Accepted Manuscript Title: PUBLIC PERCEPTION OF SPONTANEOUS VEGETATION ON BROWNFIELDS IN URBAN AREAS − RESULTS FROM SURVEYS IN DRESDEN AND LEIPZIG (GERMANY) Author: Dr. Juliane Mathey Thomas Arndt Juliane Banse Dr. Dieter Rink Prof. PII: DOI: Reference:
S1618-8667(16)30138-8 http://dx.doi.org/doi:10.1016/j.ufug.2016.10.007 UFUG 25793
To appear in: Received date: Revised date: Accepted date:
15-4-2016 18-10-2016 18-10-2016
Please cite this article as: Mathey, Juliane, Arndt, Thomas, Banse, Juliane, Rink, Dieter, PUBLIC PERCEPTION OF SPONTANEOUS VEGETATION ON BROWNFIELDS IN URBAN AREAS − RESULTS FROM SURVEYS IN DRESDEN AND LEIPZIG (GERMANY).Urban Forestry and Urban Greening http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ufug.2016.10.007 This is a PDF file of an unedited manuscript that has been accepted for publication. As a service to our customers we are providing this early version of the manuscript. The manuscript will undergo copyediting, typesetting, and review of the resulting proof before it is published in its final form. Please note that during the production process errors may be discovered which could affect the content, and all legal disclaimers that apply to the journal pertain.
Title Page
PUBLIC PERCEPTION OF SPONTANEOUS VEGETATION ON BROWNFIELDS IN URBAN AREAS – RESULTS FROM SURVEYS IN DRESDEN AND LEIPZIG (GERMANY) Ref: UFUG_2016_143 Juliane Mathey, Thomas Arndt, Juliane Banse, Dieter Rink
Author Byline Dr. Juliane Mathey (corresponding author) Leibniz Institute of Ecological Urban and Regional Development, Weberplatz 1, D-01217 Dresden, Germany; E-Mail:
[email protected], Phone: +49 351 4679-231. Thomas Arndt Federal Agency for Nature Conservation (BfN), Karl-Liebknecht-Straße 143, D04277 Leipzig, Germany; E-Mail:
[email protected], Phone: +49 341 3097-751 Juliane Banse Leibniz Institute of Ecological Urban and Regional Development, Weberplatz 1, D-01217 Dresden, Germany; E-Mail:
[email protected], Phone: +49 351 4679-258. Prof. Dr. Dieter Rink Helmholtz Centre for Environmental Research (UFZ), Permoserstraße 15, D-04318 Leipzig, Germany; E-Mail:
[email protected], Phone: +49 341 235-1744.
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PUBLIC PERCEPTION OF SPONTANEOUS VEGETATION ON BROWNFIELDS IN URBAN AREAS – RESULTS FROM SURVEYS IN DRESDEN AND LEIPZIG (GERMANY)
Abstract: Urban brownfields are found in all parts of the world. They suffer from a negative image, generally being viewed as problem areas. However, urban brownfields also offer potentials for new uses as well as for the ecological regeneration of cities. Especially urban brownfields with spontaneous vegetation can contribute to biodiversity and ecosystem services in dense urban environments. Whether and how this potential is exploited depends on the perception and preferred uses of brownfields by local residents. Through surveys undertaken in Dresden and Leipzig, this paper examines the perception and use of brownfields and their spontaneous vegetation by the urban population. Results show a range of views on brownfields with spontaneous vegetation from negative to positive evaluations. Many residents make use of brownfields, have concrete ideas about how such areas should be utilized or designed and are even prepared to take part in the transformation. The paper suggests that the use and design of green space should be rethought in unconventional ways, and discusses how the ecological and social potential of brownfields with spontaneous vegetation can be best exploited for urban residents.
Keywords: urban brownfields; public perception; spontaneous vegetation; landscape planning; urban ecology.
