drew upon the linguistic resources provided them initially by the language of epic and romance. For all these reasons, the use of prose does not appear to me to indicate an attempt to achieve historical accuracy. Rather, I would argue, the substitution of prose for verse represents the displacement of linguistic mediation toward a low mimetic (or ‘realistic’) literary mode as a means of enhancing the credibility of aristocratic ideology by grounding it in a language of apparent factuality, in contradistinction to the overt use of fantasy in romance. This

218

tocracy’s

sense of crisis.

Pseudo-Turpin

met

this need by appropriating the inherent authority of a prior Latin text, now utilized for the legitimation of aristocratic ideology, and by adapting prose for the historicization of literary language. Out of this dual process vernacular prose historiography emerges as a literature of fact, integrating on a literary level the historical experience and expressive language proper to the aristocracy. That the backward-looking nature of the aristocracy’s response to crisis served as the agent of literary invention should not, perhaps, surprise us. Duby recently demonstrated a parallel process in the invention and use of the idea of trifunctionality which, like the Carolingian legend of Pseudo-Turpin, similarly originated as ecclesiastical propaganda, was appropriated by the aristocracy in opposition to royal claims to superiority, and ended as the banner under which the monarchy proclaimed sary domination over all classes

its necesof French

society (Duby 1978). Such was to be the final history of the Carolingian legend as well. Incorporated into official history as part of the Grandes chroniques de France, first portion of which was completed Primat, monk of Saint-Denis, in 1274,

the by the

legend of Charlemagne became a central motif in the myth of royal history elaborated at Saint-Denis (Spiegel 1978:72-89). With the production of the Grandes

chroniques,

prose

vernacular

historiography

newly

historicized

language

of vernacular

became part of the repertoire of royal ideology, fashioned by royal chroniclers in tacit

prose. Social conservatism became the unwitting accomplice of literary progress and

acknowledgment of the need to reconcile the baronial cl&ses most affected by royal centralization to the ‘new order’ of things, to

from this unnatural alliance nacular prose historiography.

proclaim

not only the power

but its inhering

righteousness

of monarchy as well. It is

interesting

that only with the Grandes chroniques does the Pseudo-Turpin chronicle, a copy of which had been in the possession of the abbey of Saint-Denis since 1124, enter into the Dionysian version of French history, after a century and a half of systematic exclusion from the Latin compilations devoted to exploring and legitimizing the royal past 1947:367;

(de Mandach 1961:94; Lair 1874:543-80;

Walpole Spiegel

1978:42). The Grandes chroniques were the first step in a movement of ideological enhancement that would culminate in the re’ligion royale of the last Capetian and Valois kings. Unlike later ideological initiatives, often Latin in speech and theological in content, the Grandes chroniques spoke to the aristocracy in the language of its class and on the subject of identity,

was born ver-

from which it drew its own sense providing thereby a mechanism

for its integration and reconciliation with royal authority. The subsequent adoption of Pseudo-Turpin by royal chroniclers should not, however, obscure its place and role in the historical writings of the French aristocracy. For France-Flemish lords of the early thirteenth century, the Carolingian legend embodied in the Pseudo-Turpin chronicle supplied a medium for the propagation of a historiography of resistance to royal centralization and did so with the borrowed authority of an ecclesiastical Latin text set forth in the

Notes I

BN MS. fr. 124, f. 1. The three manuscripts which preserve Nicolas’s work are BN MS. fr. 124, BN MS. fr. 5714 and the so-called ‘Lee’ manuscript now published by Andre de Mandach (1970a). The first part of the Chronigue dite saintongeaise, the text known as Tote l’istoire de France, was previously published by F.W. Bourdillon (1907). Theodor Auracher (1877) published a text based on the Paris MSS. See also Meredith-Jones 1938: 160-79. 3 Short 1973:7; Walpole 1976a:95. Ian Short found a reference to a “Johannes” chaplain of Renaud of Dammartin in the Rot& Litterarum Clausarum 1: 153 for the year 1213. 4 This fragment is preserved in BN MS. fr. 2168 which states that Pierre made a copy of his translation of the Descriptio pour l’amor de son bon segnour Williaume de Caieu qui volontiers ot veritt mis de Latin en romans comment et par quele ochoison Charlemaine ala outremer devant la voie d’Espaigne. BN Turpin seems to MS. fr. 2168, f. 156~. The Johannes have been part of the original text made for William, as indicated by the mention of the voie d’Espaigne. At present, only a fragment of Pierre’s Descriptio survives (Walpole 1976a:53ff and the works cited). The count of Ponthieu owed homage for his lands to the count of Boulogne and the lords of Ponthieu generally operated within the Flemish/Anglo-Norman sphere of influence. William of Cayeux was a companion of Richard the Lionhearted on the Third Crusade and fought together with the Flemish on John’s side at the battle of Bouvines, where he was taken prisoner. On Michel de Harnes see Demarquette 1856 and 1860 for his edition of Michel’s Turpin (based on BN MS. fr. 1444). On Renaud of Dammartin, count of Boulogne, see Malo 1898. 5 Delisle 1891:365-80; Meyer 1881:37-81; PetitDutaillis 1894:Xx and 1892:63-71; Walpole 1964: 1301 and 1947:327-440. The only complete manuscript of the Anonymous of Btthune’s Chronigue des rois de France is BN n. a. fr. 6295. 2