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PUBLIC PERCEPTION OF SPONTANEOUS VEGETATION ON BROWNFIELDS IN URBAN AREAS – RESULTS FROM SURVEYS IN DRESDEN AND LEIPZIG (GERMANY)
1 INTRODUCTION 1.1 Brownfields as an Element of Urban Green Infrastructure Urban brownfields are an international phenomenon with a long history. Today they are found in almost all industrialised countries (De Sousa 2008), appearing at locations where economic, spatial or social development processes lead to the abandonment of particular forms of land use without a suitable alternative usage being immediately found (Liebmann and Kuder, 2012; Nassauer and Raskin, 2014). In the comprehensive literature, there is no generally accepted definition of brownfields (Alker et al., 2000; Hansen et al., 2012). Various alternative terms are used, for instance “urban wastelands”, “abandoned land” or “derelict land” (Atkinson et al., 2014). Referring to CABERNET (Concerted Action on Brownfield and Economic Regeneration Network) of the European Network of Researchers and Practitioners Working on Brownfields Redevelopment, some characteristics shared by all brownfields can be specified: “Brownfields are sites that have been affected by the former uses of the site and surrounding land; are derelict and underused; may have real or perceived contamination problems; are mainly in developed urban areas; and require intervention to bring them back to beneficial use.” (CABERNET, 2006). Here we adopt the term “brownfields” rather than “wasteland” as the former is more commonly, particularly within the planning literature, and because the definition is broader than that of wasteland, which after Bonthoux et al. (2014) is defined as “an abandoned site with spontaneous vegetation (i.e. wild grown vegetation)”. Urban brownfields are often biologically diverse, and their unregulated status can provoke innovative spatial activities by a wide range of users (Bonthoux et al., 2014; Unt and Bell, 2014). In view of the multi-functional demands for and shifting requirements of open space, it is important to determine which planning approaches can best increase the ecological value of brownfields while also offering recreational functions (Mathey et al., 2015). The establishment of green space on brownfield sites can provide many social and environmental benefits, such as opportunities to walk and cycle, increased wildlife and flora, and reduced noise and air pollution. This can also contribute to the economic regeneration of an area
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(Doick and Hutchings, 2007). While various options for the exploitation of brownfields are currently being discussed, as yet there is no universally applicable solution to the reuse of brownfields as forms of green space (Pediaditi et al., 2010). Urban brownfields with varying degrees of vegetation can be vital components of a city’s green infrastructure. The standard approach of transforming urban brownfields into parks and other green spaces is well-known and frequently described in the literature (e.g. Sellers et al., 2006; Schilling and Logan, 2008; Doick et al., 2009; Mathey and Rink, 2012; Bendt et al., 2013; Barthel et al., 2015). The goal of enhancing biodiversity through the establishment of new habitats, as described in Doick (2010), is much less frequently encountered. The study by Kattwinkel et al. (2011) introduces the concept of temporary biodiversity and temporary buildings, encompassing the double aim of urban renaissance and biodiversity conservation on brownfield sites. Furthermore, there also exists a number of investigations into natural succession and the so-called “urban wilderness” (e.g. Henne, 2005; Rink, 2009). Depending on local pressures, brownfields can remain in a transitional state for 20 years or longer, resulting in the development of highly diverse vegetation structures. Such spontaneous brownfield vegetation can contribute to biodiversity and ecosystem services in dense urban environments. If left relatively undisturbed, unsealed brownfields generally exhibit dynamic forms of natural development, i.e. they undergo a process of ecological succession that produces a particular kind of urban vegetation that differs from the man-made and artificially maintained green spaces normally found in cities. Over a period of years, such sites can develop habitat structures unique to urban areas (Kowarik, 2013), providing valuable retreats as well as substitute or stepping-stone habitats for animal and plant species. Often a mosaic of diverse habitats will appear on a green urban brownfield depending on the range of soil types (substrata), the local climatic conditions as well as the diverse stages of plant development. The development of flora is affected by human activity (intensity of former and current land use, period of abandonment), the site size, the degree of soil sealing, neighbourhood effects, as well as the high pace of ecological change (Schadek et al., 2009). This dynamic spatio-temporal mosaic can foster a high level of plant and animal species diversity (e.g. Muratet et al., 2007; Buglife, 2009; Wittig, 2010; Kattwinkel et al., 2011). Regarding the dynamics of brownfields, specific stages of ecological succession can be distinguished (Weiss et al., 2005). Each stage will harbour particular plant and animal species, offering visitors the chance to experience different forms of nature (Bonthoux et al., 2014). Especially if natural succession with spontaneous vegetation is to be considered a development option, then it is important to know how brownfields are perceived by the local 4
inhabitants (the potential users), whether and how brownfields are utilized and which preferences for use the residents have. This knowledge is essential for urban planners and policy makers because participation can help to increase both the use and public acceptance of such sites (Cilliers, 2010). 1.2 Theoretical Background The few empirical investigations previously conducted on this topic have looked at a range of issues (Hannig, 2006). In their review Botzat et al. (2016) revealed an increasing number of papers on the perception and valuation of urban biodiversity over the past decade. However they also identified a predominant research focus on studies on large and traditional/formal urban green spaces, while other important urban green space types, like e. g. urban brownfields, are clearly understudied. The literature is largely based on the perception and use of different types of brownfields (e.g. Keil, 2005; Kowarik, 2005; Völksen, 2005; Mathey and Rink, 2010) or specifically on the perception of the (aesthetic) quality of various kinds of urban green space and vegetation structures (e.g. Gobster and Westphal, 2004; Bjerke et al., 2006; Doick and Hutchings, 2007; Chen et al., 2009; Edwards et al., 2012). Jorgensen et al. (2002) and Gundersen and Frivold (2008), for example, have investigated the perception of the spatial layout as well as vegetation structure in forests, a potential use for brownfields currently being discussed in several cities. Hofmann et al. (2012) have looked at potential differences in the perception of green spaces and brownfields by local inhabitants and landscape planners. Studies on the use of brownfields have also been done by Konopka and Wüstendörfer (1995) and Keil (2005). However, very little is known about the ideas of local residents for the use of brownfields (Mathey et al., 2015). Recognising how and why people value different aspects of brownfields for example can allow ecological managers to act to minimise conflicts between stakeholders and promote the social acceptability of management activities (Ives and Kendal, 2014). Clearly, there is a need for further research on aspects relevant to spatial planning, such as the question of which vegetation types are preferred by which groups of users (Hannig, 2006). These questions and considerations formed the background for the presented research on the perception and use of urban brownfields in Dresden and Leipzig. Base data were two surveys of urban districts in these cities. In this paper we give an overview of results, in particular related to different types of spontaneous vegetation on urban brownfields (stages of natural succession), and derive some conclusions for the improved planning and management of brownfields with spontaneous vegetation. 5
2 RESEARCH METHODS Two case studies were undertaken to determine how inner-city brownfields and their spontaneous vegetation are perceived by residents, how they are used and which design options are preferred. The term ‘preference’ in this paper is used in the sense of ‘which kind of spontaneous vegetation is preferred before another’. For ‘perception’ we follow the definition, which after Botzat et al. (2016) is used in many studies, applying “perception” interchangeably with opinion, attitude or impression. These studies took the form of surveys of the opinions of residents in the cities of Dresden and Leipzig, specifically people living in selected districts that were seen as representative and which lay near to brownfields. 2.1 The Case Studies: Dresden and Leipzig The City of Dresden, with a population of around 536,000 (as of 31.12.2014, LH DD, 2016), has many brownfield sites related to a range of former uses. 3,131 locations are registered, encompassing approx. 4,352 individual plots and a total area of approx. 1,603 ha, which is around 4.9 % of the city’s area (as of 2008, LH DD, 2008). The City of Leipzig, with a population of around 544,000 (as of 31.12.2014, Stadt Leipzig, 2014) has 1,942 industrial or commercial brownfields with a total area of approx. 706 ha, which is around 2.4 % of the city’s area (according to an industrial brownfield mapping of 31.12.2007). A large proportion of these brownfields remain unused, so that succession of vegetation could or can continue undisturbed. Both cities underwent a difficult period of readjustment, suffering from population contraction, deindustrialisation and economic structural change. In recent years, however, these cities are once again growing, both in terms of population and economic health. One legacy of structural change is the large number of brownfields sites that have not yet been redeveloped but are in a state of uncontrolled natural succession. In view of the growing populations in both Dresden and Leipzig, decisions must be taken as to whether, where and how construction on inner-city brownfields can and should take place. This resurgence in growth makes it particularly important to safeguard existing green spaces and to create new ones. In this way, Dresden and Leipzig are interesting case studies for the research presented below. In view of the projected drop in the number of brownfields available for green space development, it is vital to design such areas to fulfil several func-
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tions at once: providing habitats for plants and animals (spontaneous vegetation, natural succession) while also ensuring a range of recreational use for local residents. 2.2 Surveys: Questioning of Residents The content and methodology of the surveys, which were realised within two separate projects in Dresden and Leipzig, were so designed as to allow comparison of results. The survey in Dresden, part of an IOER project dealing with the potentials of brownfields for nature protection and for the development of green spaces in urban areas, was carried out in the early autumn of 2009 in one area of detached housing and five districts with multiple family housing. These were chosen as representative urban districts (different residential areas encompassing diverse neighbourhood types in terms of density, housing type, green space provision and types of brownfield sites, etc.). The survey in Leipzig, part of the project “Urban Woodlands” (financed by BfN – German Federal Agency for Nature Conservation), was carried out in the summer of 2010 in four city districts featuring multiple family housing. Table 1 compares the sociodemographic structure of the survey districts in Dresden and Leipzig to the average structure for both cities. Table 1 Sociodemographic structure of Dresden and Leipzig vs. the respective survey districts. Population Dresden