219

6

Walpole 1979. One final version ofPseudo-Turjin in Old French which dates from the decade 12201230 is found in a Francien text called Chronique des rois de France. This text exists in two manuscript versions, one in the Vatican Library, MS. Regina Lat. 624 and a newly discovered, and more complete, version found at the Mu&e Conde, Chantilly MS. 869. In this text Turpin figures, as in the Anonymous of Bethunr, as part of royal history and is inserted into the section dealing with Charlemagne. Vat. Reg. Lat. 624 contains a history of French kings from Charlemagne to Philip Augustus while Chantilly begins with the Trojan origins of France. The anonymous author of the Chronique used Latin sources very close to those which later served as the Latin base for the Grandes chroniques de France. The author, however, did not know Rigord’s Gesta Phili#i Augusti, making it unlikely that he worked at Saint-Denis. For this reason, I assume, that the Chronique des rois de France is the work of a cleric with access to Latin texts housed at the Parisian abbey of Saint-Germain-des-Pres and, in particular, to the continuation of Aimoin written there, which formed the framework for his chronicle (as it did later for the monks of Saint-Denis in writing the Grandes chroniques). Pierre Botineau (1969 and unpublished) has provided the only studies of the Vatican manuscript while Claude Buridant (1976) has published the portion containing Pseudo-Turpin. The Chantilly MS. has been fully described by Walpole (1980:199-230 and 1981:326-70), who has also published a separate edition of the Turpin portion which he labels Turpin I (see Walpole 1985). I have deliberately omitted it from this paper since the problems surrounding its authorship and provenance have not yet been solved. I hope to complete a study of it in the near future. Additional versions of Pseudo-Turfiin in vernacular dialects existed later in the thirteenth century, as for example the Burgundian translation, published by Walpole (1948-49:177-255), as well as those cited in Short 1969:1-22. 7 Contamine 1982. In 1187, for example, Count Baldwin VIII (V of Hainaut) came to the aid of Philip Augustus with a force composed of 110 knights and 80 sergents ci cheval (servientes equites). These ser
220

came into frequent use in France, as Philip’s employment first of the Brabancons and then of military adventurers such as Cadoc illustrates. On the changing composition of armies during the reign of Philip Augustus see the recent paper of Contamine (1982). 8 Dept 1928; Baldwin 1986:chap. 2; de Serres 1899. The author would like to thank Professor Baldwin for letting her read his book in manuscript. 9 These are the terms the Anonymous of Btthune uses to describe Philip Augustus’s three principal counsellors, namely Guerin, Henri le MarCchal, and Barthelemy de Roye. Chronique des rois de France, Delisle 1904:764. IO The earliest royal document that I have been able to find which establishes Michel III as an ally of Philip Augustus is a charter from Compitgne dated June 1212, in which Philip gave Michel de Harnes a rent of 60 livres and 10 sous from the @‘age of Ptronne, sicut pater eius Michael predicturn redditum tenebat de domino perone (in Monicat and Boussard 1961 :no. 1245, 368). This charter reconfirms to, Michel de Harnes the same fief-rent held by his father, Michel II, in all likelihood the Michel who in November 1202 received a fief-rent of 60 livres and 10 sous from Philip Augusof PCronne and tus payable from the prk&‘s Bapaume, as is attested in a hitherto unnoticed entry in the so-called ‘Budget’ of 1202/1203. See Lot and Fawtier 1932:no. 152. I would like to thank Professor John W. Baldwin for b?-inging this entry to my attention. This fief-rent reappears in a list of feodu (fiefrents) copied into Register A of Philip Augustus (Vatican Library, Ottoboni MS. 2796) on fos. 2-2~. Although Dept (1928:83) dates this list to approximately 1208 on historical grounds, according to Professor Baldwin the entry concerning Michel de Harnes must have been transcribed between August 1204 and February 1205 because it is written in the hand of the first scribe. A Michel de Harnes also appears on a list of knight-bannerets in Register A (fos. 75-6) written between 1204 and 1207/08. In this list he appears twice: under milites Flandrie (where his name is crossed out) and under milites Attrebatensis. Warlop believes Michel II died about 1195 (which would require Michel III to be the referent of the entry in the 120203 Budget), but since he was unaware of the reference in the Budget and of the earlier dating of the list of fief-rents cfeoda) in Register A, it is probable that the elder Michel was still alive at the turn of the century. II BN MS. fr. 5713, f. Iv. Compare Walpole 1976a:l30. 12 BN MS. fr. 1621, f. 208. Compare Walpole 1976a:l30. 13 BN. MS. fr. 124, f. 1.

14

In, for example, a genealogy included in a manuscript of Arras, Bib. Mun. 163. See de Mandach 1961:139 and Walpole 1979:29. 15 BN MS. fr. 1621, f. 208. I6 For an anthropological discussion of this use of the past see Geertz 1973:334, from which I derive this specific formulation. BN MS. fr. 124, f. 1. Compare the prologue to BN MS. fr. 1621: por the que l’estoire traitie par rime semble menchonge est ceste sans rime mise en romans f. 208. 18 BN MS. fr. 573, f. 147. Compare Walpole 1976a:130. 19 For example, Johannes’s Tqbin: cist livres fust sans rime selonc le latin de l’estoire que Torpins l’arcevesque de Reins traita et escrit si corn il le vit et oi (Walpole 1976a:130); and BN MS. fr. 1621: por the que l’estoire trait6 par rime semble menchonge est ceste sans rime mise en romans selonc le raison de1 latin que Torpins meisme fist et traita (f. 208); and Mes que que Ii autre aient ostt et mis, ci poez oi’r la verite d’Espaigne selonc le latin de l’estoire que li cuens Renauz de Boloigne list par grant estuide cerchier et querre es livres a monseignor Saint Denise (Walpole 1976a:130). 20 The Anonymous inserts an episode from Gormond and Isembard and the Visio Karoli of Charles the Bald. See Delisle 1891:367 and Walpole 1947:353.

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