Population Leipzig
City Average 43.1
Sample Average 43.6
City Average 47.1
Sample Average 42.7
Percent of residents aged 20-40 years
33.2
38.5
37.9
46.1
Percent of residents aged 60-80 years
22.3
20.3
28.0
21.2
Percent of 1 person households
49.2
19.9
54.4
40.7
Percent of multi (3+) person households
19.9
28.5
14.8
18.3
Percent of single parent households
4.0
7.6
8.0
11.6
Percent of residents with low education level
17.4
12.5
5.9
19.0
Percent of residents with low level of training qualification
66.0
53.4
60.3
70.6
Sociodemographic structure* Average age in years
Note: The general data for the City of Dresden refers to the year 2009 (LH DD, 2009, 2016). The general data for the City of Leipzig refers to different years in line with data availability: City of Leipzig (2011): (Average age in years, Share of residents aged 20–40 and 60–80, data from 31.12.2010; share of 1 person households, share of multi (3+) person households, data from 31.12.2010); City of Leipzig (2009): Municipal survey 2008 (Share of single parent households, education/training qualification level). The data for Leipzig is adjusted to the sample population, which only encompassed residents aged 20–80 years. Accordingly, only residents between 20 and 80 years were included in the calculation of the average age for the city and the districts. Data for Leipzig refers to City of Leipzig (2010): District Catalogue (data from 31.12.2009).
The surveys were specially developed standardised questionnaires in written form. In both cities the surveys looked at residents’ personal and housing situation, their contentedness with the residential area as well as their perception of urban brownfields (in general and 7
in the neighbourhood), the use of brownfields and desires for new forms of use. The questionnaires were basically in the form of multiple-choice questions (always with an alternative choice “other”), where respondents could select between two or more possibilities. Some open questions were also included. Respondents in the respective districts were chosen as random samples based on the number of available flats. During the implementation phase, emphasis was placed on a uniform methodological approach to the contacting of residents, to information given on the project and reasons for the survey as well as behaviour in cases of refusal or queries. Preparation for the surveys involved hanging posters in the buildings in the survey areas. The researchers rang at the apartment doors using a pre-determined system (random sampling method; in Dresden every 5th to 8th apartment, referring on the different housing structures in studied residential areas; in Leipzig 2-3 apartments each house, going upstairs in the first house, downstairs in the second house and so on), and an adult resident was asked to fill out the questionnaire, which was handed out personally. The reason for the survey was explained and a date agreed on collection of the completed questionnaire. Normally no help was given on filling out the form so that the influence on those surveyed was kept to a minimum. While this approach is similar to postal surveys, it tries to compensate for their inherent disadvantages through good organisation in advance and personal follow-up. It had been tested in several studies before and showed high success rates (Steinführer, 2005; Rink and Arndt, 2016). In the current study, 305 usable questionnaires were returned in Dresden and 281 in Leipzig. The resulting data from the two cities was analysed using identical statistical methods (basic counts, frequency distribution and basic cross-correlations). The software programs Excel and SPSS were used for this analysis. 2.3 Photomontages: Operating with Visual Stimuli One problem in conducting surveys on urban brownfields is how to translate specialist terminology into everyday language. In order to avoid this pitfall, visual stimuli (photographs, photomontages) can be employed as a useful alternative. Images are particularly suitable since they function as a “language bridge” (Collier, 1957), helping to increase the symmetry between those questioning and those questioned. The researcher translates his/her expert knowledge into universally understood images, which the respondent comprehends without expert knowledge. The use of visual stimuli has a long tradition, in particular with
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respect to the perception of different environments such as in quantitative landscape research or environmental psychology (Carrus et al., 2013; Rink and Arndt, 2016). Photomontages were specially developed for the surveys in Dresden and Leipzig on the perception and use of urban brownfields. These depict different brownfield situations in front of a constant, inner-city background. The photomontages were then linked to different questions in the surveys. Since the selection of pictures can have a strong influence on perception, efforts were made to design the contents, the exposure, the background as well as the perspective and colour of the montages to be as similar as possible. One particular aim was to gather data on the perception and use of the different stages of natural succession that usually develop on brownfields. On the one hand, spontaneous vegetation and the derived stages of succession are valuable in terms of enhanced urban ecology or nature conservation. On the other hand, a differentiated perception of brownfields with spontaneous vegetation is to be expected, since these are subject to continuous change during the advancing succession (Rink and Arndt, 2016). Depending on the length of the fallow period and the intensity of current use, roughly four types of urban brownfield development (after Dettmar, 1995; Rebele and Dettmar, 1996) can be distinguished when referring to natural succession (Fig. 1).
Pioneer
Persistent Ruderal
Vegetation
Vegetation
Initial 3-year fallow period: open fragmentary ruderal pioneer populations with shortlived, annual species
Fallow period of 3-10 years: encroaching vegetation, increasing persistent ruderal vegetation, single bushes higher than 5m
Tall Herbaceous Vegetation
Spontaneous Wood
Fallow period of 10-50 years: mainly persistent species, ruderal tall forbs, bushes, single groves higher than 10 m
Fallow period of more than 50 years: dense groves, if not completely covered highly growing herb layer, characteristic wood
Fig. 1. Stages of ecological succession on urban brownfields based on length of fallow period. The characteristic vegetation on the four types of habitat which can develop on urban brownfields during the process of ecological succession are shown and described. (modified after Mathey and Rink, 2010). Photomontages: Tittel, Wahl; urban background Volz.
The photomontages as well as the questionnaires were tested in a pre-survey phase. With the aim to test whether all questions are understandable and photomontages are suitable, in Dresden12 and in Leipzig 15 individuals of different age and with different qualifications 9
had been asked to fill out the questionnaire. As result some questions had been revised and categories of answers had been added (e.g. in Dresden: “It depends on the type of the side.”). 3 SURVEY RESULTS The respondents in Dresden were aged between 18 and 85 (under 40: 37 %, 40-60: 39 %, over 60: 24 %; average age: 47 years). 56 % of the participants were female and 44 % male. They represent a wide variety of households (i.e. 20 % single persons, 44 % couples, 28 % bigger families and 8 % single parents). The respondents in Leipzig were aged between 20 and 80 (under 40: 46 %, 40-60: 32 %, over 60: 21 %; average age: 43 years). 58 % of the participants were female and 42 % male. They also represented a wide variety of households (i.e. 41 % single persons, 30 % couples, 18 % multi-person-households and 12 % single parents). Compared to the Dresden sample, the respondents in Leipzig were younger, encompassing more single people and fewer families. In both cities most respondents had some form of medium or higher educational qualification. 3.1 Perception of Urban Brownfields The results of the residents’ survey show that urban brownfields are perceived ambivalently. Although negative attitudes predominate, there are also positive statements. For example, residents in a closed question were asked: “How do brownfields influence the cityscape” (see Fig. 2 for the range of answers). 16 % of those surveyed in Dresden and 22 % in Leipzig described brownfields as “interesting sites”. Slightly lower proportions of 13 % and 19 %, respectively, saw brownfields as “an unusual view”. Those respondents who expressed a clearly negative opinion, describing brownfields as “disturbances of the cityscape”, made up the largest proportions (38 % in Dresden and 33 % in Leipzig). In contrast, less than 10 % and 5 % of respondents, respectively, were of the opinion that brownfields are an “asset to the cityscape”. However, these views were strongly dependent on the characteristics of such sites. In Dresden, 22 % of respondents reported that the perception of the brownfield depends of the type of the site. Although this response (“It depends on the type of site”) was only incorporated into the Dresden survey, the results underline the difficulty that residents have in presenting a clear opinion when considering the wide variety of types of urban brownfield.
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Fig. 2. Perception of brownfields with respect to their effect on the urban landscape/cityscape in Dresden (n=276) and Leipzig (n= 272); all figures in percent. Note: the response “It depends on the type of site” was only provided in the Dresden survey. For reasons of comparability, this response was incorporated into the response “I don’t know”.
Those surveyed were also asked for their opinion on urban brownfields using a given written description. Various positions were queried with respect to brownfields using a polarity profile developed from the work of Konopka and Wüstendörfer (1995). The respondents in both cities were asked to characterise brownfields with spontaneous vegetation on a scale of 1 to 5 (1 = positive and 5 = negative) applied to 13 pairs of positive/negative adjectives (Fig. 3). In resulting answers were distributed on all five levels. The positive deviations from the median value 3 are less than 0.5 in 10 out of 13 adjective pairs. Only three adjective pairs deviated more strongly. Thus, while brownfields with spontaneous vegetation are perceived as “real” (natural) places, they are also viewed as “rubbish-strewn” areas. Regarding the impact on the value of a residential area, most respondents believed that brownfields with spontaneous vegetation tend to reduce rather than increase the value. With respect to the perception and characterisation of brownfields with spontaneous vegetation, differences are found between the interviewees On average, the respondents in Leipzig perceived brownfields with spontaneous vegetation more positively than respondents in Dresden. The largest disparities are seen in the adjective pairs “pleasant” vs. “ugly” (deviation of 0.85); “normal nature” vs. “weeds/scrub” (0.80); “healthy” vs. “ill” (0.64) as well as “welcome” vs. “disturbing” (0.64) (Fig. 3). 11
Differences are also revealed when the respondents are broken down by age. Thus, as expected, younger people under 35 years view spontaneous vegetation on urban brownfields more positively than older people in the age range 35-70 years. In contrast, respondents aged over 70 years are more positive in their estimation of brownfields. These differences can explain why in Leipzig, where the average age of the respondents was lower, brownfields with spontaneous vegetation are seen more positive than in Dresden. In general, however, respondents held negative opinions of the aesthetic quality of brownfield, a fact which agrees with the results of Konopka and Wüstendörfer (1995).
Fig. 3. Polarity profile for the perception of brownfields with spontaneous vegetation in Dresden and Leipzig (all figures average values). Respondents in both cities were asked to rank 13 opposing pairs of adjective on a scale of 1 to 5.
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The perception of urban brownfields is particularly differentiated in the case of brownfields with spontaneous vegetation, as these are in a process of continual change, i.e. one natural state is succeeded by another (Fig. 4). In general, the positive perception of brownfields increases with initial stages of succession before falling at later stages. Specifically, brownfields characterised by a high degree of surface sealing and low vegetation cover (pioneer vegetation) are perceived less positively by respondents. The positive perception of the site increases with advanced greening of brownfields (persistent ruderal vegetation, tall herbaceous vegetation). Later successional stages, in which more or less dense, wild structures have developed (spontaneous wood), are viewed less positively. Hence, it can be concluded that the density and structure of the vegetation on urban brownfields has a significant influence on their perception. Perception of different stages of succession on brownfields
Pioneer Vegetation
Persistent Ruderal Vegetation
Tall Herbaceous Vegetation
Spontaneous Wood
Dresden
9.3
26.2
34.1
26.6
Leipzig
2.8
12.1
49.5
34.9
Dresden
61.6
43.6
36.8
47.6
Leipzig
85.4
74.4
39.5
51.6
Dresden
29.1
30.3
29.1
25.7
Leipzig
11.7
13.5
11.0
13.5
Answers in % Agreement
Rejection
No Comment
Note: Although the basic questions relate to the same scenarios, different categories of response were offered in the two surveys. In Dresden the possible responses were: “can envisage“, “can possibly envisage“, “cannot envisage“ and “no comment”. By contrast, in Leipzig a scale of 1–4 was used, ranging from 1 = “like a lot” to 4 = “don’t like at all”. In the above table the class “Agreement” encompasses the level “can envisage” in Dresden and the summed levels 1 and 2 in Leipzig. The class “Rejection” includes “can’t envisage” in Dresden and the summed levels 3 and 4 in Leipzig. In order to allow for comparison, the answer “can possibly envisage” was excluded from results, as this option was only available in the Dresden survey. Fig. 4. Perception of different stages of natural succession in Dresden (n = 305) and Leipzig (n = 281) (all figures in percent). Photomontages: E.-M. Tittel, M. Wahl; background photo: J. Volz.
3.2 Use of Brownfields Alongside the perception of urban brownfields, it is important to know residents’ utilization of each site if the aim is to improve the management of urban brownfields and better integrate local interests. Brownfields are less frequently used than other urban green struc-
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tures such as parks or urban woodlands. Only relatively small proportions of those questioned in Dresden (27.6 %) and Leipzig (27.9 %) stated that they used brownfields in some form. Although brownfields show a lower intensity of use compared to other green spaces, it is possible to derive specific profiles of use through the survey results (Fig. 5). Thus, typical brownfield uses are activities that can be completed in a short space of time, i.e. “walks/short stays in nature” (Dresden: 41 %, Leipzig: 43 %) or use as a “connecting path” (Dresden: 24 %, Leipzig: 28 %). About two-thirds of all stated uses are related to such activities. By contrast, social activities carried out with other people are much more rarely mentioned. These include activities such as meeting with friends or family (“outdoor meeting places”), “barbequing/picnicking” or playing with children (“possibilities for children’s play”). Just under one quarter of all uses could be assigned to one of these activities. Brownfields are also rarely used for “sporting activities” such as jogging or biking.
Fig. 5. Types of use of urban brownfields in Dresden (n=155) and Leipzig (n=148) (all figures in percent). Note: The six categories shown encompass different types of use of urban brownfields. In some cases the responses were summarised to resolve the slightly different wording of categories in the Dresden and Leipzig studies.
Regarding the demographic structure (age, household structure) of those respondents who visit urban brownfields frequently, only weak differences can be discerned in comparison with regular visitors of other urban green structures (e.g. urban parks, urban forests). However, the results of the Leipzig survey suggest that visitors of brownfields have lower educational and professional attainment, and overall are poorer. In Dresden, those most likely
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to make use of brownfields were single parents (35 %), respondents living with a partner and children (31 %) and those living in shared accommodation (30 %). 3.3 Preferred Uses and Design of Urban Brownfields Apart from questions of use, it is important to investigate the wishes of local residents regarding urban brownfields in order to improve the future management of such sites. Primarily, the surveys looked at whether residents could envisage having brownfields in the city or in their residential area in the future, or if changes were desired. Thus, the residents were first asked whether they regarded spontaneous vegetation as being worth keeping, and whether the brownfields in the residential area should be left undisturbed or changed. Some residents saw spontaneous vegetation, such as that which develops on brownfields, as being worth keeping. However, the majority of those questioned would prefer to have a planned and designed form of re-use, such as a laid-out public green space or park as well as green spaces with trees. Nature conservation sites were also frequently mentioned as options for design or reuse. Further potential forms of redevelopment are as playgrounds, flower meadows or areas of grass. In contrast, redevelopment involving surface sealing, whether new buildings or car parks, was rarely desired. Similarly unattractive for residents was the laying out of flower beds or allotments as well as intensive forms of cultivation such as for renewable resources like poplar or oil-seed rape. The potential social involvement of respondents was investigated for various forms of brownfield design and use. About a third of those questioned in Dresden (mainly couples and families with children) were prepared to take part in the design of brownfields in their own residential area. A further third were undecided. Most people could envisage helping to create a habitat for nature conservation or assisting in brownfield management or rubbish-clearing of a site. In the Leipzig survey, respondents were asked about their willingness to participate in a specific after-use option, i.e. the afforestation of urban brownfields. Here a large majority expressed their desire to participate in this sort of design, with only about one fifth indicating that they did not want to or could not participate. The forms of involvement ranged from financial donations (10.8 %) or tree sponsorship (16.2 %) to participating in a planting action (43.2 %) up to regular maintenance work on the brownfield (22.2 %). 4 DISCUSSION The results of the surveys carried out in Dresden and Leipzig show that urban brownfields are perceived ambivalently. Although negative attitudes dominate, in particular with 15
respect to urban brownfields with spontaneous vegetation, there are, however, residents who view brownfields in a clearly positive manner. Other studies have found a more negative perception of brownfields within the population, e.g. Konopka and Wüstendörfer (1995), De Sousa (2003) and Rink (2005). It is noticeable that the range of connotations of brownfields with vegetation varies from very positive to extremely negative. Völksen (2005) as well as Ernwein and Höchtl (2006) came to similar findings on public opinions of the “urban wilderness”, which run from unlimited agreement to complete rejection. Kowarik (2005) also registered certain reservations and uncertainties in the acceptance of “forms of wilderness” by the local population, for example wild urban woodland. Our results make clear, however, that such judgements are highly dependent on the type of brownfield, in particular the density and structure of vegetation. In particular, unmanaged brownfields with spontaneous vegetation, which are often valuable from the point of view of nature conservation, are usually perceived negatively by residents (e.g. Konopka and Wüstendörfer, 1995; Kowarik, 2005; Lafortezza et al., 2008). The surveys in Dresden and Leipzig show that whilst sealed (i.e. almost vegetation-free) areas are most frequently rejected, the attractiveness of brownfields under natural succession clearly rises with increasing vegetation, before falling with the appearance of high, forest-like growth. Furthermore, investigations by Bjerke et al. (2006) on urban parks indicate that the local population favours a medium density of vegetation. The responses to some of the survey questions highlight the fact that any real or imagined barriers to usability can encourage avoidance of brownfield sites, even when they actually offer some recreational uses. Nevertheless, more than a quarter of those questioned indicated that they use brownfields in some manner. This agrees with the finding of Breuste (2004) in his investigations in Halle/Saale (Germany) that while most urban residents use urban open space, they prefer managed parks to “wild nature”. Some of those questioned were not even aware of such sites in their vicinity or their potential use (Breuste, 2004). On the other hand, brownfields with a form of “urban wilderness” are appreciated by many people, in particular children and teenagers, and are even regularly used as places of freedom or creative expression (e.g., Keil, 2005; Völksen, 2005; Gandy, 2013). With respect to new uses of brownfields, many residents are in favour of keeping the green character of sites, while at the same time calling for traditional green spaces (i.e. parks, woodland areas, etc.). Studies by Lafortezza et al. (2008), Hofmann et al. (2012) and Skandrani and Prévot (2015) indicate that urban residents prefer non-natural green environ16
ments in which human design can be recognised. Jorgensen et al. (2007) point out that most urban residents need signs of human intervention in order to accept, for example, an ecological forest design. 5 CONCLUSION As a basis for planning decisions, the current paper provides knowledge on residents’ perception and use of various types of green urban brownfields, in particular those with spontaneous vegetation (stages of succession), as well as on residents’ wishes for the use and design of brownfields. This can help to determine which kinds of urban brownfields with spontaneous vegetation are best suited for various forms of utilization. Urban brownfields with spontaneous vegetation can usefully contribute to the biodiversity of a city’s green space system when the residents’ opinions on such undefined spatial settings or unusual design options are known and considered. Urban green is desired by local people and is often preferred to the redevelopment of brownfields. Even when urban residents are sometimes open to spontaneous vegetation that can develop on brownfields, they rarely use such sites. The survey results show that the density and structure of vegetation on urban brownfields significantly influences their perception and, furthermore, that residents prefer classical parks or park-like developments on urban brownfields that better conform to their ideas of orderliness. This has to be taken into consideration if unmanaged elements (e.g. spontaneous vegetation) of brownfields are to be retained or included in their design. The survey findings also suggest that when urban brownfields are being redesigned, spontaneous vegetation should be linked to aesthetic motives as well as to traditional notions of orderliness in order to best meet the preferred wishes of residents regarding site usage. The combination of managed, park-like areas and areas of natural succession (“ordered succession”) can avoid the negative impression of neglect (Vicenzotti, 2007) and thereby foster the acceptance of local residents. This can help spatial planners forge the constantly demanded link between nature conservation and the use of urban green space (Sukopp, 2005). It is vital to take into consideration that vegetation structure is a determining factor for human behaviour in natural surroundings (Roovers et al., 2006). Furthermore, areas of natural succession on brownfields should be accessible to all residents (Gobster et al., 2004; Doick and Hutchings, 2007; Doick, 2010; Rall and Haase, 2011). In Germany we can already point to some promising examples of this approach to brownfield management, such as the “wild industrial forest” in the Ruhr area (Dettmar, 2005), the “Nature Park Südgelände” in Berlin (Kowarik and Langer, 2005) and the “Ruderal Park” in Göttingen (Völksen, 2005). The ob17
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